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MEMOIRS 


OF 


NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE. 


J!«^ 


Napoleon,  1810. 
Photo-Etching.  —  After  Painting  by  Muneret. 


MEMOIRS 


OF 

NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE 

BY 

LOUIS  ANTOINE  FAUVELET   DE   BOURRIENNE 

?^is  ^PribatE  SEcrctarg 

TO    WHICH    ARE    ADDED    AN    ACCOUNT    OF    THE     IMPORTANT     EVENTS   OF    THE 

HUNDRED     DAYS,   OF     NAPOLEON'S     SURRENDER     TO     THE      ENGLISH, 

AND    OF    HIS    RESIDENCE   AND    DEATH    AT  ST.  HELENA,  WITH 

ANECDOTES    AND    ILLUSTRATIVE    EXTRACTS    FROM 

ALL   THE    MOST    AUTHENTIC    SOURCES 

EDITED    BY    R.  W.   PHIPPS 

Colonel,  late  Royal  Artillery 
NEW   AND    REVISED    EDITION,   WITH    NUMEROUS    ILLUSTRATIONS 


IN   FOUR   VOLUMES 

Vol.  I. 


NEW  YORK 
MERRILL    AND    BAKER 

PUBLISHERS 


^nitorrsitD  ^rtss : 
John  Wilson  and  Son,  Cambridge,  U.S.A. 


PREFACE 

BY  THE   EDITORS   OF   THE   1836   EDITION. 

In  introducing  the  present  edition  of  M.  de  Bourrienne's 
Memoirs  to  the  public  we  are  bound,  as  Editors,  to  say  a  few 
words  on  the  subject.  Agreeing,  however,  with  Horace  Wal- 
pole,  that  an  editor  should  not  dwell  for  any  length  of  time  on 
the  merits  of  his  author,  we  shall  touch  but  lightly  on  this 
part  of  the  matter.  We  are  the  more  ready  to  abstain  since 
the  great  success  in  England  of  the  former  editions  of  these 
Memoirs,  and  the  high  reputation  they  have  acquired  on  the 
European  Continent,  and  in  every  part  of  the  civilised  world 
where  the  fame  of  Bonaparte  has  ever  reached,  sufficiently 
establish  the  merits  of  M.  de  Bourrienne  as  a  biographer. 
These  merits  seem  to  us  to  consist  chiefly  in  an  anxious  desire 
to  be  impartial,  to  point  out  the  defects  as  well  as  tlie  merits 
of  a  most  wonderful  man ;  and  in  a  peculiarly  graphic  power 
of  relating  facts  and  anecdotes.  With  this  happy  faculty 
Bourrienne  would  have  made  the  life  of  almost  any  active 
individual  interesting  ;  but  the  subject  of  wliich  the  most  fa- 
vourable circumstances  permitted  him  to  treat  was  full  of 
events  and  of  the  most  extraordinary  facts.  The  hero  of  his 
history  was  such  a  being  as  tlie  world  has  produced  only  on 
the  rarest  occasions,  and  the  complete  counterpart  to  whom 
has,  probably,  never  existed ;  for  there  are  broad  shades  of 
diflVrence  between  Napoleon  and  Alexander,  Caesar,  and 
Charlemagne  ;  neither  will  modern  liistory  furnish  more  exact 
parallels,  since  Gustavus  Adolphus,  Frederick  the  Great,  Crom- 
well, AVashington,  or  Bolivar  bears  but  a  small  resemblance  to 
Bonaparte  either  in  character,  fortune,  or  extent  of  enterprise. 


vi  PREFACK    HV   TlIK    EDITORS. 

For  fourteen  years,  to  say  nothing  of  his  j)rojects  in  the  East, 
the  liistory  of  Honaiuirto  was  the  liistory  of   all  Europe  ! 

With  tlie  copious  materials  he  i)ossessed,  M.  de  Bourrienne 
has  produced  a  work  which,  for  deep  interest,  exeilenient,  and 
uiuusenient,  cau  scarcely  ho  paralleled  by  any  of  the  uuuitMous 
and  excellent  memoirs  for  which  the  literature  of  France  is  so 
justly  celebrated. 

M,  de  liourrienne  shows  us  the  hero  of  Marengo  and  Aus- 
terlitz  in  liis  night-gown  and  slippere, —  whh  a.  trait  de  j/linne 
he,  in  a  hundred  instances,  places  the  real  man  before  us,  with 
all  hb  personal  habits  and  peculiarities  of  manner,  temper,  and 
conversation. 

The  friendship  between  Bonaparte  and  Boumenne  began  in 
boyhood,  at  the  school  of  Brienne,  and  their  unreserved  inti- 
macy continued  during  the  most  brilliant  part  of  Napoleon's 
career.  We  have  said  enough,  —  the  motives  for  his  writing 
this  work  and  his  competency  for  the  task  will  be  best  ex- 
plained in  M.  de  Bourrienne's  own  words,  which  the  reader  will 
find  in  tlie  Iiitrotluctory  Chapter. 

M.  de  Bourrieiine  says  little  of  Napoleon  after  his  first  abdi- 
cation and  retirement  to  Elba  in  1814  :  we  have  endeavoured 
to  fill  up  the  chasm  thus  left  by  following  his  hero  through  the 
remaining  seven  years  of  his  life,  to  the  "  last  scene  of  all  "  that 
ended  his  "  strange,  eventful  history,"  —  to  his  deathbed  and 
alien  grave  at  St.  Helena.  A  completeness  will  thus  be  given 
to  the  work  which  it  did  not  before  possess,  and  which  we  hope 
will,  with  the  other  additions  and  improvements  already  alluded 
to,  tend  to  give  it  a  place  in  every  well-selected  library,  as  one 
of  the  most  satisfactory  of  all  the  lives  of  Napoleon. 

London,  1836, 


PREFACE 

BY   THE   EDITOR   OF   THE    1885   EDITION. 

The  Memoirs  of  the  time  of  Napoleon  may  be  divided  into 
two  classes,  —  those  by  marshals  and  officers,  of  which  Sachet's 
is  a  good  example,  chiefly  devoted  to  military  movements,  and 
those  by  persons  employed  in  the  administration  and  in  the 
Court,  giving  us  not  only  materials  for  history,  but  also  valu- 
able details  of  the  personal  and  inner  life  of  the  great  Emperor 
and  of  his  immediate  surroundings.  Of  this  latter  class  the 
Memoirs  of  Bourrienne  are  among  the  most  important. 

Long  the  intimate  and  personal  friend  of  Napoleon  both  at 
school  and  from  the  end  of  the  Italian  campaigns  in  1797  till 
1802,  —  working  in  tlie  same  room  with  him,  using  the  same 
purse,  the  confidant  of  most  of  his  schemes,  and,  as  his  secretary, 
having  the  largest  part  of  all  the  official  and  private  correspond- 
ence of  the  time  passed  through  his  hands,  Bourrienne  occupied 
an  invaluable  position  for  storing  and  recording  materials  for  his- 
tory. The  Memoirs  of  his  successor,  Meneval,  are  more  those 
of  an  esteemed  private  secretary;  yet,  valuable  and  interesting 
as  they  are,  they  want  the  peculiarity  of  position  which  marks 
those  of  Bourrienne,  who  Avas  a  compound  of  secretary,  minis- 
ter, and  friend.  The  accounts  of  such  men  as  Miot  de  Melito, 
Roederer,  etc.,  are  most  valuable,  but  these  writers  were  not  in 
that  close  contact  with  Napoleon  enjoyed  by  Bourrienne.  Bour- 
rienne's  position  was  simply  unique,  and  we  can  only  regret 
that  he  did  not  occupy  it  till  the  end  of  the  Empire.  Thus  it  is 
natural  that  his  Memoirs  should  have  been  largely  used  by  his- 
torians, and  to  properly  understand  the  history  of  the  time,  thej'' 
must  be  read  by  all  students.     They  are  indeed  full  of  interest 


VI  il  PREFACE. 

for  every  one.  Rut  tliey  also  rei]uir('  to  be  read  with  preat  caw- 
tion.  When  we  iiie«'t  with  ])raist^  of  Xapoh'on,  we  may  gtMicrally 
believe  it,  for,  as  Thiers  (Consulnt,  ii.  279)  says,  Bounienne 
neeil  be  little  suspected  on  this  side,  for  although  he  owed  every- 
tliiiig  to  Napoleon,  he  has  not  seemed  to  remember  it.  But 
Vf'ry  often  in  passages  in  wliidi  blame  is  tlirown  on  Xapoleon, 
Bourricnno  speaks,  partly  Avitli  much  of  the  natural  bitterness 
of  a  former  and  discarded  friend,  and  partly  with  the  curious 
mixed  feeling  which  even  the  brothers  of  Napoleon  display  in 
their  Memoirs,  jtrido  in  the  wonderful  abilities  evinced  by  the 
man  with  whom  he  was  allied,  an<l  jealousy  at  the  way  in 
which  he  was  outshone  by  the  man  he  had  in  youth  regardeil 
as  inferior  to  himself.  Sometimes  also  we  may  even  suspect 
the  praise.  Thus,  when  Bourrienne  defends  Napoleon  for  giv- 
ing, as  he  alleges,  poison  to  the  sick  at  Jaffa,  a  doubt  arises 
whether  his  object  was  to  really  defend  what  to  most  English- 
men of  this  day,  with  remembrances  of  the  deeds  and  resolutions 
of  the  Indian  ^Futiny,  will  seem  an  act  to  be  pardoned,  if  not  ap- 
proved ;  or  whether  he  was  more  anxious  to  fix  the  committal  of 
the  act  on  Napoleon  at  a  time  when  public  opinion  loudly  blamed 
it.  The  same  may  be  said  of  his  defence  of  the  massacre  of  the 
pri.soners  of  Jaffa. 

Louis  Antoine  Fauvelet  de  Bourrienne  was  born  in  1709, 
that  is,  in  the  same  year  as  Napoleon  Bonaparte,  and  he  was  the 
friend  and  compatiion  of  the  future  Emperor  at  the  military 
school  of  Brienne-le-Chateau  till  1784,  when  Napoleon,  one  of 
the  sixty  pupils  maintained  at  the  expense  of  the  State,  was 
passed  on  to  tlio  Military  School  of  Paris.  The  friends  again 
met  in  1792  and  in  1795,  when  Napoleon  was  hanging  about 
Paris,  and  when  Bourrienne  looked  on  the  vague  dreams  of  his 
old  schoolmate  as  only  so  much  folly.  In  1796,  as  soon  a.s 
Napoleon  had  assured  his  position  at  the  head  of  the  army  of 
Italy,  anxious  as  ever  to  surround  himself  with  known  faces,  he 
sent  for  Bourrienne  to  be  his  secretary.  Bourrienne  had  been 
a]>pointed  in  1792  as  secretary  of  the  Legation  at  Stuttgart,  and 
had,  pro})abl3'  wisely,  disobeyed  the  orders  given  him  to  re- 
turn, thus  escaping  the  dangers  of  the  Revolution.    He  only 


PREFACE.  ix 

came  back  to  Paris  in  1795,  having  thus  become  an  emigre.  He 
joined  Napoleon  in  1797,  after  tlie  Austrians  had  been  beaten 
out  of  Italy,  and  at  once  assumed  the  office  of  secretary  which 
he  held  for  so  long.  He  had  sufficient  tact  to  forbear  treating 
the  haughty  young  General  witli  any  assumption  of  familiarity 
in  public,  and  he  was  indefatigal)le  enough  to  please  even  the 
never-resting  Napoleon.  Talent  Bourrienne  had  in  abundance  ; 
indeed  he  is  careful  to  hint  tluit  at  school  if  any  one  had  been 
asked  to  predict  greatness  for  any  pupil,  it  was  Bourrienne,  luit 
Napoleon,  who  would  have  been  fixed  on  as  the  future  star.  He 
went  with  his  General  to  Egypt,  and  returned  with  him  to 
France.  While  Napoleon  was  making  his  formal  entry  into 
the  Tuilerie.«,  Bourrienne  was  preparing  the  cabinet  he  was  still 
to  share  with  the  Consul.  In  this  cabinet  —  our  cabinet,  as  he 
is  careful  to  call  it  —  he  worked  with  the  First  Consul  till  1802. 
During  all  tliis  time  the  pair  had  lived  on  terms  of  equality 
and  friendship  creditable  to  both.  The  secretary  neither  asked 
for  nor  received  any  salary  :  when  he  required  money,  he  sim- 
ply dipped  into  the  cash-box  of  the  First  Consul.  As  the 
whole  power  of  the  State  gradually  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Consul,  tlie  labours  of  the  secretary  became  heavier.  His 
successor  broke  down  under  a  lighter  load,  and  had  to  receive 
assistance ;  but,  perhaps  borne  up  by  the  absorbing  interest  of 
the  work  and  the  great  influence  given  by  his  post,  Bourrienne 
stuck  to  his  place,  and  to  all  appearance  might,  except  for  him- 
self, have  come  down  to  us  as  the  companion  of  Napoleon  dur- 
ing his  wdiole  life.  He  had  enemies,  and  one  of  them  ^  has  not 
shrunk  from  describing  their  gratification  at  the  disgrace  of  the 
trusted  secretary.  Any  one  in  favour,  or  indeed  in  office,  under 
Napoleon  was  the  sure  mark  of  calumny  for  all  aspirants  to  place  ; 
yet  Bourrienne  might  have  weathered  any  temporary  storm  raised 
by  unfounded  reports  as  successfully  as  Meneval,  who  followed 
him.  But  Bourrienne's  hands  were  not  clean  in  money  matters, 
and  that  was  an  unpardonable  sin  in  any  one  who  desired  to  be 
in  real  intimacy  with  Napoleon.  He  became  involved  in  the 
affairs  of  the  House  of  Coulon,  which  failed,  as  will  be  seen  in 

^  Boulav  de  la  Meurthe. 


x  PREFACE. 

the  notes,  iit  the  time  of  his  ilisgrace  ;  ami  in  Oitober,  1802,  he 
was  oalloil  on  to  hand  over  his  office  to  Meneval,  who  retained 
it  till  invalideil  after  the  IJussiau  campaign. 

As  has  been  said,  llourrienno  would  naturally  be  the  mark 
for  many  accusations,  hut  the  conclusive  proof  of  his  misconduct 
—  at  least  for  any  one  acquainted  with  Napoleon's  objection 
and  dislike  to  chan;^'os  in  otfico,  whetlifr  from  his  strong  belief 
in  the  ellects  of  training,  or  his  ei[ually  strong  dislike  of  new 
faces  round  him  — is  that  he  was  never  again  employed  near  his 
old  comrade  ;  indeed  he  really  never  saw  the  Emperor  again  at 
any  private  interview,  except  when  granted  the  usual  official  re- 
ception in  1805,  l)efnre  leaving  to  takf  up  his  post  at  Haml)urg, 
which  he  htdd  till  1810.  We  know  that  his  re-employmeut 
was  urged  by  Josephine  and  several  of  his  former  companions. 
Savary  himself  says  he  tried  his  advocacy  ;  but  Napoleon  was 
inexorable  to  those  who,  in  his  own  phrase,  had  sacrificed  to 
the  golden  calf. 

Sent,  as  we  have  said,  to  Hamburg  in  1805,  as  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  to  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  the  Duke  of  Meck- 
lenburg-Schwerin,  and  to  the  Hanse  towns,  Bourrienne  knew 
how  to  make  his  post  an  important  one.  He  was  at  one  of  the 
great  seats  of  the  commerce  which  suffered  so  fearfidly  from  the 
Continental  system  of  the  Emperor,  and  he  was  charged  to 
watch  over  the  German  press.  How  well  he  fulfilled  this  duty 
we  learn  from  Metternich,  who  writes  in  1805  :  "  I  have  sent 
an  article  to  the  newspaper  editors  in  Berlin  and  to  M.  de  Hofcr 
at  Hamburg.  I  do  not  know  whether  it  has  been  accepted,  for 
M.  Bourrienne  still  exercises  an  authority  .so  severe  over  these 
journals  that  they  are  always  submitted  to  him  before  they 
appear,  that  he  may  erase  or  alter  the  articles  which  do  not 
please  him." 

His  ])osition  at  Hamburg  gave  him  great  opportunities  for 
1)oth  financial  and  political  intrigues.  In  his  Memoirs,  as 
Mrneval  remarks,  he  or  his  editor  is  not  ashamed  to  ])oast  of 
being  thanked  by  Louis  XVIII.  at  St.  Ouen  for  services  ren- 
dered while  he  was  the  minister  of  Napoleon  at  Hamburg.  He 
was  recalled  in  1810,  when  the  Hanse  towns  were  united,  or,  to 


PREFACE.  xi 

use  the  phrase  of  the  day,  re-united  to  the  Empire.  He  then 
hung  about  Paris,  keeping  on  good  terms  with  some  of  the 
ministers,  —  Savary,  not  the  most  reputable  of  them,  for  ex- 
ample. In  18H  he  was  to  be  found  at  the  office  of  Lavallette, 
the  head  of  the  posts,  disguising,  his  enemies  said,  his  delight 
at  the  bad  news  which  was  pouring  in,  by  exaggerated  expres- 
sions of  devotion.  He  is  accused  of  a  close  and  suspicious 
connection  with  Talleyrand,  and  it  is  odd  that  when  Talleyrand 
became  liead  of  the  Provisional  Government  in  1814,  Bourrienne 
of  all  persons  should  have  been  put  at  the  liead  of  the  posts. 
Received  in  the  most  flattering  manner  by  Louis  XVIII.,  he 
was  as  astonished  as  poor  Beugnot  was  in  1815,  to  find  himself 
on  13th  May  suddenly  ejected  from  office,  having,  however,  had 
time  to  furnish  post-horses  to  Maubreiiil  for  the  mysterious  ex- 
pedition, said  to  have  been  at  least  known  to  Talleyrand,  and 
intended  certainly  for  the  robbery  of  the  Queeu  of  Westphalia, 
and  probably  for  the  murder  of  Napoleon. 

In  the  extraordinary  scurry  before  the  Bourbons  scuttled  out 
of  Paris  in  1814,  Bourrienne  was  made  Prefet  of  the  Police  for 
a  few  days,  his  tenure  of  that  post  being  signalised  by  the  abor- 
tive attempt  to  arrest  Fouche,  the  only  effect  of  which  was  to 
drive  that  wily  minister  into  the  arms  of  the  Bonapartists. 

He  fled  with  the  King,  and  was  exempted  from  the  amnesty 
proclaimed  by  Napoleon.  On  the  return  from  Ghent  he  was 
made  a  Minister  of  State  without  portfolio,  and  also  became  one 
of  the  Council.  The  ruin  of  his  finances  drove  him  out  of  France, 
but  lie  eventually  died  in  a  mad-house  at  Caen. 

When  the  Memoirs  first  appeared  in  1829,  they  made  a  great 
sensation.  Till  then  in  most  writings  Napoleon  had  been 
treated  as  either  a  demon  or  a  demi-god.  The  real  facts  of  the 
case  were  not  suited  to  the  tastes  of  either  his  enemies  or  his 
admirers.  Wliile  the  monarchs  of  Europe  had  been  disputing 
among  themselves  about  tlie  division  of  the  spoils  to  be  obtained 
from  France  and  from  the  unsettlement  of  the  Continent,  there 
had  arisen  an  extraordinarily  clever  and  unscrupulous  man  who, 
by  alternately  bribing  and  overtlirowing  the  great  monarchies, 
had  soon  made  himself  master  of  the  mainland.     His  admirers 


xii  PREFACE. 

were  ujiwillin:,'  to  admit  tin;  \y,\rt  pla3'e(l  in  iiis  success  by  the 
jraldiisy  ot"  his  foes  of  oacli  otlior's  sluiro  in  tlio  booty,  aiul  they 
doli^,'liteil  to  invest  liim  with  every  great  quality  wliich  man 
couhl  possess.  His  enemies  were  ready  enough  to  allow  his 
military  talents,  but  they  wished  to  attribute  tlio  tirst  success  of 
liis  not  very  deep  policy  to  a  niarvellons  duplicity,  apparently 
considered  by  them  the  more  wicked  as  possessed  by  a  parvenu 
emperor,  and  far  removed,  in  a  moral  ])oitit  of  view,  from  the 
statecraft  so  allowal)le  in  an  ancient  monarchy.  But  for  Napo- 
leon himself  and  his  family  and  Court  there  was  literally  no 
limit  to  the  really  marvellous  inventions  of  his  enemies.  He 
might  enter  every  capital  on  tlie  Continent,  but  there  was  some 
consolation  in  bdii'ving  that  he  himself  was  a  monster  of  wicked- 
ness, and  his  Court  but  the  scene  of  one  long  protracted  orgie. 

There  was  enough  against  the  Emperor  in  the  Memoirs  to 
make  them  comfortable  reading  for  his  opponents,  though  very 
many  of  the  old  calumnies  were  disposed  of  in  them.  They 
contained  indeed  the  nearest  approximation  to  the  truth  which 
held  yet  appeared.  ^letternich,  who  must  have  been  a  good 
judge,  as  no  man  was  better  acquainted  with  what  he  himself 
calls  the  "age  of  Napoleon,"  says  of  the  Memoirs:  "If  you 
want  something  to  read,  both  interesting  and  amusing,  get  the 
Memoires  de  Bourrienne.  These  are  the  only  authentic  Me- 
moirs of  Napoleon  which  have  yet  ap])eared.  The  style  is  not 
brilliant,  but  that  only  makes  them  the  more  trustworthy."  In- 
deed, Metternich  himself  in  his  own  Memoirs  often  follows  a 
good  deal  in  the  line  of  Bourrienne  :  among  many  formal  attacks, 
every  now  and  then  he  lapses  into  half  involuntary  and  in<lirect 
praise  of  his  great  antagonist,  especially  where  he  comjiares  the 
men  he  had  to  deal  with  in  after  times  with  his  former  rapid 
and  talented  interlocutor.  To  some  even  among  the  Bonapartists, 
Bourrienne  was  not  altogether  distasteful.  Lucien  Bonaparte, 
remarking  that  tlie  time  in  which  Bourrienne  treated  with  Napo- 
leon as  (Mpial  witli  equal  did  not  last  long  enough  for  the  secre- 
tary, says  he  has  taken  a  little  revenge  in  his  Memoirs,  just  as  a 
lover,  after  a  break  with  his  mistress,  reveals  all  her  defects.  But 
Lucien  considers  that  Bourrienne  gives  us  a  good  enough  idea  of 


PREFACE.  xiii 

the  young  officer  of  the  artillery,  of  the  great  General,  and  of  the 
First  Consul.  Of  the  Emperor,  says  Lucien,  he  was  too  much  in 
retirement  to  be  able  to  judge  equally  well.  But  Lucien  was  not 
a  fair  representative  of  the  Bonapartists ;  indeed  he  had  never 
really  thought  well  of  his  brother  or  of  his  actions  since  Lucien, 
the  former  "  Brutus"  Bonaparte,  had  ceased  to  be  the  adviser  of 
the  Consul.  It  was  well  for  Lucien  himself  to  amass  a  fortune 
from  the  presents  of  a  corrupt  court,  and  to  be  made  a  Prince 
and  Duke  by  the  Pope,  but  he  was  too  sincere  a  republican  not 
to  disapprove  of  the  imperial  system.  The  real  Bonapartists  were 
naturally  and  inevitably  furious  with  the  INIemoirs.  They  were 
not  true,  they  were  not  the  work  of  Bonrrienne,  Bourrienne  him- 
self was  a  traitor,  a  purloiner  of  manuscripts,  his  memory  was  as 
bad  as  his  principles,  he  was  not  even  entitled  to  the  de  before 
his  name.  If  the  Memoirs  were  at  all  to  be  pardoned,  it  was  be- 
cause his  share  was  only  really  a  few  notes  wrung  from  him  by 
large  pecuniary  offers  at  a  time  when  he  was  pursued  by  his 
creditors,  and  when  his  brain  was  already  affected. 

The  Bonapartist  attack  on  the  Memoirs  was  delivered  in 
full  form,  in  two  volumes,  "  Bourrienne  et  ses  Erreurs,  Volon- 
taires  et  Tnvolontaires  "  (Paris,  HeideloflF,  1830),  edited  by  the 
Comte  d'Aure,  the  Ordonnateur  en  Chef  of  the  Egyptian  ex- 
pedition, and  containing  communications  from  Joseph  Bonaparte, 
Gourgaud,  Stein,  etc.-^ 

Part  of  the  system  of  attack  was  to  call  in  question  the 
authenticity  of  the  Memoirs  ;  and  this  was  the  more  easy  as 
Bourrienne,  losing  his  fortune,  died  in  1834  in  a  state  of 
imbecility.  But  this  plan  is  not  systematically  f(jllowed,  and 
the  very  reproaches  addressed  to  the  writer  of  the  Memoirs 
often  show  that  it  was  believed  they  were  really  written  by 
Bourrienne.  They  undoubtedly  contain  plenty  of  faults.  The 
editor  (Villemarest,  it  is  said)  probably  had  a  large  share  in 
the  work,  and  Bourrienne  must  have  forgotten  or  misplaced 
many  dates  and  occurrences.  In  such  a  work,  undertaken  so 
many  years  after  the  events,  it  was  inevitable  that  many  errors 

1  In  tlie  notes  in  this  present  edition  these  volumes  are  referred  to  in 
brief  as  "  Erreurs." 


xiv  TREFACE. 

shouhl  1)0  mailf,  uml  that  many  statements  slinuM  1)0  at  least 
ilebataMo.  IJut  on  close  investigation  the  work  .stands  tlie 
attack  in  a  way  that  would  bo  iinpossililt!  nnlcss  it  lia<l  really 
been  written  by  a  person  in  the  peculiar  position  occupied  by 
Bourrionne.  He  has  assuredly  not  exaggerated  that  ])Osition : 
he  really,  says  Lucien  Bonaparte,  treated  as  equal  with  eijual 
with  Napoleon  durinj,'  a  part  of  his  career,  and  lie  certaiidy 
was  the  nearest  friend  and  confidant  that  Najiolcon  ever  had 
in  his  life. 

Where  ho  fails,  or  where  the  Bonapartist  fire  is  most  telling, 
is  in  the  account  of  the  Egyptian  expedition.  It  may  seem 
odd  that  he  should  have  forgotten,  even  in  .some  thirty  years, 
details  such  as  tlie  way  in  which  the  .sick  were  removed  ;  but 
such  matters  were  not  in  his  province ;  and  it  would  be  easy 
to  m.atch  similar  omissions  in  other  works,  such  as  the  accounts 
of  the  Crimea,  and  still  more  of  the  Peninsula.  It  is  with  his 
personal  relations  with  Napoleon  tliat  we  are  most  concerned, 
and  it  is  in  them  that  his  account  receives  mo.st  corroboration. 

It  may  be  interesting  to  see  what  has  been  said  of  the 
Memoirs  by  other  writers.  We  have  quoted  Metternich,  and 
Lucien  Bonaparte  ;  let  us  hear  M^neval,  his  successor,  who 
remained  faithful  to  his  master  to  the  end  :  "  Absolute  confi- 
dence cannot  be  given  to  statements  contained  in  Memoirs 
publislied  under  the  name  of  a  man  who  has  not  composed 
them.  It  is  known  that  the  editor  of  these  Memoirs  oti'ered  to 
M.  de  liourrienne,  who  had  then  taken  refuge  in  Holstein 
from  his  creditors,  a  sum  said  to  bo  thirty  thou.sand  fmncs  to 
obtain  his  signature  to  them,  with  some  notes  and  addenda. 
M.  de  Bourrienne  was  already  attacked  by  the  di.soa.se  from 
which  he  died  a  few  yeai-s  later  in  a  viaison  de  saute  at  Caen. 
Many  literary  men  co-operated  in  the  preparation  of  his 
Memoirs.  In  1825  I  met  M.  de  Bourrienne  in  Paris.  He 
told  me  it  had  been  suggested  to  him  to  write  against  the 
Emperor.  'Notwithstanding  the  harm  he  has  done  me,' said 
he,  '  I  would  never  do  so.  Sooner  may  my  hand  be  withered.' 
If  M.  de  Bourrienne  had  prepared  his  Memoirs  him.self,  he 
would  not  have  stated  that  while  he  was  the  Emperor's  ministei 


PREFACE.  XV 

at  Hamburg,  he  worked  with  the  agents  of  the  Comte  <le 
Lille  (Louis  XVII L)  at  the  preparation  of  proclamations  in 
favour  of  that  Prince,  and  that  in  1814  he  accepted  the  thanks 
of  the  King,  Louis  XVIII.,  for  doing  so;  he  would  not  have 
said  that  Napoleon  had  confided  to  him  in  1805  that  he  had 
never  conceived  the  idea  of  an  expedition  into  England,  and 
that  the  plan  of  a  landing,  the  preparations  for  which  he  gave 
such  publicity  to,  was  only  a  snare  to  amuse  fools.  Tlie  Em- 
peror well  knew  that  never  was  there  a  plan  more  seriously 
conceived  or  more  positively  settled.  M.  de  Bourrienne  would 
not  have  spoken  of  his  private  interviews  with  Xapoleon,  nor 
of  the  alleged  confidences  intrusted  to  him,  while  really 
Napoleon  had  no  longer  received  him  after  the  20th  October, 
1802.  When  the  Emperor,  in  1805,  forgetting  his  faults, 
named  him  Minister  Plenipotentiary  at  Hamburg,  he  granted 
him  the  customary  audience,  but  to  this  favour  he  did  not 
add  the  return  of  his  former  friendship.  Both  before  and 
afterwards  he  constantly  refused  to  receive  bin),  and  he  did 
not  correspond  with  him  "  (Meneval,  ii.  378-379).  And  in 
another  passage  Meneval  says  :  "  Besides,  it  would  be  wrong 
to  regard  these  Memoirs  as  the  work  of  the  man  whose  name 
they  bear.  The  bitter  resentment  M.  de  Bourrienne  had 
nourished  for  his  disgrace,  the  enfeeblement  of  his  faculties, 
and  the  poverty  he  was  reduced  to,  rendered  him  accessible 
to  the  pecuniary  oSers  made  to  him.  He  consented  to  give 
the  authority  of  his  name  to  Memoirs  in  whose  composition 
he  had  only  co-operated  by  incomplete,  confused,  and  often 
inexact  notes,  materials  which  an  editor  was  employed  to  put 
in  order."  And  Meneval  (iii.  29-30)  goes  on  to  quote  what  he 
Jiimself  had  written  in  the  "  Spectateur  Militaire,"  in  which  he 
makes  much  the  same  assertions,  and  especially  objects  to  the 
account  of  conversations  with  the  Emperor  after  1802,  except 
always  the  one  audience  on  taking  leave  for  Hamburg.  ]\Ieiie- 
val  also  says  that  Napoleon,  when  he  wished  to  obtain  intelli- 
gence from  Hamburg,  did  not  correspond  with  Bourrienne,  but 
deputed  him,  Meiioval,  to  ask  Bourrienne  for  what  was 
wanted.     But   he   corroborates  Bourrienne  on   the  subject   of 


xvi  PREFACE. 

the  efforts  made,  among  others  by  Josephine,  for  liis  reappoint- 
ment. 

Such  are  tl)e  statements  of  tlie  lionapartists  ]»ure  ;  and  the 
reader,  as  has  been  said,  can  judge  for  liiniself  how  far  the 
attack  is  good.  Hourricnne,  or  his  editor,  may  well  have  con- 
fused the  date  of  his  interviews,  but  he  will  not  be  found 
mui'h  astray  on  many  ]M>ints.  His  account  of  the  conversation 
t»f  Josephine  after  the  <leath  of  the  Due  d'Enghien  may  be 
compared  with  what  we  know  from  Madame  de  Rerausat, 
who,  by  the  way,  wouM  have  been  horrified  if  she  had  known 
that  he  considered  her  to  resemble  the  Empress  Josephine  in 
character. 

We  now  come  to  the  views  of  Savarj',  the  Due  de  Rovigo, 
who  avowedly  remained  on  good  terms  with  Bourrienne  after 
his  disgrace,  though  the  friendship  of  Savary  was  not  exactly 
a  thing  that  most  men  would  have  much  prided  themselves 
on.  "  Bi)urrienne  had  a  proiligious  memory;  he  spoke  and 
wrote  in  several  languages,  and  his  pen  ran  as  quickly  as  one 
could  speak.  Nor  were  these  the  only  advantages  he  pos- 
sessed. He  knew  the  routine  of  public  business  and  j)ublic 
law.  His  activity  and  devotion  made  him  indispensable  to 
the  First  Consul.  I  knew  the  qualities  which  won  for  him  the 
unlimited  confidence  of  his  chief,  but  I  cannot  speak  with  the 
same  assurance  of  the  faults  which  made  him  lose  it.  Bour- 
rienne had  many  enemies,  both  on  account  of  his  character  and 
of  his  place"  (Savnry,  i.  418-419). 

Marmont  ouglit  to  be  an  impartial  critic  of  the  Memoirs. 
He  says :  "  Bourrienne  .  .  .  had  a  very  great  capacity,  but 
he  is  a  striking  example  of  the  great  truth  that  our  pas.sions 
are  always  bad  counsellors.  By  inspiring  us  with  an  immod- 
erate ardour  to  reach  a  fixed  end,  they  often  make  vis  miss  it. 
Bourrienne  had  an  immoderate  love  of  money.  With  liis  tal- 
ents and  his  position  near  Bonaparte  at  the  first  dawn  of 
greatness,  with  the  confidence  and  real  good-will  which  Bona- 
parte felt  for  him,  in  a  few  years  he  would  have  gained  every- 
thing in  fortune  and  in  social  position.  But  his  eager  impa- 
tience ruined   his   career  at  the  moment  when  it    might    have 


PREFACE.  Xvii 

developed  and  increased "  {Marmunt,  i.  64).  The  criticism 
appears  just.  As  to  the  Memoirs,  Marmoiit  says  (ii.  224)  :  "  In 
general,  these  Memoirs  are  of  great  veracity  and  powerful 
interest  so  long  as  they  treat  of  what  the  author  has  seen  and 
heard  ;  but  when  he  speaks  of  others,  his  work  is  only  an  as- 
semblage of  gratuitous  suppositious  and  of  false  facts  put  for- 
ward  for  special    purposes." 

The  Comte  Alexandre  de  Puymaigre,  who  arrived  at  Ham- 
burg soon  after  Bourrienne  had  left  it  in  1810,  says  (page 
135)  of  the  part  of  the  Memoirs  which  relates  to  Hamburg  :  •'  I 
must  acknowledge  that  generally  his  assertions  are  well  founded. 
This  former  companion  of  Napoleon  has  only  forgotten  to  speak 
of  the  opinion  that  they  had  of  him  in  this  town. 

"  The  truth  is,  that  he  was  believed  to  have  made  much 
money  there." 

Thus  we  may  take  Bourrienne  as  a  clever,  able  man,  who 
would  have  risen  to  the  highest  honours  under  the  Empire 
had  not  his  short-sighted  grasping  after  lucre  driven  him 
from  office,  and  prevented  him  from  ever  regaining  it  under 
I^apoleon. 

In  the  present  edition  the  translation  has  been  carefully 
compared  with  the  original  French  text.  Where  in  the  original 
text  information  is  given  wliicli  has  now  become  mere  matter 
of  history,  and  where  Bourrienne  merely  quotes  the  documents 
well  enough  known  at  this  day,  his  possession  of  which  forms 
part  of  the  charges  of  his  opponents,  advantage  has  been  taken 
to  lighten  the  mass  of  the  Memoirs.  This  has  been  done  espe- 
cially where  they  deal  witli  what  tlie  writer  did  not  himself  see 
or  hear,  the  part  of  the  Memuirs  which  are  of  least  value  and  of 
which  Marraont's  opinion  has  just  been  quoted.  But  in  the  per- 
sonal and  more  valuable  part  of  the  Memoirs,  where  we  have 
the  actual  knowledge  of  the  secretary  himself,  the  original  text 
has  been  either  fully  retained,  or  some  few  passages  previously 
omitted  restored.  Illustrative  notes  have  been  added  from  the 
Memoirs  of  the  successor  of  Bourrienne,  Meneval,  Madame  de 
Rcmusat,  the  works  of  Colonel  lung  on  "  Bonaparte  et  son 
Temps,"  and  on   "  Lucien  Bonaparte/'  etc.,  and  other  books. 

VOL.  I.  —  b 


xviii  PREFACE. 

Attention  has  also  been  paid  to  the  attacks  of  the  "  Erreurs," 
and  wht'iever  llit-so  criticisms  are  mure  than  a  mere  expressiou 
of  disagreement,  their  purpurt  has  been  recorded  with,  where 
possible,  some  judgment  of  the  evidence.  Tlius  the  reader  will 
have  before  him  the  materials  for  deciding  himself  how  far 
Bourrienne's  statements  are  in  agreement  with  the  facts  and 
with  the  accounts  of  other  writers. 

At  the  present  time  too  much  attention  has  been  paid  to  the 
Memoirs  of  Madame  de  Kemusat.  She,  as  also  Madame  J uiiot, 
was  the  wife  of  a  man  on  whom  the  full  shower  of  imperial 
favours  did  not  descend,  and,  womanlike,  she  saw  and  thought 
only  of  the  Court  life  of  the  great  man  who  was  fiever  less  great 
than  in  his  Court.  She  is  equally  astonished  and  indignant 
that  the  Emjteror,  coming  straight  from  long  hours  of  work 
with  his  ministers  and  with  his  secretary,  could  not  find  soft 
words  for  the  ladies  of  the  Court,  and  that,  a  horrible  thing  in 
the  eyes  of  a  Frenchwoman,  when  a  mistress  threw  herself  into 
his  arms,  he  first  thought  of  what  political  knowledge  he  could 
obtain  from  her.  Bnunienne,  on  the  other  hand,  shows  us  the 
other  and  the  really  important  side  of  Napoleon's  character.  He 
tells  us  of  the  long  hours  in  the  Cabinet,  of  the  never-resting 
activity  of  the  Consul,  of  Napoleon's  dreams  —  no  ignoble 
dreams  and  often  realised  —  of  great  labours  of  peace  as  well  as 
of  war.  Tie  is  a  witness,  and  the  more  valuable  as  a  reluctant 
one,  to  the  marvellous  powers  of  the  man  who,  if  not  the  great- 
est, was  at  least  the  one  most  fully  endowed  with  every  great 
quality  of  mind  and  body  the  world  has  ever  seen. 

E.  W.  P. 


AUTHOR'S   INTRODUCTIOK 

The  desire  of  trading  upon  an  illustrious  name  can  alone  have 
given  birth  to  the  multitude  of  publications  under  the  titles 
of  historical  memoirs,  secret  memoirs,  and  other  rhapsodies 
which  have  appeared  respecting  Napoleon.  On  looking  into 
them  it  is  difficult  to  determine  whether  the  impudence  of  the 
writers  or  the  simplicity  of  certain  readers  is  most  astonishing. 
Yet  these  rude  and  ill-digested  compilations,  filled  with  absurd 
anecdotes,  fabricated  speeches,  fictitious  crimes  or  virtues,  and 
disfigured  by  numerous  anachronisms,  instead  of  being  con- 
signed to  just  contempt  and  speedy  oblivion,  have  been  pushed 
into  notice  by  speculators,  and  have  found  zealous  partisans 
and  enthusiastic  apologists.^ 

For  a  time  I  entertained  the  idea  of  noticing,  one  by  one,  the 
numerous  errors  which  have  been  written  respecting  Na])oleon ; 
but  I  have  renounced  a  task  which  would  have  been  too  labori- 
ous to  myself,  and  very  tedious  to  the  reader.  I  shall  therefore 
only  correct  those  which  come  within  the  plan  of  my  work,  and 
which  are  connected  with  those  facts,  to  a  more  accurate  knowl- 
edge of  which  than  any  other  person  can  possess  I  may  lay 
claim.  There  are  men  who  imagine  that  nothing  done  by  Napo- 
leon will  ever  be  forgotten  ;  but  must  not  the  slow  but  inevitable 
influence  of  time  be  expected  to  operate  Avith  respect  to  him  ] 
The  effect  of  that  influence  is,  that  the  most  important  event  of 
an  epoch  soon  sinks,  almost  imperceptibly  and  almost  disre- 
garded, into  the  immense  mass  of  historical  facts.     Time,  in  its 

*  This  lutroduction  has  been  reprinted  as  hearing  upon  the  cliaracter  of 
the  work,  but  refers  very  often  to  events  of  tiie  day  at  the  time  of  its  first 
appcarauce. 


XX  AUTHORS   INTRODUCTION. 

progi'ess,  (liininishes  the  probability  as  well  as  the  interest  of 
such  an  event,  as  it  gratluully  wears  away  the  must  durable 
nionunients. 

I  attach  only  a  relative  iniportance  to  what  I  am  about  to  lay 
before  the  public.  I  shall  give  authentic  documents.  If  all 
persons  who  have  approached  Napoleon,  at  any  time  and  in  any 
place,  would  canilidly  record  what  they  saw  and  heanl,  without 
passion,  the  future  historian  would  be  rich  in  materials.  It  is 
my  wish  tliat  he  who  may  undertake  the  difficult  task  of  writing 
the  history  of  Napoleon  sliall  lind  in  my  notes  information  use- 
ful to  the  perfection  of  his  work.  There  he  will  at  least  iind 
truth.  I  have  not  the  ambition  to  wish  that  what  I  state 
should  be  taken  as  absolute  authority  ;  but  I  hope  that  it  will 
always  be  consulted. 

I  have  never  before  published  anything  respecting  Napoleon. 
That  malevolence  which  fastens  itself  upon  men  who  have  the 
misfortune  to  be  somewhat  separated  from  the  crowd  has, 
because  there  is  always  more  profit  in  saying  ill  than  good, 
attributed  to  me  several  works  on  Bonaparte ;  among  others, 
"  Les   Memoires  secrets  d'un    Homme  qui  ne  I'a  pas  (juitte,  par 

M.  B ,"  and  *'  Memoires  secrets  sur   Napoleon  Bonaparte, 

par  M.  de  B ,"  and  "  Le  Precis  Historique   sur  Napoleon." 

The  initial  of  my  name  has  served  to  propagate  this  error.  The 
incredible  ignorance  which  runs  through  those  memoirs,  the 
absurdities  and  inconceivable  silliness  w'ith  which  they  abound, 
do  not  permit  a  man  of  honour  and  common  sense  to  allow  such 
wretched  rhapsodies  to  be  imputed  to  him.  I  declared  in  1815, 
and  at  later  periods,  in  the  French  and  foreign  journals,  that  I 
had  no  hand  in  those  publications,  and  I  here  formally  repeat 
this  declaration. 

But  it  may  be  said  to  me,  Why  should  we  ]ilace  more  con- 
fidence in  you  than  in  those  who  have  written  before  you  1 

My  reply  shall  be  plain.  I  enter  the  lists  one  of  the  last.  I 
have  read  all  that  my  predecessors  have  i)ublished.  I  am  confi- 
dent tliat  all  I  state  is  true.  I  have  no  interest  in  deceiving,  no 
disgrace  to  fear,  no  reward  to  expect.  I  neither  wish  to  obscure 
nor  embellish  his  glory.     However  great  Napoleon  may  have 


AUTHOR'S  INTRODUCTION.  xxi 

been,  was  he  not  also  liable  to  pay  his  tribute  to  tlie  weakness  of 
human  nature  1  I  speak  of  Napoleon  such  as  I  have  seen  him, 
known  him,  frequently  admired,  and  sometimes  blamed  him.  I 
state  what  I  saw,  heard,  wrote,  and  thought  at  the  time,  under 
each  circumstance  that  occurred.  I  have  not  allowed  myself  to 
be  carried  away  by  the  illusions  of  the  imagination,  nor  to  be 
influenced  by  friendship  or  hatred.  I  shall  not  insert  a  single 
reflection  which  did  not  occur  to  me  at  the  very  moment  of  the 
event  which  gave  it  birth.  How  many  transactions  and  docu- 
ments were  there  over  which  I  could  but  lament !  —  how  many 
measures,  contrary  to  my  views,  to  my  principles,  and  to  my 
character  !  —  while  the  best  intentions  were  incapable  of  over- 
coming difficulties  which  a  most  powerful  and  decided  will 
rendered  almost  insurmountable. 

I  also  wish  the  future  historian  to  compare  what  I  say  with 
what  others  have  related  or  maj'  relate.  But  it  will  be  neces- 
sary for  him  to  attend  to  dates,  circumstances,  difference  of  sit- 
uation, change  of  temperament,  and  age,  —  for  age  has  much 
influence  over  men.  We  do  not  think  and  act  at  fifty  as  at 
twenty-five.  By  exercising  this  caution  he  will  be  able  to  dis- 
cover the  truth,  and  to  establish  an  opinion  for  posterit}\ 

The  reader  must  not  expect  to  find  in  these  Memoirs  an  unin- 
terrupted series  of  all  the  events  which  marked  the  great  career 
of  Napoleon  ;  nor  details  of  all  those  battles,  with  the  recital  of 
which  so  many  eminent  men  have  usefully  and  ably  occupied, 
themselves.  I  sliall  say  little  about  whatever  I  did  not  see  or 
hear,  and  which  is  not  supported  by  official  documents. 

Perhaps  I  shall  succeed  in  confirming  truths  which  have  been 
doubted,  and  in  correcting  errors  which  have  been  adopted.  If 
I  sometimes  differ  from  the  observations  and  statements  of  Na- 
poleon at  St.  Helena,  I  am  far  from  supposing  that  tliose  who 
undertook  to  be  the  medium  of  communication  between  him  and 
the  piiblic  have  misrepresented  what  he  said.  I  am  well  con- 
vinced that  none  of  the  writers  of  St.  Helena  can  be  taxed  with 
the  slightest  deception  ;  —  disinterested  zeal  and  nobleness  of 
character  are  undoubted  pledges  of  their  veracity.  It  appears  to 
me  perfectly  certain  that  Napoleon  stated,  dictated,  or  corrected 


xxii  AUTHOKS    IVIKODUCTION. 

all  tlR'V  havo  puMislied.  Their  liniKnir  is  uiKHiostionalilo  ;  no 
ono  can  doubt  it.  Tliat  tliey  \vnitt>  what  lio  coniimiiiicated 
must  thcrefiire  be  belit-viMl  ;  but  it  cannot  with  equal  conlidence 
be  credited  tliat  what  lie  coninuuiRated  was  nothing  but  the 
truth.  He  seems  often  to  have  related  as  a.  fact  what  was  really 
only  an  idea,  —  ai\  idea,  too,  brought  forth  at  St.  Helena,  the 
chiM  of  niisfiirtuno,  and  transported  by  his  iniaj,'ination  to 
Kurope  in  the  time  of  his  j)rospority.  His  favourite  phrase, 
whicij  was  every  moment  on  his  lips,  must  not  be  forgotten,  — 
"What  will  history  say  —  what  will  posterity  think?"  This 
passion  for  leaving  behind  him  ac  elebrnted  name  is  one  which 
belongs  to  the  constitution  of  the  human  mind  ;  and  with  Na- 
poleon its  infliu^nco  was  excessive.  In  his  first  Italian  cani])aign 
he  wrote  thus  to  General  Clarke  :  "  That  ambition  and  the  occu- 
pation of  high  offices  were  not  sufficient  for  his  satisfaction  and 
happiness, which  he  had  early  placed  in  the  opinion  of  Europe 
and  the  esteem  of  posterity."  He  often  observed  to  me  that 
with  him  the  opinion  of  posterity  was  the  real  immortality  of 
the  soul. 

It  may  easily  be  conceived  that  Napoleon  wished  to  give  to  the 
documents  which  he  knew  historians  would  consult  a  favourable 
colour,  and  to  direct,  according  to  his  own  views,  the  judgment 
of  posterity  on  his  actions.  But  it  is  only  by  the  im])artial 
comparison  of  periods,  positions,  and  age  that  a  well-founded 
decision  will  be  given.  About  his  fortieth  year  the  physical 
constitution  of  Napoleon  sustained  considerable  change  ;  and  it 
may  be  presumed  that  his  moral  qualities  were  affected  by  that 
change.  It  is  particularly  iniportaiit  not  to  lose  sight  of  the 
premature  decay  of  his  health,  which,  perhaps,  did  not  permit 
him  always  to  possess  the  vigour  of  memory  otherwise  consis- 
tent enough  with  his  age.  The  state  of  our  organisation  often 
modifies  our  recollections,  our  feelings,  our  manner  of  viewing 
objects  and  the  im]>ressions  we  receive.  This  will  be  taken 
into  consideration  by  judicious  and  thinking  men  ;  and  for 
them  T  write. 

What  M.  de  Las  Casas  states  Napoleon  to  have  said  in  May, 
1816,  on  the  manner   of  writing  his  history  corroborates  the 


AUTHOR'S   INTRODUCTION.  xxiii 

opinion  I  have  expressed.  It  proves  that  all  the  facts  and  ob- 
servations he  communicated  or  dictated  were  meant  to  serve  as 
materials.  We  learn  from  the  "Memorial"  tliat  M.  de  Las  Casas 
wrote  daily,  and  that  the  manuscript  was  read  over  by  Napoleon, 
who  often  made  corrections  witli  his  own  hand.  The  idea  of  a 
journal  pleased  him  greatly.  He  fancied  it  would  be  a  work 
of  which  the  world  could  afford  no  other  example.  But  there 
are  passages  in  which  the  order  of  events  is  deranged ;  in  others 
facts  are  misrepresented  and  erroneous  assertions  are  made,  I 
apprehend,  not  altogetlier  involuntarily. 

I  have  ])aid  particular  attention  to  all  that  has  been  pub- 
lished by  the  noble  participators  of  the  imperial  captivity. 
Nothing,  however,  could  induce  me  to  change  a  word  in  these 
Memoirs,  because  notliing  could  take  from  me  my  conviction  of 
the  truth  of  wliat  I  personally  heard  and  saw.  It  will  be  found 
that  Napoleon  in  his  private  conversations  often  confirms  what 
I  state  ;  but  we  sometimes  differ,  and  the  public  must  judge 
between  us.     However,  I  must  here  make  one  observation. 

When  Napoleon  dictated  or  related  to  his  friends  in  St. 
Helena  the  facts  which  they  have  reported,  he  was  out  of  the 
world,  —  he  had  played  his  part.  Fortune,  which,  according  to 
his  notions,  had  conferred  on  him  all  his  power  and  greatness, 
had  recalled  all  her  gifts  before  he  sank  into  the  tomb.  His 
ruling  passion  would  induce  him  to  think  that  it  was  due  to  his 
glory  to  clear  up  certain  facts  which  might  prove  an  unfavourable 
escort  if  they  accompanied  him  to  posterity.  This  was  his  fixed 
idea.  But  is  there  not  some  ground  for  suspecting  the  fidelity 
of  him  who  writes  or  dictates  his  own  history  *?  Why  might  he 
not  impose  on  a  few  persons  in  St.  Helena,  when  he  was  able  to 
impose  on  France  and  Europe,  respecting  many  acts  which  ema- 
nated from  him  during  the  long  diu'ation  of  his  power  1  The  life 
of  Napoleon  would  be  very  unfaitlifully  written  were  the  author 
to  adopt  as  true  all  his  bulletins  and  proclamations,  and  all 
the  declarations  he  made  at  St.  Helena.  Such  a  history  would 
frequently  be  in  contradiction  to  facts ;  and  such  only  is  that 
which  might  be  entitled  "  The  History  of  Napoleon,  written  by 
Himself.  " 


xxiv  AUTHOR'S   INTRODUCTION. 

I  have  saitl  thus  imicli  bc(;aus«  it  is  my  wisli  that  tlio  princi- 
ples wliich  have  ^uitknl  inc  in  the  composition  of  these  Memoira 
may  bo  inulerstooil,  I  am  aware  that  they  will  not  jilease 
every  reader  ;  that  is  a  success  to  wliich  1  cannot  pretend. 
S.)mo  merit,  howevi^r,  may  be  allowed  me  on  account  of  the 
labour  I  have  under;^'(»ne.  It  has  neither  been  of  a  sli},dit  nor 
an  agreeable  kitid.  1  made  it  a  rule  to  read  everything  that  has 
been  writU'n  res[»ecting  Napoleon,  and  I  have  had  to  decipher 
many  of  his  autograph  documents,  though  no  longer  so  familiar 
with  his  s<M"awl  as  formerly.  I  say  decipher,  because  a  real 
cipher  miglit  often  ])e  much  more  readily  understood  than  the 
handwriting  of  Napoleon.  My  own  notes,  too,  which  were 
often  very  hastily  made,  in  the  hand  I  wrote  iu  my  youth, 
have  sometimes  also  much  embarrassed  me. 

My  long  and  intimate  connection  with  Bonaparte  from  boy- 
hood, my  close  relations  witlj  him  when  General,  Consul,  and 
Emperor,  enal)led  me.  to  see  and  appreciate  all  tliat  was  projected 
and  all  that  was  done  during  that  considerable  and  momen- 
tous period  of  time.  I  not  only  had  the  opportunity  of  being 
])resent  at  the  conception  and  the  execution  of  the  extraordinary 
deeds  of  one  of  the  ablest  men  nature  ever  formed,  but,  notwith- 
standing an  almost  unceasing  application  to  business,  I  found 
means  to  employ  the  few  moments  of  leisure  which  Bonaparte 
left  at  my  disposal  in  making  notes,  collecting  docunients, 
and  in  recording  for  history  facts  respecting  which  the  truth 
could  otherwise  with  diiliculty  bea.scertained ;  and  more  particu- 
larly in  collecting  those  ideas,  often  profound,  brilliant,  and 
striking,  but  always  remarkable,  to  which  Bonaparte  gave  ex- 
pression in  the  overflowing  frankness  of  confidential  intimac}'. 

The  knowledge  that  I  possessed  much  important  information 
has  exposed  me  to  many  in(puries,  and  wherever  I  have  resided 
since  my  retirement  from  pul)lic  affairs  much  of  ray  time  has 
been  spent  in  replying  to  question;?.  The  wish  to  be  acquainted 
with  the  most  minute  details  of  the  life  of  a  man  formed  on  an 
unexampled  model  is  very  natural;  and  the  ob.servation  on  my 
replies  by  those  who  heard  them  always  was,  "  You  should 
publish  your  Memoirs  I " 


AUTHOR'S   INTRODUCTION.  XXV 

I  had  certainly  always  in  view  the  publication  of  my  j\Ie- 
moirs ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  I  was  firmly  resolved  not  to  pub- 
lish them  until  a  period  should  arrive  in  which  I  might  tell  the 
truth,  and  the  whole  truth.  While  Napoleon  was  in  the  posses- 
sion of  power.  I  felt  it  right  to  resist  the  urgent  applications  made 
to  me  on  this  subject  by  some  persons  of  the  highest  distinction. 
Truth  would  then  have  sometimes  appeared  flattery,  and  some- 
times, also,  it  might  not  have  been  without  danger.  Afterwards, 
when  the  progress  of  events  removed  Bonaparte  to  a  far  distant 
island  in  the  midst  of  the  ocean,  silence  was  imposed  on  me 
by  other  considerations,  —  by  considerations  of  propriety  and 
feeling. 

After  the  death  of  Bonaparte,  at  St.  Helena,  reasons  of  a 
different  nature  retarded  the  execution  of  my  plan.  The  tran- 
quillity of  a  secluded  retreat  was  indispensable  for  preparing 
and  putting  in  order  the  abundant  materials  in  my  possession. 
I  found  it  also  necessary  to  read  a  great  number  of  works,  in 
order  to  rectify  important  errors  to  which  the  want  of  authentic 
documents  had  induced  the  authors  to  give  credit.  This  much- 
desired  retreat  was  found.  I  had  the  good  fortune  to  be  intro- 
duced, through  a  friend,  to  the  Duchesse  de  Brancas,  and  that 
lady  invited  me  to  pass  some  time  on  one  of  her  estates  in  Hai- 
nault.  Received  with  the  most  agreeable  hospitality,  I  have 
there  enjoyed  that  tranquillity  which  could  alone  have  rendered 
the  publication  of  these  volumes  practicable. 

Fauvelet  de  Bourrienne. 


CONTENTS    OF    VOLUME   T. 


Chronology  of  Bonaparte's  Life pages  xli-xlix 


CHAPTER  I. 

1769-1783. 

(Pages  1-13.) 

Authentic  date  of  Bonaparte's  birth.  His  family  ruined  by  the  Jesuits. 
His  taste  for  military  amusements.  Sham  siege  at  the  College  of  Brieuue. 
The  porter's  wife  and  Napoleon.  My  intimacy  with  Bonaparte  at  college. 
His  love  for  the  mathematics,  and  his  dislike  of  Latin.  He  defends  Paoli 
and  blames  his  father.  He  is  ridiculed  by  his  comrades.  Ignorance  of  the 
monks.  Distribution  of  prizes  at  Brienue.  Madame  de  Montesson  and 
the  Duke  of  Orleans.  Report  of  M.  Ke'ralio  on  Bonaparte.  He  leaves 
Brieune. 


CHAPTER   n. 

1784-1794. 

(Pages   14-30.) 

Bonaparte  enters  the  Military  College  of  Paris.  Pie  urges  me  to  em- 
brace tlie  military  profession.  His  report  on  the  state  of  the  Military 
School  of  Paris.  He  obtains  a  commission.  I  set  off  for  Vienna.  Ke- 
turu  to  Paris,  wliere  I  again  meet  Bonaparte.  His  singular  plans  for 
raising  money.  Louis  X\'I.  witli  the  red  cap  on  his  head.  The  10th  of 
August.  My  departure  for  Stuttgart.  Bonaparte  goes  to  Corsica.  My 
name  iu.scribed  on  the  list  of  emigrants.  Bonaparte  at  the  siege  of  Tou- 
lon. Le  Souper  d&  Beancaire.  Napoleon's  mission  to  Genoa.  His 
arrest.  His  autograpliical  justification.  Duroc's  first  connection  with 
Bonaparte. 


\XV1U  CONTENTS. 


CIIArTKll  III. 

1794-1795. 

(I'agLS  31-49.) 

Trnposal  to  pcikI  Bonajiartc  to  La  Vemli'o.  lie  is  stnuk  off  the  list  of 
pcncral  otHiors.  Saliiotti.  Jost'pli's  UKirriaj;e  witli  .Maileiiiiiisello  Clary. 
Uoiiaparte's  wish  to  go  to  Tnrkcv.  Note  explaining  the  j)lan  of  his  pro- 
])oscil  expedition.  Madame  Hourrienne's  iharaiter  of  Bona[)artc,  and  ae- 
eonnt  of  her  hushaml's  arrest.  Constitution  of  the  year  III.  The  13th 
A'endeiniaire.  Honaparte  ajipointed  .secomi  in  command  of  the  army  of 
the  interior.  J^ulogiuiu  of  Bonaparte  by  Barras,  and  its  consequences. 
iSt.  Helena  manuscript. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

1795-1797. 

(Pages  50-(14.) 

On  my  return  to  Paris  I  meet  lionaparte.  His  interview  with  Jose- 
phine. Bonaparte's  marriagf,  and  departure  from  Paris  ten  days  after. 
Portrait  and  character  of  Josephine.  Bonaparte's  dislike  of  national  prop- 
erty. Letter  to  Josephine.  Letter  of  (ieneral  Colli,  and  Bonaj)arte's 
reply.  Bonaparte  refuses  to  serve  with  Kellernian.  Marmont's  letters. 
Bonaparte's  order  to  me  to  join  the  army.  My  departure  from  Sens  for 
Italy.    Insurrection  of  tlie  Venetian  States. 


CHAPTER   V. 

1797. 

(Pages  65-70.) 

Signature  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace.  Fall  of  Venice.  My  arrival 
and  reception  at  Leohen.  Bonajiarte  wishes  to  pursue  his  success.  The 
Directory  opposes  him.  He  wishes  to  advance  on  Vienna.  Movement  of 
the  army  of  the  Samlire-et-Meuse.  Bonaparte's  dis.satisfaction.  Arrival 
at  Milan.  We  take  up  our  residence  at  Montebello.  Napoleon's  judg- 
ment respecting  iJandolo  and  Melzi. 


CONTENTS.  xxix 


CHAPTER   VI. 

1797. 

(Pages  71-79.) 

Napoleon's  correspondence.  Release  of  French  prisoners  at  Olmutz. 
Negotiations  with  Austria.  Bonaparte's  dissatisfaction.  Letter  of 
complaint  from  Bonaparte  to  the  Executive  Directory.  Note  respecting 
tlie  affairs  of  Venice  and  the  Club  of  Clichy,  written  by  Bonaparte  and 
circulated  in  the  army.     Intercepted  letter  of  the  Emperor  Francis. 

CHAPTER   VII. 

1797. 

(Pages   80-92.) 

Unfounded  reports.  Carnot.  Capitulation  of  Mantua.  General  Clarke. 
The  Directory  yields  to  Bonaparte.  Berthier.  Arrival  of  Eugene  Beau- 
hai-nais  at  Milan.  Comte  Delaunay  d'Entraigues.  His  interview  with 
Bonaparte.  Seizure  of  his  papers.  Copy  of  one  describing  a  con\  ersation 
between  him  and  Comte  de  MontgaillarcL  The  Emperor  Francis.  The 
Prince  de  Conde  and  General  Pichegru. 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

1797. 

(Pages  93-103.) 

The  Eoyali.sts  of  the  interior.  Bonaparte's  intention  of  marching  on 
Paris  with  25,000  men.  His  animosity  against  the  emigrants  and  the 
Clichy  Club.  His  choice  between  the  two  parties  of  the  Directory. 
Augereau's  order  of  the  day  against  the  word  Monsieur.  Bonaparte 
wishes  to  l)e  made  one  of  the  five  Directors.  He  supports  the  majority 
of  the  Directory.  La  Vallette,  Augereau,  and  Bernadotte  sent  to  Paris. 
Interesting  correspondence  relative  to  the  18tii  Fructidor. 

CHAPTER   IX. 

1797. 

(Pages  104-111.) 

Bonaparte's  joy  at  the  result  of  the  I8tli  Fructidor.  His  letter  to  Auge- 
reau.    His  correspondence  with  the  Directory  and  proposed  resignation. 


XXX  CONTKNTS. 

Explaiintion  of  tlic  Diroctury.  Bottot.  Goiioral  Clarke.  Letter  from 
JIaiiame  Haciiucihi  to  Hoiiaparte.  Autopia|ili  letter  of  tlio  Kmperor 
Fraiais  to  JJoiiaparte.  Arrival  of  Count  Cobcutzel.  Autograph  uote  of 
Boiiaparte  ou  tliu  couditious  of  peace. 


CII AFTER   X. 

1797. 

(Pajics  112-1-21.) 

Influence  of  the  ISih  Fructidor  on  the  negotiations.  Bonaparte's  sus- 
picion of  Bottot.  His  complaints  respecting  the  non-era.sure  of  Bour- 
rienne.  Bourrienne's  conversation  witli  the  Manpiis  of  (Jallo.  Bottot 
writes  from  Paris  to  Bonaj)arte  on  the  part  of  the  Directory.  Agents  of 
the  Directory  emjdoyed  to  watch  Bonaparte.  Influence  of  the  weather  on 
the  conclusion  of  peace,  liomarkahle  ohservation  of  Bonaparte.  Con- 
clusion of  the  treaty.  Tlie  Directory  dissatisfied  with  the  terms  of  the 
peace.  Bonaparte's  predilection  for  representative  government.  Opin- 
ion ou  Bonaparte. 

CHAPTER  XL 

1797. 

(Pages  122-136.) 

Effect  of  the  18th  Frnctidor  on  the  ])eace.  The  standard  of  the  Army 
of  Italv.  Honours  rendt-red  to  tlie  memory  of  General  llodie  and  of  Vir- 
gil at  Mantua.  Heniarkalde  letter.  In  ])a.ssing  through  Switzerland 
Bonajiarte  vi.sits  the  field  of  ISlorat.  Arrival  at  Bastadt.  Letter  from 
the  Directory  calling  Bonaparte  to  Paris.  Intrigues  against  Josephine. 
Grand  ceremony  on  the  reception  of  Bonaparte  by  the  Directory.  The 
theatres.  Modesty  of  Bonaparte.  An  assa.ssination.  Bonaparte's  opin- 
ion of  the  Parisians.  His  election  to  the  National  Institute.  Letter  to 
Camus.     Projects.     Reflections. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

1798. 

(Pages  137-148.) 

Bonaparte's  departure  from  Paris.  His  return.  Tlie  Egyptian  expedi- 
tion j)rojccteil.  M.  de  Talleyrand.  General  Desai.v.  Exjicdition  against 
Malta.     Money  taken  at  Berne.     Bonaparte's  ideas  respecting  the  East. 


CONTENTS.  XXxi 

Monge.  Nou-iuflueuce  of  the  Directory.  Marriages  of  Marmont  and 
La  V'alette  Buuaparte's  plau  of  colonising  Kgypt.  His  camp  library. 
Orthographical  blunders.  Stock  of  wines.  Bonaparte's  arrival  at  Toulon. 
Madame  Bonaparte's  fall  from  a  balcony.  Execution  of  an  old  man. 
Simon. 

CHAPTER  XIII. 

1798. 

(Pages  149-1G2.) 

Departure  of  the  squadron.  Arrival  at  Malta.  Dolomieu.  General 
Baraguay  d'Hilliers.  Attack  on  the  western  part  of  the  island.  Caffa- 
relli's  remark.  Deliverance  of  the  Turkish  prisoners.  Nelson's  pur.'^uit 
of  the  French  fleet.  Conversations  on  board.  How  Bonaparte  passed  his 
time.  Questions  to  the  Captains.  Propositions  discussed.  Morning 
music.  Proclamation.  Admiral  Brueys.  The  English  fleet  avoided. 
Dangerous  landing.  Bonaparte  and  Ids  fortune.  Alexandria  taken. 
Kleber  wounded.     Bonaparte's  entrance  into  Alexandria. 


CHAPTER   XIV. 

1798. 

(Pages  163-170.) 

The  mirage.  Skirmishes  with  the  Arabs.  Mistake  of  General  Desaix's 
division.  Wretchedness  of  a  rich  Sheik.  Combat  beneath  the  General's 
window.  The  flotilla  on  the  Nile.  Its  distress  and  danger.  The  battle 
of  Chebreisse.  Defeat  of  the  Mamelukes.  Bonaparte's  reception  of  me. 
Letter  to  Louis  Bonaparte.  Success  of  the  French  Army.  Triumphal  en- 
trance into  Cairo.  Civil  and  military  organisation  of  Cairo.  Bonaparte's 
letter  to  his  brother  Joseph.    Plan  of  colonisation. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

1798. 

(Pages  171-176.) 

Establishment  of  a  divan  in  each  Egyptian  province.  Desaix  in  Upper 
Egypt.  Ibrabim  Bey  beaten  by  Bonaparte  at  Saleliye'h.  Sulkowsky 
wounded.  Disaster  at  Aboukir.  Dissatisfaction  and  murmurs  of  the 
army.  Dejection  of  the  (jeneral-in-Chief.  His  plan  respecting  Egypt. 
Meditated  descent  upon  England.  Bonaparte's  censure  of  the  Directorj- 
Intercepted  correspondence. 


XXXU  CONTENTS. 


CIIAI'IKK   XVL 


1798. 

(Pages  ]77-l!il.) 

The  Kgyptian  Institute.  Kt'stival  of  the  liirtli  of  Mahomet.  Bonaparte's 
jtrudt'Mi  ri'S|ieit  for  tlie  Malionietaii  nligiuu.  Jlis  Turkisli  dress.  Djez- 
zar,  tlie  l'a.-<ha  of  Acre.  Tlioiighls  of  a  campaign  in  (jermanv.  Want  of 
news  from  France.  IJonapartc  ami  Madame  Koures.  Tlie  Kgyptian  for- 
tuue-teller,  M.  lierthoUet,  ami  the  Sheik  El  Ikkri.  The  air  "  Marlhrook." 
Insurrection  in  Cairo.  Ucatli  of  General  Dupuis.  Death  of  Snlkowsky. 
The  insurrection  quelled.  Nocturnal  executions.  Destruction  of  a  trilte 
of  Arabs.  Convoy  of  sick  aud  wounded.  Massacre  of  the  Freucii  iu 
Sicily.     Projected  expedition  to  Syria.     Letter  to  Tippoo  Sail. 


CHAPTER   XVII. 

1798-1799. 

(Pages  192-204.) 

Bonaparte's  departure  for  Suez.  Crossing  the  desert.  Pa.ssage  of  the 
Red  Sea.  The  fountain  of  Moses.  The  Cenohites  of  Mount  Sinai. 
Danger  in  recrossiug  the  Red  Sea.  Napoleon's  return  to  Cairo.  Money 
borrowed  at  Genoa.  New  designs  upon  Syria.  Dissatisfaction  of  the 
Ottoman  Porte.  Plan  for  invading  Asia.  Gigantic  schemes.  General 
Berthier's  permission  to  return  to  France.  His  romantic  love  and  the 
adored  portrait.  Jle  gives  up  his  permission  to  return  home.  Louis 
Bonaparte  leaves  Egypt.  The  first  Cashmere  shawl  in  France.  Inter- 
cepted correspondence.  Departure  for  Syria.  Fountains  of  Messoudiah. 
Bonai)arte  jealous.  Discontent  of  the  troops.  El-Arisb  taken.  Aspect 
of  Syria.     Ramleh.    Jerusalem. 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

1799. 

(Pages  205-218.) 

Arrival  at  .Jaffa.  The  siege.  Beauharnais  and  Croisier.  Four  thou- 
sand prisoners.  Scarcity  of  provisions.  (Councils  of  war.  Dreadful 
nece.ssity.  The  massacre.  The  plague.  Lannes  and  the  mountaineers. 
Barbarity  of  Djezzar.  Arrival  at  St  Jean  d'Acre,  and  abortive  attacks. 
Sir  Sidney  Smith.  Death  of  Caffarelli.  Duroc  wounded.  Rash  bathing, 
lusurrections  in  Egypt. 


CONTENTS.  xxxiii 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

1799. 

(Pages  21D-2.34.) 
The  siege  of  Acre  raised.  Attention  to  names  in  bulletins.  Gigantic 
project.  The  Druses.  Mount  Carmel.  The  wounded  and  infected. 
(Jrder  to  march  on  foot.  Loss  of  our  cannon.  A  Xahlousian  fires  at 
Bonaparte.  Return  to  Jaffa.  Bonaparte  visits  the  plague  hospital.  A 
potion  given  to  the  sick.     Bonaparte's  statement  at  St.  Helena. 

CHAPTER   XX. 

1799. 

(Pages  235-245.) 

Murat  and  Mourail  Bey  at  the  Natron  Lakes.  Bonaparte's  departure 
for  the  I'vrainids.  Sudden  appearance  of  an  Arab  messenger.  News  of 
the  landing  of  the  Turks  at  Aboukir.  Bonaparte  marches  against  them. 
They  are  immediately  attacked  and  destroyed  in  the  battle  of  Aboukir. 
Interchange  of  communication  with  the  English.  Sudden  determination 
to  return  to  Europe.  Outfit  of  two  frigates.  Bonaparte's  dissimulation. 
His  pretended  journey  to  the  Delta.  Generous  behaviour  of  Lanusse. 
Bonaparte's  artifice.     His  bad  treatment  of  General  Kleber. 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

1799. 

(Pages  246-256.) 

Our  departure  from  Egypt.  Nocturnal  embarkation.  M.  Parseval 
Grandmaison.  Our  course.  Adverse  winds.  Fear  of  the  English.  Favour- 
able weather.  \'ingt-et-un.  Chess.  We  land  at  Ajaccio.  Bonaparte's 
pretended  relations.  Family  domains.  Want  of  monev.  Battle  of  Novi. 
Death  of  Joubert.  Visionary  schemes.  Purchase  of  a  boat.  Departure 
from  Corsica.  The  English  squadron.  Our  escape.  The  roads  of  I" re- 
jus.  Our  landing  in  France.  The  plague  or  the  Austrians.  Joy  of  tlie 
people.     The  sanitary  laws.     Bonaparte  falsely  accused. 

CHAPTER   XXTT. 

1799. 

(Pages  25  7-264.) 
Effect  prodnceil  by  Bonaparte's  return.     His  justification.     Melancholy 
letter  to  my  wife.     Bonaparte's  intended  dinner  at  Sens.     Louis  Bona- 
VOL.  I.  —  c 


XXxiv  CONTENTS. 

parte  and  .Ioso])liine.  IIo  c-liaiipes  his  intended  route.  Melancholy 
situatiiin  of  the  prnvinces.  Necessity  of  a  cliange.  Bonaparte's  amhi- 
tious  views.  Intlueiice  of  popiihir  applause.  Arrival  in  I'aris.  His 
reception  of  iTose])hi!ie.  Their  reconciliation.  Bonaparte's  visit  to  the 
Directory.     lli.s  contemptuous  treatment  of  Sieves. 

CIIAI'TKll    XXIII. 

1799. 

(Pages  2C.'J-278.) 

Moreau  and  Bernadotte  Bonaparte's  opinion  of  Bemadotte  False 
report.  Tlie  Crown  of  Sweden  and  the  Constitution  of  the  year  HI. 
Intrigues  of  Bonaparte's  brothers.  Angry  conversation  between  Bona- 
]iarte  and  Bernadotte.  Bonaparte's  version.  Josephine's  version.  An 
unexpected  visit.  The  Manege  Club.  Salicetti  an<l  Joseph  Bonaparte. 
Bonaparte  invites  himself  to  lireakfast  with  Bernadotte.  Country  excur- 
sion. Bernadotte  dines  with  Bonajmrte.  The  plot  and  conspiracy.  Con- 
duct of  Lucien.  Dinner  given  to  Bonaparte  by  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Hundred.  Bonaparte's  wish  to  be  chosen  a  member  of  the  Directory. 
His  reconciliation  with  Sieyes.  Offer  made  by  the  Directory  to  Bona- 
parte.    He  is  falsely  accused  by  Barras. 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

1799. 

(Pages  279-290.) 

Cambace'rbs  and  Lebnin.  Gohier  deceived.  My  nocturnal  visit  to 
Barras.  The  command  of  the  army  given  to  Bonaparte.  The  morning 
of  the  18th  Brumaire.  Meeting  of  the  generals  at  Bonaparte's  house. 
Bernadotte's  firmness.  Josephine's  interest  for  Madame  (i<»hier.  Disap- 
])ointmcnt  of  the  Directors.  Review  in  the  gardens  of  the  Tuileries. 
Bonaparte's  harangue.  Proclamation  of  the  Ancients.  Moreau,  jailer 
of  the  Luxembourg.  My  conversation  with  La  Vallette.  Bonaparte 
at  St.  Cloud. 

CH.VPTER   XXV. 

1799. 

(Pages  291-30.3.) 

The  two  Councils.  Barras'  letter.  Bonaparte  at  the  Council  of  the 
Five  Hundred.  False  reports.  Tumultuous  sitting.  Lucien's  speech. 
He  resigns  the  Presidency  of  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred.     He  is 


CONTENTS.  XXXV 

carried  out  bv  grenadiers.  He  harangues  the  troops.  A  dramatic  scene. 
Murat  and  his  soldiers  drive  out  the  Five  Hundred.  Council  of  Tliirty. 
Consular  conimi.ssiou.  Decree,  lieturn  to  Paris.  Conversation  with 
Bonaparte  and  Josephine  respecting  Gohier  and  Bernadotte.  The  direc- 
tors Gohier  and  Moulins  imprisoned. 

CHAPTER   XXYI. 

1799. 

(Pages  304-315.) 
General  approbation  of  the  18th  Brumaire.  Distress  of  the  Treasury. 
M.  Collet's  generosity.  Bonaparte's  ingratitude.  Gohier  set  at  liberty. 
Constitution  of  the  year  VIII.  The  Senate,  Tribunate,  and  Council  of 
State.  Notes  required  on  the  character  of  candidates.  Bonaparte's  love 
of  integrity  and  talent.  Influence  of  habit  over  liim.  His  hatred  of 
the  Tribunate.  Provisional  concessions.  The  first  Consular  Ministry. 
Mediocrity  of  La  Place.  Proscription  lists.  Cambace'res'  report.  M. 
Moreau  de  Worms.  Ciiaracter  of  Sieyes.  Bonaparte  at  the  Luxem- 
bourg. Distribution  of  the  day  and  visits.  Lebruu's  opposition.  Bona- 
parte's singing.  His  boyish  tricks.  Resumption  of  the  titles  "  Madame  " 
and  "  IMonseigneur."  The  men  of  the  Revolution  and  the  partisans  of  the 
Bourbons.  Bonaparte's  fears.  Confidential  notes  on  candidates  for  oflice 
and  the  assemblies. 

CHAPTER   XXVn. 
1799-1800. 

(Pages  31G-3-23.) 
Difficulties  of  a  new  Government.  State  of  Europe.  Bonaparte's 
wish  for  peace.  jM.  de  Talleyrand  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs.  Nego- 
tiations with  England  and  Austria.  Their  failure.  Bonaparte's  views 
on  the  East.  His  sacrifices  to  jjolicy.  General  Bonaparte  denounced 
to  the  First  Consul.  Kleber's  letter  to  the  Directory.  Accounts  of 
the  Egyptian  expedition  published  in  the  "  Moniteur."  Proclamation 
to  the  Army  of  the  East.  Favour  and  disgrace  of  certain  individuals 
accounted  for. 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

1800. 

(Pages  3-24-349.) 
Great  and  common  men.    Portrait  of  Bonaparte.     The  varied  expres- 
sion of   his  countenance.     His   convulsive   shrug.     Presentiment   of   his 
corpulencv.     Partiality  for  bathing.     His  temperance.     His  alleged  capa- 
bility  of  dispensing  with   sleep.     Good  and   bad  news.     Shaving,   and 


xxxvi  CONTEXTS. 

roudinij  the  jonnials.  Morniii};  biiKinoss.  Breakfast.  Coffop  ami  snuff. 
Hi)iia])art(''s  idea  of  his  own  sit(iatii>ii.  His  ill  )>]iinii>ii  <>f  inaiikiml.  His 
dislike  of  a  tvtt-'alvlr.  His  liatrcil  of  the  Kevoliitioiiists.  Ladies  in  white. 
Aiieidotes.  Hoiia|»arte'»  tokens  of  kiiKJiicss,  and  his  droll  eoni])linients. 
His  tits  uf  ill  humour.  Sound  of  hells.  Gardens  uf  Malniaison.  Ilia 
opinion  of  niedieino.  His  memory.  His  poetic  insensihility.  His  want 
of  gallantry.  Cards  and  eon\ersation.  The  dress-coat  and  hlack  cravat. 
Bonaparte's  payments.     His  religious  ideas.     His  obstinacy. 


CII.M'TEi;    XXIX. 

1800. 
(Pages   350-366.) 

Bonaparte's  laws.  Sujtpression  of  the  festival  of  the  21  st  of  .Tanuarv. 
Orticial  visits.  The  Temple.  Louis  XVI.  and  Sir  Sidney  Smith.  I'ecula,- 
tion  dnrinijf  tiie  Direitory.  Loan  raised.  Modest  hudj^ct.  The  Consul 
anil  the  Mcmiier  of  the  Institute.  The  fitjure  of  the  Ke])ul)lic.  Duroc's 
missions.  'J'lie  King  of  Prussia.  The  Emperor  Alexander.  General 
Latour-Foissac.  Arhitrary  decree.  Company  of  players  for  Egypt.  Sin- 
gular ideas  res|>ccting  literary  property.  Tiie  preparatory  Consulate. 
The  jonrnals.  Sahres  and  muskets  of  honour.  The  Eirst  Consul  ami  his 
Comrade.  The  bust  of  Brutus.  Statues  in  the  gallery  of  the  Tuileries. 
Sections  of  the  Council  of  State.  Costumes  of  public  functionaries. 
Mascjuerades.     The  opera-balls.     Recall  of  the  exiles. 

CHAPTER    XXX. 

1800. 

(Pages  .367-.3S3.) 
Bonaparte  and  Paul  I.  Lord  Whitworth.  Baron  Sprengporten's 
arrival  at  Paris.  Paul's  admiration  of  Bonaparte.  Tiieir  close  connec- 
tion and  correspondence.  The  royal  challenge.  General  i\Iack.  The 
road  to  Malmaison.  Attempts  at  ;i.ssassination.  Death  of  Washington. 
National  mourning.  Ambitious  calculation.  M.  de  Eontanes,  the  skilful 
orator.  Fete  at  the  Temple  of  >Lirs.  Murat's  marriage  with  Caroline 
Bonaparte.     Aladame  Bonaparte's  pearls. 

CHAPTER  XXXr. 
1800. 

(Pages  384-391.) 

Police  on  police.  False  information.  Dexterity  of  Fouchc.  Police 
agents  deceived.     Money  ill  ajtplied.     Inutility  of  political  police.     Bona- 


CONTENTS,  XXXVii 

parte's  opinion.     General  considerations.     My  appointment  to  the  Pre- 
fecture of  police. 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

1800. 

(Pages  302-402.) 

Successful  management  of  parties.  Precautions.  Removal  from  the 
Luxembourg  to  the  Tuileries.  Hackney-coaches  and  tlie  Consul's  white 
horses.  Roj-^al  custom  and  an  inscription.  The  review.  Bonaparte's 
homage  to  the  stancUirds.  Talleyrand  in  Bonaparte's  cabinet.  Bonar 
parte's  aversion  to  the  cap  of  liberty  even  in  painting.  The  state  bed. 
Our  cabinet. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

1800. 

(Pages  403-419.) 

The  Tuileries.  Royalty  in  perspective.  Remarkable  observation. 
Presentations.  Assumption  of  the  prerogative  of  mercy.  M.  Defeu.  M. 
de  Frotte.  Georges  Cadoudal's  audience  of  Bonaparte.  Rapp's  precau- 
tion and  Bonaparte's  confidence.  The  dignity  of  France.  Napper  Tandy 
and  Blackwell  delivered  up  l)y  the  Senate  of  Hamburg.  Contribution  in 
the  Egyptian  style.  Valueless  bill.  Fifteen  thousand  francs  in  the  drawer 
of  a  secretaire.     Josephine's  debts.     Evening  walks  with  Bonaparte. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

1800. 

(Pages  420-437.) 

War  and  monuments.  Influence  of  the  recollections  of  Egypt.  First 
improvements  in  Paris.  Malmaison  too  little.  St.  Cloud  taken.  The 
Pont  des  Arts.  Business  ])rescribed  for  me  l)v  Bonaparte.  Pecuniary 
remuneration.  Tlie  First  Consul's  visit  to  tlie  Pritanc'e.  His  examina- 
tion of  the  pupils.  Consular  pensions.  Tragical  death  of  Miackzinski. 
Introduction  of  vaccination.  Recall  of  the  members  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly.  The  "  canary  "  volunteers.  Tronchet  and  Target.  Liberation 
of  the  Austrian  prisoners.     Longchamps  and  sacred  music.     Annex. 


xxxviii  CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER    XXXV. 

1800. 

(Pages  4;{.s-449.) 

The  "Memorial  of  St.  Helena."  Louis  XVIII.'s  first  letter  to  Bona- 
parte. Josephine,  Ilortense,  and  the  Fauhonrp;  St.  Germain.  Madame 
Bonaparte  and  the  fortune-teller.  Louis  XVIII.'s  secund  letter.  Buii.-i- 
jiarte's  answer.  Conversation  respecting  the  recall  of  Louis  XN'III. 
IVace  and  war.  A  battle  fought  with  pins.  Genoa  .and  .Melas.  Be.alisa- 
tion  of  Bonaparte's  military  plans.  Ironical  letter  to  Berthicr.  Departure 
from  Paris.  In.-itructions  to  Lucieu  and  Camliaceres.  Josepli  Bonajiarte 
appointed  Councillor  of  St.ate.  Travelling  couversation.  Alexander  and 
Caesar  judged  by  Bonaparte. 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS. 
Vol.  I. 

Page 
Napoleon Frontispiece 

Letitia  Boxaparte 2 

Josephine 52 

Desaix 172 

Eighteenth  of  Brumaiee 2!)4 

Mubat 378 


CHEONOLOGY   OF   BONAPAETE'S   LIFE. 


Aas.      Datb.  Event, 

1769.     Aug.  1.5.  —  Napoleon  Bonaparte  born  at  Ajaccio,  in  Corsica. 
Fourth  child  of  Charles  Bonaparte  and   of  Letitia,  ute 
Kanioliuo. 
1.     1771.     July  21.  — Napoleon  Bonaparte  baptised  in  the   Cathedral 

of  Ajaccio. 
9.     1778.     Dec.  15. — Napoleon  embarks  for  France  with  his  father, 

his  brother  Joseph,  and  his  uncle  Fesch. 
9.     1779,     Jan.  1. — Napoleon    enters    tlie    College    of    Autuu    with 

Joseph. 
9.     1779.     April  25. — Napoleon  enters  the  Royal  Military  School  of 

Brienne-le-Chateau. 
15.     1784.     Oct.  2.3. — Napoleon  enters  the  Royal  Military    School  of 
Paris. 

15.  1785.     Feb.  24. — Charles  Bonaparte,    father   of   Napoleon,     dies 

from  cancer  in  the  stomach,  aged  thirty-eight  years. 

16.  1785.     Sept.  1. — Napoleon  appointed  Lieutenant  en  seco«(/ in  the 

Compagnie  d'Autuine  of  Bombardiers  of  the  5th  Bri- 
gade of  the  1st  Battalion  of  the  (Artillery)    Regiment 
de  la  Fere,  then  quartered  at  Valence. 
16.     1785.     Oct.  29.  — Napoleon  leaves  the  Military  School  of  Paris. 

16.  1785.     Nov.  5  to  Aug.  11,  1786.—  Napoleon  at  Valence  with  his 

regiment. 

17.  1786.     Aug.    15  to   Sept.  20,     1786. — Napoleon   at   Lyons    with 

regiment. 
17.     1786.     Oct.  17  to  Feb.   1,1787.  —  Napoleon  at   Douai  with  regi- 
ment. 

17.  1787.     Feb.  1  to  Oct.  14,  1787.  — Napoleon  on  leave  to  Corsica. 

18.  1787.     Oct.  15  to  Dec.  24,  1787.  —  Napoleon  quits  Corsica,  arrives 

in  Paris,  obtains  fresh  leave,  and 
18.     1787.     Dec.  25  to  May,  1788.  —  Napoleon  proceeds  to  Corsica,  and 
returns  early  in  May. 
18-19.     1788.     May  to  April  4,  1789.  — Napoleon  at  Auxonne  with  regi- 
ment. 


xlil  ('IlKONOLOGY   OF    noNAI'AK'I'KS    LIFE. 

AoK.       Date.  Kvkst. 

ly.     IT.s'.i.     Aj)ril  :')  to  April  .'10.  —  Niipoloon    at    St'iirrt'    in  roinniand 
of  a  (li'lac-liiiK-nt. 

I'.t-ao.  178'J.  May  1  to  Sept.  15,  1789.  —  Napoleon  at  Auxoiiue  with 
n'lriincnt. 

20-21.  1789.  Sejit.  16  to  Juno  1.  1791.  —  Napolt-oii  iiroi-ocdH  to  Corsica; 
en<jago.s  in  revolutionary  niovomont.s ;  ri'turns  on  l.'Uli 
Fei)ruary,  1791,  havinj^  overstayed  leave  from  \bl\\ 
Oi't.  1790;  absence  excused  on  account  of  contrary 
winds. 

21-22.  1791.  June  2  to  Aug.  29,  1791. —  Napoleon  joins  tlie  4th  Regi- 
ment of  Artillery  at  \'aleuce  as  I^ieutcnant  en  pn  mitr. 
22.  1791.  Aug.  30  —  Napoleon  starts  for  Corsica  on  leave  for  three 
nn«iths;  elected  in  Ajiril,  1792,  as  second  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  of  2d  Battalion  of  Corsicau  Volunteers  ;  en- 
gages in  fresh  revolutionary  attempts;  ([uits  Corsica, 
2d  May,  1792.  for  France,  where  he  has  been  dismissed 
for  aksence  witliout  leave. 
22.     1791.     Dec.  12. — Marie    Louise,   daughter   of   Emperor  Francis, 

born. 
22.     1792.     June  20.  —  Attack  of  mob  on  Tuileries  ;  King  wears  cap  of 
liiterty  ;  Napoleon  looking  on. 

22.  1792.     Aug.  10. — Sack  of  Tuileries;  slaughter  of  Swiss  Guard; 

King  suspended  from  his  functions. 

23.  1792.     Aug.  30.  —  Napoleon  rein.stated  ;  explaining  his  absence  as 

serving  with  volunteers,  and  is  promoted  as  Captain  of 
4th  Cla.ss,  with  ante-date  of  fitii  February,  1792. 
23.  1792.  Sept.  14  to  June  11,  1793. —  Napoleon  in  Corsica  engaged 
in  revolutionary  attempts,  till,  having  declared  against 
Faoli,  he  and  his  family  have  to  (piit  Corsica.  Mean- 
while France  declared  a  He])ublic,  21st  September, 
1792;  Louis  XVL  guillotined  21st  January,  1793. 

23.  1793.     June  13  to  July  14, 1793.  —  Napoleon  with  his  conipany  at 

Nice. 
23-24.    1793.     July    14  to  Oct.  9,1793.  —  Napoleon   witli   Army  of  Car- 
teaux    in    the    south,  acting    against    Marseilles   and 
Toulon. 

24.  1793.     Oct.  9  to  Dec.  19. —  Napoleon  placed  in  command  of  part 

of  artillery  of  army  of  Carteanx  before  Toulon  ;  made 
Clii'f  <le  IJataillon  (Major),  19th  October  ;  Toulon  taken, 
19t]i  December. 
24.  1793.  Dec.  22.  —  Napoleon  nominated  provisionally  General  of 
Brigaile ;  ap])roved  later;  receives  commission,  16th 
Februarv,  1794. 


CHRONOLOGY   OF  BONAPARTE'S  LIFE.  xliii 

Age.      Date.  Event. 

24.  1793.  Dec.  26  to  April  1,  1794.  —  Napoleon  appointed  Inspector 
of  the  coast  from  the  Rlioue  to  the  Var,  and  on  inspec- 
tion duty. 

24.  1794.     April   1  to  Aug.    5,  1794. —  Napoleon    with  army  of  Italy 

under    Dunierhion ;  preparing    plans,    etc.,    with     the 
younger  Robespierre,  etc. ;  at  Genoa  15th-21st  July. 
24-2.5.     1794.     Aug.  6  to  Aug.  20,  1794.  —  Napoleon   in   arrest  after  fall 
of  Robespierre  on  suspicion  of  treachery. 

25.  1794.     Sept.    14    to    March   29,    1795.  —  Napoleon    commanding 

artillery  of  an  intended  maritime  expedition  to 
Corsica. 

25.  1795.     Marcli  27  to  May  10. —  Napoleon  ordered  from  the  south  to 

join  the  army  in  La  Vendee  to  command  its  artillery  ; 
arrives  in  Paris,  10th  May. 
25-26.  1795.  June  13. — Naj)oleon  ordered  to  join  Iloche's  army  at 
Brest,  to  command  a  brigade  of  infantry ;  remains  in 
Paris;  21st  August,  attached  to  Comite  de  Salut 
Public  as  one  of  four  advisers  ;  1 5th  September,  struck 
off  list  of  employed  generals  for  disobedience  of  orders 
in  not  proceeding  to  the  west. 

26.  1795.     Oct.  5,  13th  Vendemiaire  (Jour  des  Sections). — Napoleon 

defends  the  Convention  from  the  revolt  of  the  Sections, 
and  fires  on  the  people  as  second  in  command  under 
Barras. 

26.  1795.  Oct.  16.  —  Napoleon  appointed  provisionally  General  of 
Division. 

26.  1795.  Oct.  20. — Napoleon  appointed  General  of  Division  and 
Commander  of  the  Army  of  the  Interior  {i.  c  of  Paris). 

26.  1796.  March  2.  —  Napoleon  appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 
Army  of  Italy ;  9th  March,  marries  Josephine  Tascher 
de  la  Pagerie,  Vicomtesse  de  Beauharnais,  widow  of 
General  Vicomte  Alexandre  de  Beauharnais,  and  leaves 
Paris  for  Italy  on  11th  Marcli. 

26.  1796.  —  First  Italian  campaign  of  Napoleon  against  Austrians 
under  Beanlion,  and  Sardinians  under  Colli.  Battle  of 
Montonotte,  12th  April;  Millesimo.  I3tli  xVpril ;  Dego, 
14th  and  15th  April;  Mondovi,  21st  April;  armistice 
of  Chera-sco  with  Sardinians,  28th  April ;  battle  of 
Lodi,  9th  ^fay;  Austrians  beaten  out  of  Lombardy 
and  Mantua  liesieged. 

26.  1796.  July  and  Aug. —  First  attempt  of  Austrians  to  relieve  Man- 
tua; battle  of  Lonato,  31st  July;  Lonato  and  Casci- 
glione,  3d  August;  and,  again,  Castiglione,  5tb  and  Oth 
August ;  Wurmser  beaten  off,  and  Mantua  again 
invested. 


xliv  CllRONoLndV    oK    UoNAl'AIiTK'S    LIFE. 

Aei.      Date.  Kvent. 

27.  17'J6.  Sojit.  —  Si'ciintl  attt'inpt  <>f  Austrians  to  roliovo  Mantua; 
buttles  of  C'ulliaiio,  4tli  Se|>t('inl)tr ;  I'riniolano,  7th 
Septemher ;  Ha.'«.>*aiio,  8tli  Scjjti'iiilior ;  St.  (icorges, 
15th  Septeiiilior ;  Wumisor  drivoii  into  Mantua  and  in- 
vestetl  tliorc.  Mcanwliile  Jf)urilaii  ha.s  l>ecn  forced 
hack  across  thf  Khino  by  tho  Archdnko  Cliarles  on 
21st  Septcnil)er;  Morcau,  after  two  celebrated  retreats, 
rccrosses  the  H  hine,  25th  dctober. 

27.  1796.  Nov. — Thinl  attempt  of  Au.strians  to  relieve  Mantua; 
battles  of  raldiero,  11th  November,  and  Areola,  15tli, 
16th,  and  17th  November;  Alvin/.i  driven  off. 

27.  1797.  Jan. —  Fourth  attempt  to  relieve  Mantua:  battle.*  of  Rivoli, 
14th  January,  and  Favorita,  16tii  .January;  Alviuzi 
ajjain  driven  off. 

27.     1797.     Feb.  2.  —  Wurmser  surrenders  Mantua  with  18,000  men. 

27.  1797.     March  10. — Napoleon  commences  his  advance  on  the  Arch- 

duke Charles  I  beats  him  at  the  Tagliamento,  16th 
March;  7th  April,  armistice  of  .Judenbourg ;  18th 
April,  Provisional  Treaty  of  Leoben  with  Austria,  who 
cedes  the  Netherlands,  and  is  to  get  the  Venetian  terri- 
tory on  the  mainland  ;  Hoche  advances,  cro.«ses  the 
Rhine  same  day,  and  Moreau  on  20th  April,  till  stopped 
by  news  of  peace. 

28.  1797.     Sept.  4. —  Coup   d'etat  oi  18th    Fructidor ;  majority  of    Di- 

rectors supported  by  the  Jncoliins  and  by  Napoleon, 
put  down  Royalist  movement  antl  banish  many  deputies 
to  Cayenne. 

28.  1797.  Oct.  17.  —  Treaty  of  Campo-Forniio  between  France  and 
Austria  to  replace  that  of  Leoben  ;  Venice  partitioned, 
and  itself  now  falls  to  Austria. 

28.  1798.  Jan.  \^.  —  Congress  of  Rastadt  formally  opens,  continues 
till  28th  April,  1799. 

28.  1798.  —  Egyptian  expedition.  Napoleon  sails  from  Toulon,  19th 
May;  takes  Malta,  12th  .June;  lands  near  Alexandria, 
l.st  .Tulv ;  Alexandria  taken,  2d  July ;  battle  of  the 
Chebreisse,  1.3th  July;  battle  of  the  Pj'ramids,  21st 
July  ;  Cairo  entered,  2.3d  July. 

28.  1798.     Aug.  1. —  Battle  of  the  Nile. 

29.  1799.     March   .3.  —  Napoleon  starts  for  Syria;  7th  >LTrch,  takes 

•Jaffa:  18th  March,  inve.sts  St.  Je.an  d'Acre ;  16th 
April,  battle  of  Mount  Tabor;  22d  May,  siege  of  Acre 
raised;  Napoleon  reaches  Cairo,  14th  June. 


CHRONOLOGY   OF  BONAPARTE'S   LIFE.  xh" 

AoE.     Date.  Event. 

29.  1799.     July  25.— Battle    of  Aboukir;    Turks    defeated.     Mean- 

while the  Au-strians  and  Russians  liave  driven  the 
French  out  of  Italy,  Macdonald  being  beaten  by  Su- 
warrow  on  the  Trebhia,  18th  to  20th  June,  and  Hoche 
being  defeated  and  killed  at  Novi,  1.5th  August ;  French 
in  same  position  as  when  Napoleon  took  command  in 
179«. 

30.  1799.     August    (22d  August,  Tliiers  ;   24th  August,  Bourrienne ; 

10th  September,  Marmout). —  Napoleon  sails  from 
Egypt ;  lands  at  Frejus,  6th  October.  Meanwhile  Mas- 
sena  beats  the  Russians  and  Austrians,  2.'3th  and  26th 
September,  at  Zurich  ;  Suwarrow  forces  his  way  over 
the  Alps,  but  witlidraws  his  army  in  disgust  with  the 
Austrians  in  October. 

30.  1799.  Oct.  9  and  10,  18th  and  19th  Brumaire.  —  Napoleon  seizes 
power.  Provisionary  Consulate  formed  —  Napoleon, 
Sieyes,  and  Roger  Ducos. 

30.  1799.  Dec.  25. —  Napoleon,  First  Con.sul;  Cambaceres,  Second 
Consul ;     Lebrun,  Third  Consul. 

30.  1800.  April  2.5.  —  Moreau  commences  his  advance  into  Germany, 
and  forces  Austrians  back  on  Ulm. 

30.  1 800.     May  and   June.  —  Marengo  campaign.     1 4th  May,  Napo- 

leon commences  passage  of  St.  Bernard ;  2d  June, 
enters  Milan ;  4th  June,  Massena  surrenders  Genoa 
to  Austrians ;  9th  June,  Lannes  gains  battle  of  Monte- 
bello;  14th  June,  battle  of  Marengo;  Desaix  killed 
(Kluber  assassinated  in  Egypt  same  day);  armistice 
signed  by  Napoleon  with  M  elas,  1 5th  June ;  Genoa 
and  Italian  fortresses  surrendered  to  French;  Moreau 
concludes  armistice,  15th  July,  having  reached  middle 
of  Bavaria. 

31.  1800.     Nov.  28. —  Rupture  of  armistice  with  Austria;  3d  Decem- 

ber, Moreau  gains  battle  of  Holieulinden. 

31.  1800.  Dec.  24  {3d  NivGse).  —  Affair  of  the  Hue  St.  Nicaise ; 
attempt  to  assassinate  Napoleon  by  infernal  machine. 

31.  1801.  Feb.  9.  —  Treaty  of  Luneville  between  France  and  Ger- 
many ;  Venice  partitioned ;  left  bank  of  Rhine  and 
the  Austrian  Netherlands  securetl  to  France. 

31.  1801.     July  15. —  Co«co;"f?a<  with  Rome ;  Roman  Catholic  religion 

restored  in  France. 

32.  1801.     Oct.  1.  —  Preliminaries  of  peace  between  France  and  Eng 

land  signed  at  London. 
32.     1802.    Jan.  26.  —  Napoleon  Vice-President  of  Italian  Republic. 


32. 

1802. 

33. 

1803. 

33. 

1 803. 

33. 

1803. 

34. 

1804. 

34. 

1804, 

xlvi  CHRONOLOGY   OF   BONAP.MrrF/S   LIFE. 

AoB.      Pat«.  Kvkst. 

32.     1802.     March  27. — Treaty  of  Aniit'iis;   Kiijrlantl  restores  all  ron- 

<|iiests  except  Ceylon  and  Trinidad  ;   Freneli  to  evacuate 

Naples  and  lionie ;   Malta  to  In-  restored  to  Knights. 
32.     1802.     May  19.  —  Legion  of  Honour  instituted ;  carried  out  14th 

July,  1814. 
Aug.  14. —  Napoleon  First  Consul  for  life. 
Feb.  25.  —  Recess    (or    Reichs   Deputation)  of  the  German 

I^inpire ;  niediatisation  of  tlie  smaller  and  of  the  ecde- 

8i;ustical  States  of  (icrniany. 
May.  —  War  hetween  France  ami  England. 
March  5. — Civil  Code  (later,  Code  Napoleon)  decreed. 
March  21.  —  Due  d'F.njihien  shot  at  Vincennes. 
ALiy  18.  —  Napoleon,  Kmpereur  des  Frau^ais  ;  crowned  2d 

December. 

36.  1805.  —  Ulin  campaign;  25th    September,  N.apoleon    crosses    the 

Rhine;  14th  October,  b.ittle  of  Elchiugen;  20th  Octo- 
ber, Mack  surrenders  dm. 

Oct.  21.  —  Battle  of  Trafalgar. 

Dec.  2.  —  Russians  and  Austrians  defeated  at  Austerlifz. 

Dec.  26.  —  Treaty  of  Fresburg  ;  Austria  cedes  her  .share  of 
Venetian  lands  to  Kingdom  of  Italy,  and  the  Tyrol  to 
Bavaria,  wliich,  with  VViirteraberg,  is  recognised  as  a 
Kingdom. 

Feb.  15. — Joseph  Bonaparte  enters  Naples  as  King. 

June  5.  —  Louis  Bonaparte,  King  of  Holland. 

July  1.  —  Confederation  of  the  Rhine  formed;  Napoleon 
protector ;  German  Empire  dissolved  6th  August ; 
Francis  I.  takes  title  of  Francis  II.  of  Austria. 

37.  1806. — Jena   campaign    with    Prussia.     Battle  of  Saalfeld,   10th 

October;  battles  of  Jena  and  of  Auerstadt,  14th  Octo- 
ber; Berlin  occupied,  25th  October. 

37.     1806.     Nov.  2L  —  Berlin  decrees  issued. 

37.  1807.  Feb.  8. —  Battle  of  Eylau  with  Russians,  indecisive;  14th 
June,  battle  of  Friedland,  decisive. 

37.  1807.  Julv  7.  —  Treaty  of  Tilsit.  Prussia  partitioned;  Polish 
])rovinces  forming  Duchy  of  War.saw  under  Saxony; 
provinces  on  left  of  Elbe,  with  Hes.se  Cassel,  made 
into  Kingdom  of  Westplialia  for  Jc'rome  Bonaparte. 

37.  1807.     Aug.  and  Sept.  —  English  expedition  against  Copenhagen. 

38.  1807.     Oct.  27.  —  Secret  treaty  of  Fontainebleau   between  France 

and  Spain  for  the  partition  of  Portugal ;  Junot  enters 
Lisl)on,  30th  November;  Royal  Family  withdraw  to 
Brazil. 


36. 

1805. 

36. 

1805, 

36. 

1805. 

36. 

1806. 

36. 

1806, 

36. 

1806, 

CHRONOLOGY   OF   BONAPARTE'S   LIFE.  xlvii 

AoE.      Date.  E'V'ent. 

.38.  1808.  March.  —  French,  under  Murat,  gradually  occupj'  Spain 
under  pretence  of  march  on  Portugal ;  2d  Mav,  insur- 
rection at  Madrid;  9th  May,  treaty  of  Bavoniie ; 
Charles  IV.  of  Spain  cedes  throne;  Joseph  Bonaparte 
transferred  from  Naples  to  Spain ;  replaced  at  Naples 
hy  Murat. 

38.  1808.     July  22.  —  Dupont  surrenders  to  Spaniards  at  Baylen;  this 

leads  to  evacuation  of  Madrid  by  French. 

39.  1808.  Aug.  17.  —  Wellesley  defeats  Laborde  at  Rolica,  and  Junot 

on  21st  at  Vimiera;  30th  August,  Convention  of  Cintra 
for  evacuation  of  Portugal  by  Junot. 

39.  1808.  Sept.  27  to  Oct.  14.  —  Conferences  at  Erfurt  between 
Napoleon,  Alexander,  and  German  Sovereigns. 

39.  1808.  Nov.  and  Dec. — Napoleon  beats  the  Spanish  armies; 
enters  Madrid ;  marches  against  Moore,  but  suddenly 
returns  to  France  to  prepare  for  Austrian  campaign. 

39.     1809.     Jan.  16.     Battle  of  Corunna. 

39.  1809. —  Campaign  of  Wagram.     Austrians  advance,  10th  April; 

battle  of  Abensberg,  20th  April;  Eckmuhl,  2Jd  April; 
Napoleon  occupies  Vienna,  I3th  May ;  beaten  back  at 
Es.sling,  22d  May ;  finally  cro.sses  Danube,  4th  July,  and 
defeats  Austrians  at  Wagram,  6th  July ;  armistice  of 
Znaim,  12th  July. 

40.  1809.     Oct.  14.  —  Treaty  of  Schonbrunn  or  of  Vienna:   Austria 

cedes  Istria,  Carinthia,  etc.,  to  France,  and  Salzburg  to 
Bavaria. 

40.     1809.     Dec.  1.5-16. —Josephine  divorced. 

40.  1810.  April  I  and  2.  —  Marriage  of  Napoleon,  aged  40,  with 
Marie  Louise,  aged  18y'j. 

40.  1810.     Julys.  —  Louis   Bonaparte   abdicates   crown    of  Holland, 

which  is  annexed  to  French  Empire  on  9th  Julv. 

41.  1810.     Dec.  13.  —  Ilanseatic  towns  and  aU  northern  coa.st  of  Ger- 

many annexed  to  French  Empire. 
41.     1811.     March  20.  —  The  King  of  Rome,  son  of  Napoleon,  born. 
2-43.     1812.     June  23.  —  War  with  Ru.ssia  ;  Napoleon  cros.ses  the  Nie- 

men  ;  7th  S(;pt(>mber,    battle  of  Moskwa  or  Borodino ; 

Napoleon  enters  Moscow,  14t]i  September;  commences 

his  retreat,  19th  October. 
43.     1812.     Oct.  22-23  —Conspiration  of  General  Malet  at  Paris. 
43.     1813.     Nov.  26-28.  —  I'assago   of   the    Bercsina ;    .5th    December, 

Napoleon    leaves    Iiis    army;   arrives   at    Paris,    18th 

December. 


xlviii  CIIUONOLOGY   OF   BONAPAIMT/S   LIFE. 

AoE.       Date.  Kvent. 

43—44.  Itil3.  —  I.tipsic  cuiniiaifiti.  2il  Mav,  N.i|i<>lcon  defeats  Russians 
and  I'riissiaris  at  Lutzeii ;  ami  apaiii  on  20-21st  May 
at  Hantzon  ;  (2l8t  .lune,  Wattle  <>f  N'ittoria,  .Joseph  de- 
cisively defeated  by  Wellinj^ton);  26tii  .June,  inter- 
view of  Napoleon  and  Metternieh  at  Dresden;  lOtli 
Aiipiist,  mitlnijflit,  Austria  joins  the  Allies;  26-27tli 
August,  Napoleon  defi-ats  Allies  at  Dresden,  hut  \nu- 
<ianiine  is  routed  at  Kulni  on  ."iOtii  August,  and  on  IGtli- 
I'Jtli  ()(tol)er.  Napoleon  is  heaten  at  Leijjsic ;  .'3(ith 
October,  Napoleon  sweeps  Bavarians  from  his  path  at 
Ilanau. 

44.  1814. — Allies  advance  into  France;  29tli  .January,  battle  of 
IJrienne ;  1st   February,   battle   of   La  Itothifere. 

44.     1814.     Feb.  5  to  .March  18.  —  Conferences  of  Chatillon  (sur  Seine). 

44.  1814.  Feb.  11.  —  Buttle  of  Montmirail;  14th  February,  of  Vau- 
champs  ;  18th  F'ebruary,  of  Montereau. 

44.  1814.  Feb.  23-24.  —  Wellington  crosses  the  Adour,  and  be.its 
Soult  at  Orthes  on  27th  February. 

44.  1814.  March?.  — Battle  of  Cmon  ;  9th-l  0th  March,  Laou;  20th 
March,  Arcis  sur  I'Aube. 

44.  1814.  March  21.  —  Napoleon  commences  his  march  to  throw  him- 
self on  the  communications  of  the  Allies;  25th  March, 
Allies  commence  their  march  on  Paris ;  battle  of 
La  Fere  Champenoise,  Marmont  and  Mortier  beaten ; 
28th  March,  Napoleon  turns  back  at  St.  Dizier  to 
follow  allies ;  29th  March,  Empress  and  Court  leave 
I'aris. 

44.  1814.  March  30. — Paris  capitulates  ;  Allied  Sovereigns  enter  on 
31st  March. 

44.  1814.  April  2.  —  Senate  declare  the  dethronement  of  Napoleon, 
who  abdicates,  conditionally,  on  4th  April  in  favour  of 
his  s(m,  and  unconditionally  on  fith  April;  Marmont's 
corps  marches  into  the  enemy's  lines  on  .5th  April; 
on  11th  April,  Napoleon  signs  the  treaty  giving  iiim 
Elba  for  life  ;  20th  April,  Napoleon  takes  leave  of  the 
Guar;l  at  Fontainebleau ;  3d  May,  I.,ouis  XVIII.  enters 
Paris  ;  4th  May,  Napoleon  lands  in  l^lba. 

44.  1814.     May  30.  —  First   Treaty   of  Paris;    F'rance   restricted   to 

limits  of   1792,  with  some  slight  additions,  part  of   Sa- 
voy, etc. 

45.  1814.     Octobers.  —  Congre.ss  of  Vienna  meets  for  settlement  of 

Europe ;  actually  opens  3d  November. 


CHRONOLOGY   OF   BONAPARTE'S   LIFE.  xlix 

Age.     Date.  Event. 

45.  1815.  Feb.  26. —Napoleon  quits  Elba;  lands  near  Cannes,  1st 
March  ;  19th  March,  Louis  XVIII.  leaves  Paris  about 
midnight ;  20th  March,  Napoleon  enters  Paris. 

45.  1815.     16th  June.  —  Battle  of  Ligny  and  Quatre  Bras  ;  18th  June, 

Battle  of  Waterloo. 
43-16.     1815.     June  29.  —  Napoleon   leaves    Malmaison  for    Rochefort ; 
surrenders  to  English,  15th  July  ;  sails  for  St.  Helena, 
8th  August;  arrives  at  St.  Helena,  15th  October. 

46.  1815.     Nov.  20.  —  Second  Treaty  of  Paris;    France  restricted  to 

limits  of  1790;  losing  Savoy,  etc.,  pays  an  indemnity, 
and  receives  an  army  of  occupation. 
51  yrs.  8  mths.  1821.  May  5.  —  Napoleon  dies  5.45  p.  m.  ;  buried  8th 
May. 
1840.  Oct.  15.  —  Body  of  Napoleon  disentombed;  embarked  in 
the  Belle  Poule,  commanded  by  the  Prince  de  Joinville, 
son  of  Louis  Philippe,  on  16th  October;  placed  in  the 
Invalides  15th  December,  1840. 


VOL.  I. — r/ 


NOTE. 

The  Editor  of  the  183G  edition  had  added  to  the  Memoirs 
several  chapters  taken  from  or  founded  on  otlier  works  of  the 
time,  so  as  to  make  a  more  complete  history  of  the  period. 
These  materials  have  been  mostly  retained,  but  with  the  correc- 
tions which  later  publications  have  made  necessary.  A  chapter 
has  now  been  added  to  give  a  brief  account  of  the  part  played 
by  the  chief  historical  personages  during  tlie  Cent  Jours,  and 
anotlier  at  the  end  to  include  the  removal  of  the  body  of  Napo- 
leon from  St.  Helena  to  France. 

Two  special  improvements  have,  it  is  lioped,  been  made  in 
this  edition.  Great  care  has  been  taken  to  get  names,  dates, 
and  figures  rightly  given, — points  much  neglected  in  most 
translations,  though  in  some  few  cases,  such  as  Davoust,  the 
ordinary  but  not  strictly  correct  spelling  has  been  followed  to 
suit  the  general  reader.  The  number  of  references  to  other 
works  which  are  given  in  the  notes  will,  it  is  believed,  be  of 
use  to  any  one  wisliing  to  continue  tlie  study  of  the  history  of 
Napoleon,  and  may  preserve  them  from  many  of  the  errors 
too  often  committed.  The  present  Editor  has  had  the  great 
advantage  of  having  his  work  shared  by  Mr.  Eichard  Bentley, 
who  has  brought  his  knowledge  of  the  period  to  bear,  and  who 
has  found,  as  only  a  busy  man  could  do,  the  time  to  minutely 
enter  into  every  fresh  detail,  witli  the  ardour  which  soon  seizes 
any  one  who  long  follows  that  enticing  pursuit,  —  the  special 
study  of  an  historical  period. 

R.  W.  P. 

January,  1885 


MEMOIRS 


NAPOLEOX   BONAPARTE. 


CHAPTEE   I. 

1769-1783. 

Napoleon  Bonaparte  was  born  at  Ajaccio,  in  Corsica, 
on  the  15tli  of  August,  1769 ;  ^  the  original  orthography 

1  The  question  as  to  the  date  of  Napoleon's  birth  is  fully  gone  into  in 
Colonel  lung's  work,  "  Bonaparte  et  Son  Temps "  (tome  i.  pp.  39-52), 
from  which  the  following  summary  is  made.  The  first  two  children  of 
Charles  Bonaparte  —  a  sou  burn  in  1765,  and  a  daughter  born  1767  — both, 
died  young,  A  third  child,  a  son,  was  born  on  7th  January,  1768,  at 
Corte  ;  and  a  fourth  child,  also  a  son,  was  born  on  15th  August,  1769,  at 
Ajaccio.  There  is  no  doubt  as  to  these  dates,  or  as  to  Joseph  and  Napoleon 
being  the  two  sons  so  born ;  the  question  is,  was  Napoleon  the  second  or 
first  of  these  two  ?  By  the  copy  of  an  "  Acte  de  Naissance  "  preserved  in 
the  French  War  Office,  the  child  born  on  7th  January,  1768,  was  baptised 
"  Nabulione."  In  the  archives  of  Ajaccio,  a  copy  of  a  non-existing  original 
record  of  baptism  gives  the  name  of  the  child  then  born  as  "  Joseph  Nabu- 
lion."  By  the  official  records  of  Corsica,  "  Napoleone"  Bonaparte,  born  15th 
August,  1769,  was  baptised  21st  July,  1771.  Colonel  lung  inclines  to  the 
belief  that  Napoleon  was  born  on  7th  January,  1768,  at  Corte,  and  Joseph 
on  15th  August,  1769.  Pie  suggests  that  when,  in  1778,  Charles  Bona- 
parte obtained  permission  for  one  son  to  enter  Brieune  at  the  cost  of  the 
State,  finding  that  the  age  of  the  child  must  be  under  ten  years,  and  Napo- 
leon, the  son  chosen  to  enter,  being  really  over  the  age,  he  used  the 
baptismal  record  of  the  second  sou  for  the  first  Napoleon.  To  support 
this  theory,  he  throws  doubt  on  the  copy  preserved  in  Ajaccio,  saying 
that  the  name  "Joseph"  is  given  in  the  French  form  at  the  time  the 
French  language  was  not  used  in  Corsica.  In  1794,  when  Joseph  mar- 
ried, the  witnesses  brought  to  prove  his  age  and  place  of  birth,  because 
VOL.  I.  —  1 


2  MEM(MKS   (»F   NAPOLEON   BONAI'AUTK.  17G9- 

of  liis  name  was  Biionajarte,  l)ut  lie  su]»pre.ssed  tlio  w 
duriui,'  his  first  cainiiaiLMi  in  Italy.  His  motives  for  so 
doint;  were  merely  to  render  the  spelling  con forniahle  with 
the  pronunciation,  and  to  nbridi,'e  his  signature.  He  signed 
Buonaparte  even  after  the  famous  13th  Vend(?miaire. 

It  has  been  aHirmed  thai  he  was  horn  in  1708,  and  that 
he  represented  himself  to  be  a  year  younger  than  he  really 
was.  This  is  untrue.  He  always  told  me  the  9th  of  August 
was  his  birthday,  and  as  I  was  born  on  the  9th  of  July, 
17l)9,  our  proximity  of  age  served  to  strengthen  our  union 
and  friendship  when  we  were  both  at  the  Military  College 
of  Brienne. 

The  false  and  absurd  charge  of  Bonaparte  having  mis- 
represented his  age,  is  decidedly  refuted  by  a  note  in  the 
register  of  M.  Berton,  sub-principal  of  the  College  of 
Brienne,  in  which  it  is  stated  that  M.  Napoldon  de 
Buonaparte,  ^cuyer,  born  in  the  city  of  Ajaccio,  in  Cor- 

thc  records  could  not  be  then  got  at,  testified  that  Joscjih,  aged  ahout 
tweuty-five,  was  horn  at  Ajaccio,  that  is,  at  the  phice  wliere  the  son  was 
born  on  15th  August,  1769.  But  nothing  seems  really  proved,  except 
that,  whether  by  error  or  fraud,  the  Bonapartes  wei-e  niifortunate  in  their 
dates,  and  were  fond  of  giving  the  same  name  to  child  after  diild.  Thus 
there  were  several  Marie-Annes.  In  tlie  marriage  contract  of  Napoleon 
with  Josephine,  iiis  date  of  birtli  is  given  as  otli  February,  17G8,  while  she, 
really  born  on  23d  July,  1 7G3,  is  stated  to  have  Iieen  born  on  2."5d  June,  1 767, 
the  ages  of  tiie  pair  being  thus  made  to  approximate,  instead  of  a  real 
difference  of  at  least  five  years.  Even  in  Napoleon's  name  the  greatest 
uncertainty  a])pears  to  have  prevailed.  It  figures  in  tlie  different  docu- 
ments as  Nabnlione,  Napoleone,  Napokcone,  Napolione,  and,  on  the 
Vendome  column,  as  "  Neapolio,  im  Aug."  It  will  be  noticed  that  the 
document  given  by  Bourrienne  and  the  statements  of  Napoleon  to  him 
really  prove  little  or  nothing,  as  if  once  the  date  of  his  birth  liad  been 
altered  to  a  wrong  date,  it  would  have  been  necessary  to  adhere  to  the 
alteration.  But.  on  the  whole,  allowing  for  all  the  confnsion  of  tlie  time 
and  of  his  family  affairs,  it  seems  safest  to  adhere  to  the  date  of  15th 
August,  1709. 

[.\nother  rea.son  for  the  change  of  date  might  be  the  wish  to  appear  by 
birtli  a  French  citizen,  Corsica  not  having  been  annexed  to  France  until 
June,  1769.  See  "Notes  and  Queries,"  1st  Series,  vol.  vi.  p.  265 ;  also 
"  Quarterly  Review,"  No.  23,  and  some  succeeding  numbers.] 


Leiitia  Bonaparte. 
Photo -Etching.  —  From  a  very  rare  print. 


1783.  BONAPARTE'S  BOYHOOD.  3 

sica,  on  the  15th  of  August,  1769,  left  the  Eoyal  Military 
College  of  Brienne,  on  the  17th  October,  1784. 

The  stories  about  his  low  extraction  are  alike  devoid 
of  foundation.  His  family  was  poor,  and  he  was  educated 
at  the  public  expense,  an  advantage  of  which  many 
honourable  families  availed  themselves.  A  memorial 
addressed  by  his  father,  Charles  Buonaparte,  to  the  Min- 
ister of  War,  states  that  his  fortune  had  been  reduced  by 
the  failure  of  some  enterprise  in  which  he  had  engaged, 
and  by  the  injustice  of  the  Jesuits,  by  whom  he  had  been 
deprived  of  an  inheritance.  The  oliject  of  this  memorial 
was  to  solicit  a  sub-lieutenant's  commission  for  Napoleon 
who  was  then  fourteen  years  of  age,  and  to  get  Lucien 
entered  a  pupil  of  the  Military  College.  The  Minister 
wrote  on  the  back  of  the  memorial,  "  Give  the  usual 
answer,  if  there  be  a  vacancy ; "  and  on  the  margin  are 
these  words :  "  This  gentleman  has  been  informed  that 
his  request  is  inadmissible  as  long  as  his  second  son 
remains  at  the  school  of  Brienne.  Two  brothers  cannot 
be  placed  at  the  same  time  in  the  military  schools." 
When  Napoleon  was  fifteen  he  was  sent  to  Paris  until 
he  should  attain  the  requisite  age  for  entering  the  army. 
Lucien  was  not  received  into  the  College  of  Brienne, 
at  least  not  until  his  brother  had  quitted  the  Military 
School  of  Paris. 

Bonaparte  was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  good  family.  I 
have  seen  an  authentic  account  of  his  genealogy,  which 
he*  obtained  from  Tuscany.  A  great  deal  has  been  said 
about  the  civil  dissensions  which  forced  his  family  to 
quit  Italy  and  take  refuge  in  Corsica.  On  this  subject 
I  shall  say  nothing. 

Many  and  various  accounts  have  been  given  of 
Bonaparte's  youtli.^     He  has  been  described  in  terms  of 

^  The   following  interesting  trait   of  Napoleon's  chiltihood  is  derived 
from  the  "Memoirs  of  the  Duchesse   d'Abrautes":  "lie  was  one  day 


4  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  17G9- 

entliusiastic  innisc  ami  I'XiiLXjierated  cniHlfiiiiinlinii.  U  is 
ever  thus  with  individuals  who  by  talent  or  favourable 
circumstances  are  raised  ahoxc  their  fellow-creatures. 
Bonaparte  hinisidf  laughed  a(  all  the  stories  whieh  were 
got  u])  for  the  jiurjjose  of  enibellishinu;  or  blackening  his 
character  in  early  life.  An  ajionynious  publication, 
entitled  the  "History  of  Napoleon  I)ona])arte,  from  his 
Birth  to  his  last  Abdication,"  contains  })erlia]is  the  great- 
est collection  of  false  and  ridiculous  details  about  his 
boyhood.  Among  other  things,  it  is  stated  that  he  for- 
tified a  garden  to  protect  himself  from  the  attacks  of 
his  comrades,  who,  a  few  lines  lower  down,  are  described 
as  treating  him  with  esteem  and  respect.  I  remember 
the  circumstances  which,  proViably,  gave  rise  to  the 
fabrication  inserted  in  the  work  just  mentioned;  they 
were  as  follows  :  — 

During  the  winter  of  1783-84,  so  memorable  for  heavy 
falls  of  snow.  Napoleon  was  greatly  at  a  loss  for  those 
retired  walks  and  outdoor  recreations  in  which  he  used 

accused  by  one  of  liis  sisters  of  having  eaten  a  basketful  of  grapes,  figs, 
and  citrons,  wliich  bad  come  from  tbe  garden  of  iiis  uncle  tlie  Canon. 
None  but  those  who  were  accjuaintcd  with  the  Bonaparte  family  can  form 
auv  idea  of  the  enormity  of  this  offence.  To  eat  fruit  belonging  to  the 
uiK  le  tbe  Canon  was  infinitely  more  criminal  than  to  eat  gra])es  and  figs 
which  might  })e  claiineil  by  anybody  else.  An  incjuiry  took  place.  Napo- 
leon denied  the  fact,  and  was  whipped.  He  was  told  tiiat  if  he  would  beg 
j)ardoii  he  should  l)e  forgiven.  He  protested  that  he  wa,>*  innocent,  but  he 
was  iu)t  believed.  If  I  recollect  rightly,  his  motiier  was  at  the  time  on  a 
visit  to  M.  de  Marbeuf,  or  some  otiier  friend.  The  result  of  Najjoleon's 
obstinacy  wa-s,  that  he  was  kept  three  whole  days  upon  bread  and  cheese, 
and  tliat  cheese  was  not  iirorcin.  However,  he  would  not  cry;  he  was 
dull,  but  not  sulky.  At  length,  on  tlie  fourth  day  of  his  punisiiment, 
a  little  friend  of  Marianne  H<)na]>arte  returned  from  the  cnuntry,  and 
on  hearing  of  NapolcDii's  disgrace  slie  confessed  that  she  and  Marianne 
had  eaten  the  fruit.  It  w.as  now  Marianne's  turn  to  be  punislied.  When 
Napoleon  was  asked  why  he  had  not  accused  his  sister,  lie  replie<l  that 
tliougb  he  suspecteil  that  slie  was  guilty,  yet  out  of  consideration  to  her 
little  friend,  who  had  no  share  in  the  falsehood,  he  hail  said  nothing. 
He  was  then  only  seven  years  of  age  "  (vol.  i.  p.  9,  edit.  1883). 


1783.  BONAPARTE'S   BOYHOOD.  5 

to  take  much  delight.  He  had  no  alternative  but  to 
mingle  with  his  comrades,  and,  for  exercise,  to  walk  with 
them  up  and  down  a  spacious  hall.  Napoleon,  weary  of 
this  monotonous  promenade,  told  his  comrades  that  he 
thought  they  might  amuse  themselves  much  better  with 
the  snow,  in  the  great  courtyard,  if  they  would  get 
shovels  and  make  hornworks,  dig  trenches,  raise  para- 
pets, cavaliers,  etc.  "  This  being  done,"  said  he,  "  we  may 
divide  ourselves  into  sections,  form  a  siege,  and  I  will 
undertake  to  direct  the  attacks."  The  proposal,  which 
was  received  with  enthusiasm,  was  immediately  put  into 
execution.  This  little  sham  war  was  carried  on  for  the 
space  of  a  fortnight,  and  did  not  cease  until  a  quantity 
of  gravel  and  small  stones  having  got  mixed  with  the 
snow  of  which  we  made  our  bullets,  many  of  the  com- 
batants, besiegers  as  well  as  besieged,  were  seriously 
wounded.  I  well  remember  that  I  was  one  of  the  worst 
sufferers  from  this  sort  of  grapeshot  fire. 

It  is  almost  unnecessary  to  contradict  the  story  about 
the  ascent  in  the  balloon.  It  is  now  very  well  known 
that  the  hero  of  that  headlong  adventure  was  not  young 
Bonaparte,  as  has  been  alleged,  but  one  of  his  comrades, 
Dudont  de  Chambon,  who  was  somewhat  eccentric.  Of 
this  his  subsequent  conduct  afforded  suflicient  proofs. 

Bonaparte's  mind  was  directed  to  objects  of  a  totally 
different  kind.  He  turned  his  attention  to  political  science. 
During  some  of  his  vacations  he  enjoyed  the  society  of 
the  Abbd  Kaynal,  who  used  to  converse  with  him  ou 
government,  legislation,  commercial  relations,  etc. 

On  festival  days,  when  the  inhabitants  of  Brienne  were 
admitted  to  our  amusements,  posts  were  established  for 
the  maintenance  of  order.  Nobody  was  permitted  to  enter 
the  interior  of  the  building  without  a  card  signed  by  the 
principal  or  vice-principal.  The  rank  of  officers  or  sub- 
officers  was  conferred  according  to  merit ;  and  Bonaparte 


6  MEMOIRS   OK   NATOLKOX    HONATAKTE.  1769- 

one  day  had  the  command  of  a  post,  wlien  the  following 
little  adventure  occurred,  which  afl'ords  an  in.'^tance  of  his 
decision  of  character. 

The  wife  of  the  i)orter  of  the  schodl,^  who  was  very  well 
known,  because  she  used  to  sell  milk,  fruit,  etc.,  to  the 
pupils,  presented  herself  one  Saint  Louis  day  for  admit- 
tance to  the  representation  of  the  Death  of  Cn-i-ar,  ctn-rccted, 
in  which  I  was  to  perform  the  part  of  Brutus.  As  the 
woman  had  no  ticket,  and  insisted  on  being  admitted 
without  one,  some  disturl)ance  arose.  The  serjeant  of  the 
post  reported  the  matter  to  the  otticer,  Napoleon  Bona- 
parte, who,  in  an  imperious  tone  of  voice,  exclaimed  :  "  Send 
away  that  woman,  who  comes  here  with  her  camp  impu- 
dence."    This  was  in  1782. 

r>(>naparte  and  I  were  eight  years  of  age  when  our 
friend.ship  commenced.  It  speedily  became  very  intimate, 
for  there  was  a  certain  sympathy  of  heart  between  us.  I 
enjoyed  this  friendship  and  intimacy  until  1784,  when  he 
was  transferred  from  the  Military  College  of  Brienne  to 
tliat  of  Paris.  I  was  one  among  those  of  his  youthful 
comrades  who  could  best  accommodate  themselves  to  his 
stern  character.  His  natural  reserve,  his  disposition  to 
meditate  on  the  conquest  of  Corsica,  and  the  impressions 
he  had  received  in  childhood  respecting  the  misfortunes 
of  his  country  and  his  family,  led  him  to  seek  retirement, 
and  rendered  his  general  demeanour,  though  in  appear- 
ance only,  somewhat  unpleasing.  Our  equality  of  age 
brought  us  together  in  the  classes  of  the  mathematics  and 
belles  lettres.  His  ardent  wish  to  acquire  knowledge  was 
remarkable  from  the  very  commencement  of  his  studies. 
When  he  first  came  to  the  college  he  spoke  only  the  Corsi- 
can  dialect,  and  the  Sieur  Dupuis,^  who  was  vice-principal 

1  Tliis  woman,  nameil  Haute,  wa,»»  afterwards  placed  at  Maliiiaison, 
with  lier  liusl)aiid.  They  both  died  as  concierges  of  Malmaison.  'Jliis 
shows  tliat  Xa|ioleon  had  a  memory. —  lionrrienne. 

^  He  afterwards  filled  the  post  of  liitrariau  to  Napoleon  at  JIalmaison. 


1783.  BOXAPARTE   AT  BRIENNE.  7 

before  Father  Berton,  gave  him  instructions  in  the  French 
language.  In  this  he  made  such  rapid  progress  that  in  a 
short  time  he  commenced  the  first  rudiments  of  Latin. 
But  to  this  study  he  evinced  such  a  repugnance  that  at 
the  age  of  fifteen  he  was  not  out  of  the  fourth  class. 
There  I  left  him  very  speedily;  but  I  could  never  get 
before  him  in  the  mathematical  class,  in  which  he  was 
undoubtedly  the  cleverest  lad  at  the  college.  I  used 
sometimes  to  help  him  with  his  Latin  themes  and  ver- 
sions in  return  for  the  aid  he  afforded  me  in  the  solution 
of  problems,  at  which  he  evinced  a  degree  of  readiness 
and  facility  which  perfectly  astonished  me. 

When  at  Brienne,  Bonaparte  was  remarkable  for  the 
dark  colour  of  his  complexion  (which,  subsequently,  the 
climate  of  France  somewhat  changed),  for  his  piercing 
and  scrutinising  glance,^  and  for  the  style  of  his  conversa- 
tion both  with  his  masters  and  comrades.  His  conversation 
almost  always  bore  the  appearance  of  ill-humour,  and  he 
was  certainly  not  very  amiable.  This  I  attribute  to  the 
misfortunes  his  family  had  sustained  and  the  impressions 
made  on  his  mind  by  the  conquest  of  his  country. 

The  pupils  were  invited  by  turns  to  dine  with  Father 

1  The  Dnchesse  d'Abrantes,  speaking  of  the  personal  characteristics  of 
Bonaparte  iu  youth  and  manhood,  says,  "  Saveria  told  me  that  Napoleon 
was  never  a  pretty  boy,  as  .Joseph  was,  for  example  :  his  head  always 
appeared  too  large  for  his  body,  a  defect  common  to  tlie  Bonaparte  family. 
When  Napoleon  grew  up,  the  ])eculiar  charm  of  his  countenance  lay  in 
his  eye,  especially  in  the  mild  expression  it  assumed  in  his  moments  of 
kindness.  liis  anger,  to  be  sure,  was  frightful,  and  tliougii  I  am  no 
coward,  I  never  could  look  at  him  in  his  fits  of  rage  without  shuddering. 
ThouLiii  his  smile  was  captivatinsr,  yet  the  expression  of  his  mouth  when 
disdainful  or  angry  could  scarcely  1)6  seen  without  terror.  But  that  fore- 
head which  seemeil  formed  to  bear  the  crowns  of  a  whole  world;  tiiose 
hands,  of  which  the  most  coquettish  women  migiit  have  been  vain,  and 
wliose  wliite  skin  covered  muscles  of  iron ;  in  siiort,  of  all  that  jicrsonal 
beauty  wliicli  distinguishe<l  Xapdoon  as  a  young  man,  no  traces  were  dis- 
cernible in  tlie  boy.  Saveria  spoke  truly  when  she  said,  that  of  all  the 
children  of  Signora  L.Ttitia,  tlie  Emperor  was  the  one  from  whom  future 
greatness  was  least  to  be  prognosticated"  (vol.  i.  p.  10,  edit.  1883). 


8  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1769- 

Berton,  the  head  of  the  school.  One  day,  it  heinj^  Bona- 
parte's turn  to  enjoy  tliis  indulgence,  some  of  the  profes- 
sors who  were  at  table  de.'^ignedly  made  some  disrespectful 
remarks  on  ra(»li,  of  whom  they  knew  tlie  young  Cor.sican 
was  an  enthusiastic  admirer.  "  Paoli,"  observed  liona- 
parte,  "was  a  great  man;  he  loved  his  country;  and  I 
will  never  forgive  my  father,  who  was  his  adjutant,  for 
liaving  concurred  in  the  union  of  Corsica  witli  France. 
He  ought  to  have  followed  Paoli's  fortune,  and  have  fallen 
with  him."  ^ 

Generally  speaking,  Bonaparte  Avas  not  much  liked  by 
his  comrades  at  Brienne.  He  was  not  social  with  them, 
and  rarely  took  part  in  their  amusements.  His  country's 
recent  submission  to  France  always  caused  in  his  mind  a 
painful  feeling,  which  estranged  him  from  his  schoolfel- 
lows. I,  however,  was  almost  his  constant  comjianion. 
During  play-hours  he  used  to  withdraw  to  the  library, 
where  he  read  with  dee]i  interest  works  of  history,  par- 
ticularly Polybius  and  riutarch.  He  was  also  fond  of 
Arrianus,  but  did  not  care  much  for  Quintus  Curtius.  I 
often  w^ent  ofl"  to  play  with  my  comrades,  and  left  him  by 
himself  in  the  liljrary. 

The  temper  of  the  young  Corsican  was  not  improved  by 
the  teasing  he  frequently  experienced  from  his  comrades, 
who  were  fond  of  ridiculing  him  about  his  Christian  name 
Napoleon  and  his  country.  He  often  said  to  me,  "  I  will 
do  these  French  all  the  mischief  I  can  ; "  and  when  I  tried 
to  pacify  him  he  would  say,  "  But  you  do  not  ridicule  me ; 
you  like  me." 

Father  Patrauld,  our  mathematical  professor,  was  much 
attached  to  Bonaparte.  He  was  justly  proud  of  him  as  a 
pupil.  The  other  professors,  in  whose  classes  he  was  not 
distinguished,  took  little  notice  of  him.     He  had  no  taste 

1  .Tosoph  Bonaparte,  in  hi.s  "  Notes  on  Bourrienne,"  asserts  that  theii 
fatlicr  remained  faithful  to  Paoli  to  the  last  (Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  238). 


1783.  BONAPARTE'S   EDUCATION.  9 

for  the  study  of  languages,  polite  literature,  or  the  arts. 
As  there  were  uo  indications  of  his  ever  becoming  a 
scholar,  the  pedants  of  the  establishment  were  inclined 
to  think  him  stupid.  His  superior  intelligence  was, 
however,  sufficiently  perceptible,  even  through  the  re- 
serve under  which  it  was  veiled.  If  the  monks  to  whom 
the  superintendence  of  the  establishment  was  confided 
had  understood  tlie  organisation  of  his  mind,  if  they  had 
enijaged  more  al)le  mathematical  professors,  or  if  we  had 
had  any  incitement  to  the  study  of  chemistry,  natural 
philosophy,  astronomy,  etc.,  I  am  convinced  that  Bona- 
parte would  have  pursued  these  sciences  with  all  the 
genius  and  spirit  of  investigation  which  he  displayed  in  a 
career,  more  brilliant  it  is  true,  but  less  useful  to  man- 
kind. Unfortunately,  the  monks  did  not  perceive  this, 
and  were  too  pocn-  to  pay  for  good  masters.  However, 
after  Bonaparte  left  the  college  they  found  it  necessary  to 
engage  two  professors  from  Paris,  otherwise  the  college 
would  have  fallen  to  nothing.  These  two  new  professors, 
MM.  Durfort  and  Desponts,  finished  my  education ;  and 
I  regretted  that  they  did  not  come  sooner.  The  often- 
repeated  assertion  of  Bonaparte  having  received  a  care- 
ful education  at  Brienne  is  therefore  untrue.  The  monks 
were  incapable  of  giving  it  him  ;  and,  for  my  own  part,  I 
must  confess  that  the  extended  information  of  the  present 
day  is  to  me  a  painful  contrast  with  the  limited  course  of 
education  I  received  at  the  Military  College.  It  is  only 
surprising  that  the  establishment  should  have  produced  a 
single  able  man. 

Though  Bonaparte  had  no  reason  to  be  satisfied  with 
the  treatment  he  received  from  his  comrades,  yet  he  was 
above  complaining  of  it;  and  when  he  had  the  supervi- 
sion of  any  duty  which  they  infringed,  he  would  rather 
go  to  prison  than  denounce  the  criminals. 

I  was  one  day  his  accomplice  in  omitting  to  enforce  a 


10  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPAKTE.  17G9- 

iluty  which  v,e  were  appointed  to  sui>ervise.  He  pre- 
vailed on  nie  to  accompany  him  to  prison,  where  we 
remained  three  days.  We  sullered  this  s(nt  of  punish- 
ment several  times,  but  with  less  severity. 

In  1783  the  Duke  of  Orleans  and  Madame  de  Mun- 
tesson  visited  Brienne  ;  and,  for  upwards  of  a  month, 
the  ma^niticent  chateau  of  the  Comte  de  Brienne  was  a 
Versailles  in  miniature.  The  series  of  brilliant  enter- 
tainments which  were  given  to  the  august  travellers 
made  them  almost  forget  the  royal  magnificence  they 
had  left  behind  them. 

The  Prince  and  Madame  de  Montesson  expressed  a 
wish  to  preside  at  the  distribution  of  the  prizes  of  our 
college.  Bonaparte  and  I  won  the  prizes  in  the  class  of 
mathematics,  which,  as  I  have  already  observed,  was  the 
branch  of  study  to  which  he  confined  his  attention,  and 
in  which  he  excelled.  When  I  was  called  up  for  the 
i^eventh  time  Madame  de  Montesson  said  to  my  mother 
who  had  come  from  Sens  to  be  present  at  the  distribu- 
tion, "  Pray,  madame,  crown  your  son  this  time ;  my 
hands  are  a-weary." 

There  was  an  inspector  of  the  military  schools,  whose 
business  it  was  to  make  an  annual  report  on  each  pupil, 
whether  educated  at  the  public  expense  or  paid  for  by 
his  family.  I  copied  from  the  report  of  1784  a  note 
which  was  probably  obtamed  surreptitiously  from  the 
War  Office.  I  wanted  to  purchase  the  manuscript,  but 
Louis  Bonaparte  bought  it.  I  did  not  make  a  copy  of 
the  note  which  related  to  myself,  because  I  should 
naturally  have  felt  diffident  in  making  any  use  of  it.  It 
would,  however,  have  served  to  show  how  time  and 
circumstances  fre(iuently  reversed  the  distinctions  which 
arise  at  school  or  college.  Judging  from  the  reports  of 
the  inspector  of  military  schools,  young  Bonaparte  was 
not,  of  all  the  pupils  at  Brienne  in  1784,  the  one  most 


1783.  BONAPARTE   LEAVES   BRIEXXE.  11 

calculated  to  excite  prognostics  of  future  greatness  and 
glory. 

The  note  to  which  I  have  just  alluded,  and  wliich  was 
written  by  M.  de  Keralio,  then  inspector  of  the  military 
schools,  describes  Bonaparte  in  the  following  terms :  — 

3l1nsfpectiou  of  tpilitai^  ^cljools;, 

1784. 

Report  made  for  His  Majesty  by  M.   de  Keralio. 

M.  de  Buonaparte  (Xapoleon),  born  loth  August,  1769,  height  4 
feet  10  inches  10  lines,  is  in  the  fourth  class,  has  a  good  constitu- 
tion, excellent  health,  character  obedient,  upriglit,  grateful,  conduct 
very  regular  ;  has  been  always  distinguished  by  his  application  to 
mathematics.  He  knows  histoiy  and  geography  very  passably. 
He  is  not  well  up  in  ornamental  studies  or  in  Latin,  in  which  he 
is  only  in  the  fourth  class.  He  will  be  an  excellent  sailor.  He 
deserves  to  be  passed  on  to  the  Military  School  of  Paris. 

Father  Berton,  however,  opposed  Bonaparte's  removal 
to  Paris,  because  he  had  not  passed  through  the  fourth 
Latin  class,  and  the  regulations  required  that  he  should 
be  in  the  third.  I  was  informed  by  the  vice-principal 
that  a  report  relative  to  Napoleon  was  sent  from  the 
College  of  Brienne  to  that  of  Paris,  in  which  he  was 
described  as  being  domineering,  imperious,  and  obstinate} 

1  Napoleon  remained  upwards  of  five  years  at  Brienne,  from  Ai>ril,  1 779, 
till  the  latter  end  of  1784.  In  1783  the  Chevalier  Ke'ralio,  sul)-inspcctor 
of  the  military  schools,  selected  him  to  pass  the  year  followinfjj  to  tlie 
military  .school  at  Paris,  to  which  three  of  the  best  scholars  were  annually 
sent  from  each  of  tlie  twelve  ])rovincial  military  schools  of  France.  It  is 
curious  as  well  as  satisfactory  to  know  tlie  opiuion  at  this  time  enter- 
tained of  him  by  those  who  were  the  best  qualified  to  judge.  His  old 
master,  Leguillo,  professor  of  history  at  Paris,  boasted  that,  in  a  list  of 
the  different  .scholars,  he  had  predicted  his  pupil's  sul)se(|nent  career.  In 
fact,  to  tlie  name  of  Bonaparte  the  following  note  is  adiled  :  "  A  Corsican 
by  birth  and  character — he  will  do  something  great,  if  circum.stances 
favour  him."     Monge  was  his  instructor  in  geometry,  who  also  enter- 


12  MKMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BoNAPAKTE.  1709- 

I  knew  Bonaiiaitc  wi'll ;  ami  I  think  M.  de  K(:lrialio's 
report  of  him  was  uxcet'din^fly  just,  exceiit,  in'ihajis,  that 
he  mi^'ht  have  said  he  was  very  nrll  as  to  liis  jaogress  in 
history  and  geography,  and  very  hnckward  in  Latin;  hut 
certainly  nothing  indicated  the  prohahility  of  his  heing 
an  excellent  sea  ma  n.  He  himself  had  no  thouglit  of  the 
navy.i 

In  consequence  of  M.  de  Keralio's  report,  Ijonaparte 
was  transferred  to  the  jMilitary  College  of  Paris,  along 
with  MM.  Montarlty  de  Dampierre,  de  Castres,  de  Com- 
minges,  and  dc  Laugier  de  Uellecourt,  who  were  all,  like 
him,  educated  at  the  public  expense,  and  all,  at  least,  as 
favoural )ly  reported. 

AVhat  could  have  induced  Sir  Walter  Scott  to  say  that 
Bonaparte  was  the  pride  of  the  college,  that  our  mathe- 
matical master  was  exceedingly  fond  of  him,  and  that 
the  other  professors  in  the  different  sciences  had  equal 
reason  to  be  satisfied  with  liim  ?  "What  I  liave  above 
stated,  together  with  the  report  of  M.  de  K(jralio,  bear 

tained  a  high  opinion  of  him.  M.  Bauer,  his  German  master,  was  tlie 
onlv  one  who  saw  notliinc;  in  him,  and  wa.-<  sur])riscd  at  being  told  he  was 
undergoing  his  examination  for  tiie  artillery.  —  Iluzlltt. 

1  Bourrienne  is  certainly  wrong  as  to  Bonaparte  having  no  thouglit  of 
the  navy.  In  a  letter  of  1784  to  the  Minister  of  War  his  father  says  of 
Napoleon  that,  "  following  the  advice  of  the  Comte  de  Marbeuf,  he  has 
turned  his  studies  towards  the  navy  ;  and  so  well  has  he  succeeded  that 
he  was  intended  by  M.  de  Keralio  for  the  school  of  Paris,  and  afterwards 
for  the  department  of  Toulon.  The  retirement  of  the  former  jjrofcssor 
(Keralio)  ha,'*  changed  the  fate  of  my  son."  It  was  only  on  the  failure 
of  his  intention  to  get  into  the  navy  that  his  father,  on  l.')th  July,  1784, 
applied  for  permission  for  him  to  enter  the  artillery;  Napoleon  having  a 
horror  of  the  infantry,  where  he  said  they  diil  nothing.  It  wa.*  on  the 
succe.ss  of  this  application  that  he  was  allowed  to  enter  the  school  of 
Paris  (lunq,  tome  i.  pp.  91-1 0.3).  Oddly  enough,  in  later  years,  on  30th 
August,  1792,  having  just  succeeded  in  getting  himself  reinstated  as 
captain  after  his  a!)sence,  overstaying  leave,  he  applied  to  pa.ss  into  the 
Artillerie  de  la  Marine.  "The  application  was  judged  to  he  simply 
absurd,  and  was  filed  with  this  note,  'S.  11.'  (sans  reponse)"  {lung,  tome  ii. 
p.  201.) 


1783.  ANECDOTE   OF  BONAPARTE.  13 

evidence  of  his  backwardness  in  almost  every  branch  of 
education  except  mathematics.  Neither  was  it,  as  Sir 
Walter  affirms,  his  precocious  progress  in  mathematics 
that  occasioned  him  to  be  removed  to  Paris.  He  had 
attained  the  proper  age,  and  the  report  of  him  was 
favourable,  therefore  he  was  very  naturally  included 
among  the  number  of  the  five  who  were  chosen  in  1784. 

In  a  biographical  account  of  Bonaparte  I  have  read 
the  following  anecdote :  —  When  he  was  fourteen  years 
of  age  he  happened  to  he  at  a  party  where  some  one 
pronounced  a  high  eulogium  on  Turenne ;  and  a  lady  in 
the  company  observed  that  he  certainly  w^as  a  great  man, 
but  that  she  should  like  him  better  if  he  had  not  burned 
the  Palatinate.  "  Wliat  signifies  that,"  replied  Bona- 
parte, "if  it  was  necessary  to  the  object  he  had  in 
view  ? " 

This  is  either  an  anachronism  or  a  mere  fabrication. 
Bonaparte  was  fourteen  in  the  year  1783.  He  was  then 
at  Brienne,  where  certainly  he  did  not  go  into  company, 
and  least  of  all  the  company  of  ladies. 


CHAPTER   11. 

1784-1794. 

Bonaparte  was  fifteen  years  and  two  months  old  when 
he  went  to  the  Military  College  of  Paris.^     I  accompanied 

^  Mail.iinp  Jiiiiot  relates  some  interesting  particulars  connected  with 
Napoleon's  first  residence  in  Paris.  "  My  mother's  first  care,"  says  she, 
"  on  arriving  in  I'aris  wa.s  to  incjuire  after  Napoleon  Bonaparte.  lie  wa.s 
at  that  time  in  the  military  school  at  Paris,  having  ([uitted  IJrienne  iu 
the  Septemtier  of  the  preceding  year.  My  nnde  Demetrius  had  met  him 
just  after  he  alighted  from  the  coach  which  brought  him  to  town  ;  '  And 
truly,'  said  my  uncle,  '  he  had  the  appearance  of  a  fresh  importation.  I 
met  him  in  the  Palais  Royal,  where  he  was  gaping  and  staring  with 
wonder  at  everytliing  lie  saw.  lie  would  have  been  an  excellent  subject 
for  sharpers,  if,  indeed,  he  had  had  anything  worth  taking ! '  My  uncle 
invited  him  to  dine  at  his  house  ;  for  though  my  uncle  was  a  bachelor,  he 
dill  not  choose  to  dine  at  a  traiteur  (the  name  restaitraieur  was  not  then 
introduced).  He  tidd  my  mother  that  Napoleon  was  very  moro.se.  'I 
fear,'  added  he,  '  that  that  young  man  has  more  self-conceit  than  is  suita- 
ble to  his  condition.  When  he  dined  with  me  he  began  to  declaim  vio- 
lently against  the  lu.xury  of  the  young  men  of  the  military  school.  After 
a  little  lie  turned  the  conversation  on  Mania,  and  the  present  education 
of  the  young  Maniotes,  drawing  a  comparison  between  it  and  the  ancient 
Spartan  system  of  education.  His  observations  on  this  head  he  told  me 
he  intended  to  embody  in  a  memorial  to  be  presented  to  the  Minister  of 
War.  All  this,  depeiul  upon  it,  will  bring  him  under  the  dis])leasure  of 
his  comrades,  and  it  will  lie  lucky  if  he  escape  being  run  through.'  A 
few  dnys  afterwards  my  mother  saw  Napoleon,  and  then  his  irritability 
was  at  its  height.  He  would  scarcely  bear  any  observations,  even  if 
made  in  his  favour,  and  I  am  convinced  that  it  is  to  this  uncontrollable 
irritability  that  lie  owed  the  reputation  of  having  been  ill-tempered  iu 
his  boyhood,  and  splenetic  in  his  youth.  My  father,  who  was  acrjuainted 
with  almost  all  the  heads  of  the  military  school,  obtained  leave  for  him 
sometimes  to  come  out  for  recreation.  <  )n  account  of  an  accident  (a  sprain, 
if  I  recollect  rightly)  Napoleon  once  spent  a  wli<de  week  at  our  house. 
To  this  day,  whenever  I  pass  the  Quai  Conti,  I  cannot  help  looking  up  at 


1792.        CONAPAKTE   ENTERS   MILITARY   COLLEGE.  15 

him  in  a  carriole  as  far  as  Nogent  sur  Seine,  whence  the 
coach  was  to  start.  We  parted  with  regret,  and  we  did 
not  meet  again  till  the  year  1792.  During  these  eight 
years  we  maintained  an  active  correspondence;  but  so 
little  did  I  anticipate  the  high  destiny  which,  after  his 
elevation,  it  was  affirmed  the  wonderful  qualities  of  his 
boyhood  plainly  denoted,  that  I  did  not  preserve  one  of 
the  letters  he  wrote  to  me  at  that  period,  but  tore  them 
up  as  soon  as  they  were  answered. 

1  remember,  however,  that  in  a  letter  which  I  received 
from  him  about  a  year  after  his  arrival  in  Paris  he  urged 
me  to  keep  my  promise  of  entering  the  army  with  him. 
Like  him,  I  had  passed  tlirough  the  studies  necessary  for 
the  artillery  service  ;  and  in  1787  I  went  for  three  months 
to  Metz,  in  order  to  unite  practice  with  theory.  A  strange 
Ordinance,  which  I  believe  was  issued  in  1778  by  M.  de 
Sdffur,  required  tliat  a  man  should  possess  four  quarter- 
inf s  of  nobility  Ijefore  he  could  be  qualified  to  serve  his 
kino-  and  country  as  a  military  officer.  My  mother  went 
to  Paris,  taking  with  her  the  letters  patent  of  her  hus- 
band, who  died  six  weeks  after  my  birth.  She  proved 
that  in  the  year  1640  Louis  XIII.  had,  by  letters  patent, 

a  mansarde  at  the  left  angle  of  the  house  on  the  third  floor.  That  was 
Napoleon's  chamber  when  he  paid  us  a  visit,  and  a  neat  little  room  it  was. 
My  brotlier  used  to  occupy  the  one  next  to  it.  The  two  younii  men  were 
nearly  of  the  same  age  :  my  l)rother  ])erhaps  had  the  advantage  of  a 
year  or  fifteen  months.  My  mother  had  recommended  him  to  cultivate  the 
friend.ship  of  young  Bonaparte  ;  but  my  brother  coTuplained  how  unplea.s- 
aut  it  was  to  find  only  cold  politeness  where  he  expected  affection.  This 
repulsiveness  on  the  part  of  Napoleon  was  almost  offensive,  and  mn.st 
liave  been  sensibly  felt  by  my  brother,  who  was  not  only  remarkable  for 
the  mildness  of  his  temper  and  the  amenity  and  grace  of  his  manner,  but 
whose  society  was  courted  in  the  most  distinguished  circles  of  Paris  on 
account  of  his  accomplishments.  He  perceived  in  Bonaparte  a  kind  of 
acerl)ity  and  bitter  irony,  of  which  he  long  endeavoured  to  discover  the 
cause.  '  I  believe,'  said  Albert  one  day  to  my  mother.  '  that  the  poor 
young  man  feels  keenly  his  dependent  situation  '  "  (Memoirs  of  the  Duch- 
esse  d'Abrantes,  vol.  i.  p.  18,  edit.  1883). 


16  MK.MOIHS   OF    NAl'OLKOX    1?<  )NA1'AKTE.  1784- 

restoied  the  titles  of  one  Fuuvelet  de  Villeiiiont,  ^Yho  in 
loSl)  hiul  kept  several  in-ovinces  of  Bur^nimly  subject  to 
the  king's  authority  at  the  peril  of  his  life  and  the  loss  of 
his  ]irt)perty  ;  and  that  his  family  had  dccupied  the  first 
places  in  the  nia;^d.stracy  since  tlie  f(»uiteenth  century. 
All  was  correct,  but  it  was  observed  that  the  letters  of 
nol)ili(y  had  not  been  registerd  by  tlie  Parliament,  and 
to  rejiair  this  little  omission,  the  sum  of  twelve  thousand 
francs  was  demanded.  This  my  mother  refused  to  pay, 
and  there  the  matter  rested. 

On  his  arrival  at  the  Military  School  of  Paris,  I'ona- 
parte  found  the  establishment  on  so  brilliant  and  expen- 
sive a  footing  that  he  immediately  addressed  a  memorial 
on  the  subject  to  the  Vice-Princi})al  Ijerton  of  Brienne.  ^ 
He  showed  that  the  plan  of  education  was  really  perni- 
cious, and  far  from  being  calculated  to  fulfil  the  object 
which  every  wise  government  must  have  in  view.  The 
result  of  the  system,  he  said,  was  to  insi)iie  the  pupils, 
who  were  all  the  sons  of  poor  gentlemen,  with  a  love  of 
ostentation,  or  rather,  with  sentiments  of  vanity  and  self- 
suflficiency  ;  so  that,  instead  of  returning  happy  to  the 
bosom  of  their  families,  they  were  likely  to  be  ashamed 
of  their  parents,  and  to  despise  their  liunilile  homes. 
Instead  of  the  numerous  attendants  by  wliom  they  were 
surrounded,  their  dinners  of  two  courses,  and  their  horses 
and  grooms,  he  suggested  that  they  should  perform  little 
necessary  services  for  themselves,  such  as  brushing  their 
clothes,  and  cleaning  their  boots  and  shoes ;  that  they 
should  eat  the  coarse  bread  made  for  soldiers,  etc.     Tem- 

1  A  spcond  memoir  proparod  liy  him  to  the  same  effect  was  iutended 
for  the  Minister  of  War,  Imt  Father  Bertoii  wisely  advised  silence  to  the 
young  cadet  (Iinuj,  tome  i.  p.  122).  Althnutrh  believing  in  the  necessity 
of  show  and  f)f  magnificence  in  public  life,  Napoleon  remained  true  to 
these  principles.  While  lavishing  wealth  on  his  ministers  and  marshals, 
"  In  your  private  life,"  said  he,  "  be  economical  and  even  parsimonious; 
iu  public  be  magnificent"  (Meneval,  tome  i.  p.  145). 


1792.  BOURRIENNE   AT   VIENNA.  17 

perance  and  activity,  he  added,  would  render  them  robust, 
enable  them  to  bear  the  severity  of  different  seasons  and 
climates,  to  brave  the  fatigues  of  war,  and  to  inspire  the 
respect  and  obedience  of  the  soldiers  under  their  com- 
mand. Thus  reasoned  Napoleon  at  the  age  of  sixteen, 
and  time  showed  tliat  he  never  deviated  from  these  prin- 
ciples. The  establishment  of  the  military  school  at  Fon- 
tainebleau  is  a  decided  proof  of  this. 

As  Napoleon  was  an  active  observer  of  everything  pass- 
ing around  him,  and  pronounced  his  opinion  openly  and 
decidedly,  he  did  not  remain  long  at  the  Military  School 
of  Paris.  His  superiors,  who  were  anxious  to  get  rid  of 
him,  accelerated  the  period  of  his  examination,  and  he 
obtained  the  tirst  vacant  sub-lieutenancy  in  a  regiment  of 
artillery. 

I  left  Brienne  in  1787,  and  as  I  could  not  enter  the 
artillery,  I  proceeded  in  the  following  year  to  Vienna,  with 
a  letter  of  recommendation  to  M.  de  Montmorin,  solicit- 
ing employment  in  the  French  Embassy  at  the  Court  of 
Austria. 

I  remained  two  months  at  Vienna,  where  I  had  the 
honour  of  twice  seeing  the  Emperor  Joseph.  The  impres- 
sion made  upon  me  by  his  kind  reception,  his  dignified 
and  elegant  manners,  and  graceful  conversation,  will  never 
be  obliterated  from  my  recollection.  After  M.  de  Noailles 
had  initiated  me  in  the  first  steps  of  diplomacy,  he  advised 
me  to  go  to  one  of  the  German  universities  to  study  tlie 
law  of  nations  and  foreign  languages.  I  accordingly  re- 
paired to  Leipsic,  about  the  time  when  the  French  Eevo- 
lution  broke  out. 

I  spent  some  time  at  Leipsic,  where  I  applied  myself 
to  the  study  of  the  law  of  nations,  and  the  German  and 
English  languages.  I  afterwards  travelled  through  Prus- 
sia and  Poland,  and  passed  a  part  of  the  winter  of  1791 
and  1792  at  Warsaw,  where  I  was  most  graciously  received 

VOL.  I.  — 2 


IS  MKMolUS   OF   NArOLKON   nONArArvTK.  1792. 

by  Princess  Tyszicwiez,  niece  of  Stanislaus  Augustus,  the 
last  Kiiit,'  of  roliiiid,  and  the  sistor  of  Prince  Poniatowski. 
The  Princess  was  very  well  informed,  and  was  a  <freat 
admirer  (tf  French  literature.  At  htr  invitation  I  passed 
several  evenings  in  com])any  with  the  King  in  a  circle 
small  enough  to  a])proach  to  something  like  intimacy.  I 
rememlier  that  his  Majesty  fretjuently  asked  me  to  read 
tlie  "Moniteur";  the  speeches  to  which  he  listened  with  the 
greatest  pleasure  were  those  of  the  Girondists.  Tlie  Prin- 
cess Tyszicwiez  wished  to  print  at  "NVaisaw,  at  her  own 
expense,  a  translation  I  had  executed  of  Kotzehue's  "  ^len- 
schenhass  und  Reue,"  to  which  I  gave  the  title  of  "  L'ln- 
connu."  ^ 

I  arrived  at  Vienna  on  the  26th  of  March,  1792.  when 
I  was  informed  of  the  serious  illness  of  the  Emjieror, 
Leopold  II.,  who  died  on  the  following  day.  In  private 
companies,  and  at  public  places,  I  heard  vague  suspicions 
expressed  of  his  having  been  poisoned ;  but  the  puldic, 
who  were  admitted  to  the  palace  to  see  the  body  lie  in 
state,  were  soon  convinced  of  the  falsehood  of  these  re- 
ports. I  went  twice  to  see  the  mournful  spectacle,  and 
I  never  heard  a  word  which  was  calculated  to  confirm 
the  odious  suspicion,  though  the  spacious  hall  in  which 
the  remains  of  the  Emperor  were  exposed  was  constantly 
thronged  with  people. 

In  the  month  of  April,  1792,  I  returned  to  Paris,  where 
I  again  met  Bonaparte,^  and  our  college  intimacy  was 

^  A  play  known  on  the  Enj^lish  staije  as  "  The  Stranger." 
2  Bonaparte  is  said,  on  very  donlitfiil  authority,  to  have  spent  five  or 
six  weeks  in  London  in  1791  or  1792,  and  to  have  "  hxiged  in  a  lioiise  in 
( jeorge  Street,  Strand.  His  chief  ociupation  aj)peare<l  to  he  taking  pe- 
destrian exerci.><e  in  the  streets  of  Lond(in  —  hence  liis  niarvellons  knowl- 
edge of  the  great  metropolis,  which  n.^ed  to  a.stonish  any  Knglisjimen  of 
distinction  wiio  were  not  aware  of  tiiis  visit.  He  occasionally  took  his  cup 
of  chocolate  at  the  '  Nortlinnilicrland,'  occupying  himself  in  reading, 
and  preserving  a  jirovoking  taciturnity  to  the  gentlcnieii  in  the  room  ; 
though   his  manner  was  stern,  his  deportment  was  that  of  a  gentleman-" 


1792.  '  EARLY  LIFE   IN  PARIS.  19 

fully  renewed.  I  was  not  very  well  off,  and  adv^ersity 
was  hanging  heavily  on  him  ;  his  resources  frequently 
failed  him.  We  passed  our  time  like  two  young  fellows 
of  twenty-three  who  have  little  money  and  less  occupa- 
tion. Bonaparte  was  always  poorer  than  I.  Every  day 
we  conceived  some  new  project  or  other.  We  were  on 
the  look-out  for  some  profitable  speculation.  At  one 
time  he  wanted  me  to  join  him  in  renting  several  houses, 
then  building  in  the  Kue  Montholon,  to  underlet  them 
afterwards.  We  found  the  demands  of  the  landlords 
extravagant ;  everything  failed.  At  the  same  time  he 
was  soliciting  employment  at  the  War  Office,  and  I  at  the 
office  of  Foreign  Affairs.  I  was  for  the  moment  the 
luckier  of  the  two. 

While  we  were  spending  our  time  in  a  somewhat  vaga- 
bond way.i  the  20th  of  June  arrived.  We  met  by  ap- 
pointment at  a  restaurateur's  in  the  Kue  St.  Honor^,  near 
the  Palais  Royal,  to  take  one  of  our  daily  rambles.  On 
going  out  we  saw  approaching,  in  the  direction  of  the 
market,  a  mob,  which  Bonaparte  calculated  at  five  or 
six  thousand  men.  They  were  all  in  rags,  ludicrously 
armed  with  weapons  of  every  description,  and  were  pro- 
ceeding hastily  towards  the  Tuileries,  vociferating  all 
kinds  of  gross  abuse.  It  was  a  collection  of  all  that  was 
most  vile  and  abject  in  the  purlieus  of  Paris.  "  Let  us 
follow  the  mob,"  said  Bonaparte.  We  got  the  start  of 
them,  and  took  up  our  station  on  the  terrace  of  the  banks 
of  the  river.  It  was  there  that  he  witnessed  the  scanda- 
lous scenes  which  took  place  ;  and  it  would  be  difficult 
to  describe  the  surprise  and  indignation  which  they  ex- 

The  story  of  his  visit  is  probably  as  apocryphal  as  that  of  his  offeriug  his 
services  to  the  English  (iovcrnment  when  the  Englisli  forces  were  l)lock- 
ailing  tlie  coast  of  Corsica. 

•  It  was  before  the  2flth  of  .Tune  that  in  our  frequent  excursions 
around  Paris  we  went  to  St.  Cyr  to  see  his  sister  Marianue  (lilisa).  We 
returned  to  dine  alone  at  Trianon. —  Bourrienne. 


20  MKMOIUS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1792. 

cited  ill  liiiii.  ^^'ll('Il  tlic  Kiii^  slniwcil  liimsclf  at  the 
wiiulnws  nverlnokiiii,'  tilt'  j^arclt'ii,  with  the  red  cap,  which 
(»ne  of  the  inoh  had  i)Ut  on  his  head,  he  cuidd  no  h)nger 
repres.s  his  indignation.  "  Che  co(jlionc  !  "  he  loudly  ex- 
claimed. "  Why  have  they  let  in  all  that  ralilde?  They 
shouhl  sweep  oil'  four  or  Hve  hundred  of  them  with  the 
cannon  ;  the  rest  would  then  set  off  fast  enough." 

When  we  sat  down  to  dinner,  which  I  paid  for,  as  I 
generally  did,  for  I  was  the  richer  of  the  two,  he  s])oke  of 
nothing  but  the  scene  we  had  witnessed.  He  discussed 
with  great  good  sense  the  causes  and  consequences  of  this 
iinrepressed  insurrection.  He  foresaw  and  developed  with 
sagacity  all  that  would  ensue.  He  was  not  mistaken. 
The  10th  of  August  soon  arrived.  I  was  then  at  Stutt- 
gart,  where  I  was  appointed  Secretary  of  Legation. 

At  St.  Helena  Bonaparte  said,  "On  the  news  of  the 
attack  of  the  Tuileries,  on  tlie  10th  of  August,  I  hurried 
to  Fauvelet,  Bourrienne's  brother,  who  then  kept  a  furni- 
ture warehouse  at  the  Carrousel."  This  is  partly  cor- 
rect. My  brother  was  connected  with  what  was  termed 
an  entreprise  d'encan  national,  where  persons  intending 
to  quit  France  received  an  advance  of  money,  on  depos- 
iting any  effects  which  they  wished  to  dispose  of,  and 
which  were  sold  for  them  immediately.  Bonaparte  had 
some  time  previously  pledged  his  watch  in  this  way. 

After  the  fatal  10th  of  August,  Bonaparte  went  to 
Corsica,  and  did  not  return  till  1793.  Sir  Walter  Scott 
says  that  after  that  time  he  never  saw  Corsica  again. 
This  is  a  mistake,  as  will  be  shown  wlieii  I  speak  of  his 
return  from  Egypt.^ 

1  Sir  Walter  appears  to  have  collected  his  iiifoiniatioii  for  the  "  Life  of 
Napi(l(M>ii  "  onlv  from  tiiose  lihels  aii<l  vulvar  8torie.>*  wliidi  gratified  his 
calumnimis  sjiirit  and  national  hatred.  His  work  is  written  witli  excessive 
negligence,  which,  added  to  its  nnnierous  errors,  shows  how  ninch  rc.«pect 
he  must  have  entertained  for  his  reailers.  It  would  appear  that  his  object 
was  to  make  it  the  inverse  of  his  novels,  where  everything  is  borrowed 


1793.  DECREE   AS   TO   EMIGRANTS.  21 

Having  been  appointed  Secretary  of  Legation  to  Stutt- 
gart, I  set  off  for  that  place  on  the  2cl  of  August,  and  I 
did  not  again  see  my  ardent  young  friend  until  1795. 
He  told  me  that  my  departure  accelerated  his  for  Corsica. 
We  separated,  as  may  be  supposed,  with  but  faint  hopes 
of  ever  meeting  again. 

By  a  decree  of  the  28th  of  March  of  1793,  all  Frencli 
agents  abroad  were  ordered  to  return  to  France  within 
three  months,  under  pain  of  being  regarded  as  emigrants. 
What  I  had  witnessed  before  my  departure  for  Stuttgart, 
the  excitement  in  wliich  I  had  left  the  public  mind,  and 
the  well-known  consequences  of  events  of  this  kind,  made 
me  fear  that  I  should  be  compelled  to  be  either  an  ac- 
complice or  a  victim  in  the  disastrous  scenes  which  were 
passing  at  home.  My  disobedience  of  the  law  placed  my 
name  on  the  list  of  emigrants. 

It  has  been  said  of  me,  in  a  biographical  publication, 
that  "  it  was  as  remarkable  as  it  was  fortunate  for  Bour- 
rienne  that,  on  his  return,  he  got  his  name  erased  from 
the  list  of  emigrants  of  the  Dspartment  of  the  Yonne,  on 
which  it  had  been  inscribed  during  his  first  journey  to 
Grermany.  This  circumstance  has  been  interpreted  in 
several  different  ways,  which  are  not  all  equally  favour- 
able to  M.  de  Bourrienne." 

I  do  not  understand  what  favourable  interpretations 
can  be  put  upon  a  statement  entirely  false.  General 
Bonaparte  repeatedly  applied  for  the  erasure  of  my  name, 
from  the  month  of  April,  1797,  wlien  I  rejoined  him  at 
Leoben,  to  the  period  of  the  signature  of  the  treaty  of 
Campo-Formio ;  but  without  success.  He  desired  his 
brother  Louis,  Berthier,  Bernadotte,  and  others,  when  he 

from  history.  I  have  been  assured  that  Marshal  Macdonald  having 
offered  t<»  introduce  Scott  to  some  generals  who  could  have  furnished  him 
with  the  most  accurate  information  respecting  military  events,  the  glory  of 
which  tliey  had  shared.  Sir  Walter  replied,  "  I  thank  you,  but  I  shall  col- 
lect my  information  from  unprofessional  reports."  — Bourrienne. 


22  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1794. 

sent  them  to  the  Directory,  to  urge  my  erasure  ;  hut  in 
vain,  lie  comphiiMeil  iif  this  inatteiilinii  to  iiis  wishes  to 
liolttit,  when  he  came  to  rasseriann,  after  the  18th  Fruc- 
tidor.  Bottot,  who  was  secretary  to  JJarras,  was  astonished 
that  I  was  not  era.sed,  and  lie  made  fine  promises  of  what 
he  would  do.  On  his  return  to  France  lie  wrote  to. Bona- 
parte :  "  Bourrienne  is  era.sed."  But  this  was  untrue.  I 
was  not  erased  until  November,  1797,  upon  the  reiterated 
solicitations  of  General  Bonaparte. 

It  was  during  my  ahsence  from  France  that  Bonaparte, 
in  tiie  rank  of  chef  dc  hataillon,  performed  liis  first  cam- 
paign, and  contributed  so  materially  to  the  recapture  of 
Toulttn.  Of  this  period  of  his  life  I  have  no  ])ersonal 
knowledge,  and  therefore  I  sliall  not  speak  of  it  as  an  eye- 
witness. I  shall  merely  relate  some  facts  whicli  fill  up 
the  interval  betwe3n  1793  and  1795,  and  which  I  have 
collected  from  papers  which  he  himself  delivered  to  me. 
Among  these  jiapers  is  a  little  production,  entitled  "Le 
Souper  de  Beaucaire,"  the  copies  of  which  he  bought  up 
at  considerable  expense,  and  destroyed  upon  his  attaining 
the  Consulate.  This  little  pam])hlet  contains  principles 
very  opjiosite  to  those  he  wished  to  see  established  in 
1800,  —  a  period  when  extravagant  ideas  of  liberty  were 
no  longer  the  fashion,  and  when  Bonaparte  entered  u]»on  a 
system  totally  the  reverse  of  those  r(q)ublican  principles 
professed  in    "  Le  Souper  de  Beaucaire."  ^     It  may  be  re- 

1  This  i.s  not,  as  Sir  Walter  say.s,  a  dialofjuc  between  Manit  and  a 
Feileralist,  but  a  conversation  between  a  military  ofiiier,  a  native  of 
Nisnie.s,  a  native  of  Marseilles,  and  a  manufacturer  from  MontiK-llier. 
Tiie  latter,  thouprh  he  takes  a  share  in  the  conversation,  does  not  .say 
nmch.  "  Le  Souper  de  Beaucaire  "  is  given  at  full  lenf,rth  in  the  French 
edition  of  these  "  Memoirs,"  tome  i.  pp.  .31!) -347  ;  and  by  lunj;,  tome  ii. 
p.  .354,  with  the  followinfc  remarks:  "The  first  edition  of '  Ixi  Souper  de 
Beaucaire  '  was  issued  at  the  cost  of  the  Public  Trea,sury,  in  Auf^ust,  1793. 
Sabin  Tourn.il,  its  editor,  al.so  then  edited  the  '  ("ourricr  d'Avi<;n<in.'  'i'iie 
second  edition  only  appeared  twenty-eif^ht  years  afterwards,  in  1821,  pre- 
ceded   by  an  introduction  by  Frederick    Hoyou  (Paris:    Brasseur  Aine', 


1794.  BOXAPARTE'S   ARREST.  23 

marked,  that  in  all  that  has  come  to  us  from  St.  Helena, 
not  a  word  is  said  of  this  youthful  production.  Its  char- 
acter sufficiently  explains  this  silence.  In  all  Bonaparte's 
writings  posterity  will  probably  trace  the  profound  politi- 
cian rather  than  the  enthusiastic  revolutionist. 

Some  documents  relative  to  Bonaparte's  suspension  and 
arrest,  by  order  of  the  representatives  Albitte  and  Salicetti, 
serve  to  place  in  their  true  light  circumstances  which  have 
hitherto  been  misrepresented.  I  shall  enter  into  some 
details  of  this  event,  because  I  have  seen  it  stated  that 
this  circumstance  of  Bonaparte's  life  has  been  perverted 
and  misrepresented  by  every  person  who  has  hitherto 
written  about  him ;  and  the  writer  who  makes  this  re- 
mark himself  describes  the  affair  incorrectly  and  vaguely. 
Others  have  attributed  Bonaparte's  misfortune  to  a  mili- 

priuter,  Terrey,  publisher,  in  octavo).  Thi.s  pamphlet  did  not  make  any 
sensation  at  tlie  time  it  appeared.  It  was  only  when  Napoleon  became 
Commandant  of  the  Army  of  Italy  that  M.  Loiibet,  secretary  and  corrector 
of  the  press  for  M.  Tourual,  attached  some  value  to  the  manuscript,  and 
showed  it  to  several  persons.  Louis  Bonaparte,  later,  ordered  several 
copies  from  M.  Aurel."  The  pamphlet,  dated  29th  July,  1793,  is  in  the  form 
of  a  dialogue  between  an  officer  of  the  army,  a  citizen  of  Nismes,  a  manu- 
facturer of  Montpellier,  and  a  citizen  of  Marseilles.  Marseilles  was  then 
in  a  state  of  insurrection  against  tbe  Convention.  Its  forces  had  seized 
Avignon,  l)ut  had  been  driven  out  by  the  army  of  Carteaux,  wliich  was 
about  to  attack  Marseilles  itself.  In  tlie  dialogite  the  officer  gives  most 
excellent  military  advice  to  the  representative  of  Marseilles  on  the  impos- 
Bibility  of  their  resisting  the  old  soldiers  of  Carteaux.  The  Marseilles 
citizen  argues  but  feebly,  and  is  alarmed  at  the  officer's  representations  ; 
while  his  tiireat  to  call  in  tlie  Spaniards  turns  the  other  speakers  against 
him.  Even  Colonel  lung  says,  tome  ii.  j).  .372,  "In  these  conci.se  judg- 
ments is  felt  the  decision  of  the  master  and  of  the  man  of  war.  .  .  . 
These  marvellous  qualities  consequently  struck  the  meml)ers  of  tbe  Con- 
veiition,  who  made  much  of  Bonajiarte,  authorised  iiim  to  have  it  published 
at  tlie  public  expense,  and  made  him  many  jtromises."  Lanfrey,  vol.  i.  pp. 
.30-.31,  says  of  this  pamphlet,  "Common  enough  ideas,  exjjressed  in  a 
style  only  remarkable  for  its  '  Italianisms,'  but  becoming  singularly  firm 
and  ])re(ise  every  time  the  author  expresses  his  military  views.  Under  an 
ap))arent  roughness,  we  find  in  it  a  rare  circumspection,  leaving  no  hold  on 
the  writer,  even  if  events  change." 


24  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLFX)N   BONAPARTK.  1794. 

tary  discussion  on  war,  and  his  conneetiun  with  Robes- 
jtione  the  younger.  ^ 

It  has,  niitreiiver,  been  said  that  Albitte  and  Salicetti 
exphiined  to  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety  the  imi)Ossi- 
bihty  of  their  resuuiing  the  military  operations  unaided  by 
the  talents  of  Cieneral  IJonaparte.  This  is  mere  llattery. 
The  facts  are  these  :  — 

On  the  13th  of  July,  1794  (25th  Messidor,  year  II.),  the 
representatives  of  the  people  with  the  Army  of  Italy 
ordered  that  (Jeneral  Bonaparte  should  })roceed  U)  Genoa, 
there,  conjointly  with  the  French  chiryc  d'affaires,  to 
confer  on  certain  subjects  with  the  Genoese  Government. 
This  mission,  tofrether  with  a  list  of  secret  instructions, 
directing  him  to  examine  the  fortresses  of  Genoa  and  the 
neighbouring  country,  shows  the  confidence  which  Bona- 
parte, who  was  then  only  twenty-five,  inspired  in  men 
who  were  deejily  interested  in  making  a  prudent  choice  of 
their  agents. 

Bonaparte  set  off  for  Genoa,  and  fultilled  his  mission. 
The  9th  Thermidor  arrived,  and  the  deputies,  called 
Terrorists,  were  superseded  by  Albitte  and  Salicetti.  In 
the  disorder  which  then  prevailed  they  were  either  igno- 
rant of  the  orders  given  to  General  Bonaparte,  or  persons 
envious  of  the  rising  glory  of  the  young  general  of  artil- 
lery inspired  Albitte  and  Salicetti  with  suspicions  pre- 
judicial to  him.  Be  this  as  it  may,  the  two  representatives 
drew  up  a  resolution,  ordering  that  General  Bonaparte 
should  be  arrested,  suspended  from  his  rank,  and  arraigned 
before  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety;  and,  extraordinary 
as  it  may  aj)pear,  this  resolution  was   founded  on  that 

1  It  will  presently  he  seen  that  all  this  is  erroneous,  and  that  Sir  Walter 
commits  another  mistake  when  he  says  tliat  Bonaparte's  conuection  with 
Rohesj)ierre  wa,s  attemled  with  fatal  consefpiences  to  him,  and  that  his 
justification  consisted  in  acknowledging  that  his  friends  were  very  differeut 
from  what  he  had  supposed  them  to  be.  —  Bourrienne. 


1794.  BONAPARTE'S   ARREST.  25 

very  journey  to  Genoa  which  Bonaparte  executed  by  the 
direction  of  the  representatives  of  the  people.^ 

Bonaparte  said  at  St.  Helena  that  he  was  a  short 
time  imprisoned  by  order  of  the  representative  Laporte ; 

Madame  Juuot  tlirows  some  light  ou  tliis  persecution  of  Bonaparte 
by  Salicetti.  "One  motive  (I  do  not  mean  to  say  the  only  one),"  remarks 
this  lady,  "  of  the  animosity  shown  by  Salicetti  to  Bonaparte,  in  tlie  affair 
of  Loano,  was  that  they  were  at  one  time  suitors  to  the  same  lady.  I  am 
not  sure  whether  it  was  in  Corsica  or  in  Paris,  but  I  know  for  a  fact  that 
Bonaparte,  in  spite  of  his  youth,  or  perhaps  I  should  rather  say  on  account 
of  his  youth,  was  tiie  favoured  lover.  It  was  the  opinion  of  my  brother, 
who  was  secretary  to  Salicetti,  that  Bonaparte  owed  his  life  to  a  circum- 
stance which  is  not  very  well  known.  The  fact  is,  that  Salicetti  received 
a  letter  from  Bonaparte,  the  contents  of  which  appeared  to  make  a  deep 
impression  on  him.  Bonaparte's  papers  liad  been  delivered  into  Salicetti's 
hands,  who,  after  an  attentive  perusal  of  them,  laid  tliem  aside  with 
evident  dissatisfaction.  He  then  took  them  up  again,  and  reail  them  a 
second  time.  Salicetti  declined  my  brother's  assistance  in  the  examination 
of  the  papers,  and  after  a  second  examination,  which  was  probably  as 
unsatisfactory  as  tlie  first,  he  seated  himself  with  a  very  abstracted  air. 
It  would  appear  that  lie  liad  seen  among  the  papers  some  document  which 
concerned  himself.  Anotiier  curious  fact  is,  that  the  man  who  had  the 
care  of  the  papers  after  they  were  sealed  up  was  an  inferior  clerk  entirely 
under  the  control  of  Salicetti ;  and  my  brotiier,  whose  business  it  was  to 
have  charge  of  the  papers,  was  directed  not  to  touch  them.  He  has  often 
spoken  to  me  of  this  circumstance,  and  I  mention  it  here  as  one  of  impor- 
tance to  the  history  of  the  time.  Nothing  that  relates  to  a  man  like 
Napoleon  can  be  considered  useless  or  trivial. 

"  What,  after  all,  was  the  result  of  this  strange  business  which  might 
have  cost  Bonaparte  his  head  ?  —  for,  hail  he  been  taken  to  Paris  and  tried 
by  the  Committee  of  Public  Safety,  there  is  little  doubt  that  the  friends  of 
Robespierre  the  younger  would  have  been  condemned  by  Billaud-\'arennes 
and  Collot  d'Hcrl)ois.  Tlie  result  was  the  acquittal  of  the  accused.  This 
result  is  the  more  extraordinary,  since  it  would  appear  that  at  that  time 
Salicetti  stood  in  fear  of  the  young  general.  A  compliment  is  even  paid 
to  Bonaparte  in  tiie  decree,  by  which  he  was  provisionally  restored  to 
liberty.  Tiiat  liberation  was  said  to  be  granted  on  the  consideration  tiiat 
General  Bonaparte  migiit  be  useful  to  the  Republic.  This  was  foresight ; 
but  subseipiently  wlien  measures  were  taken  which  rendered  Bona])arte 
no  longer  an  object  of  fear,  his  name  was  eraseil  from  the  list  of  general 
officers,  and  it  is  a  curious  fact  that  Cambaci-res,  wiio  was  destined  to  be 
his  colleague  in  tlie  Consulate,  was  one  of  tlie  persons  who  signed  the 
act  of  erasure"  (^Jemo^rs  of  the  Duchesse  d'Abrantis,  vol.  i.  p.  69,  edit. 
1883). 


26  MEMOIRS   OF   NAIMLEOX   BONAPARTE.  1794. 

l)iit  tlie  oYihr  for  liis  anv.st  was  signed  by  Albitte,  Sali- 
cc'tti,  iuul  Lai»(irte.'  Lapurte  was  not  i)r()l)al»ly  the  ni().«t 
inlluential  of  the  three,  for  liouaparte  did  not  address 
his  remonstrance  to  him.  He  was  a  fortnight  under 
arrest. 

Had  the  circumstance  occurred  three  weeks  earlier, 
and  had  Bonaparte  been  arraigned  before  the  Committee 
of  Public  Safety  previous  to  the  9th  Thermidor,  there  is 
every  probability  that  his  career  would  have  been  at  an 
end ;  and  we  should  have  seen  perisli  on  the  scaflbld,  at 
the  age  of  tweuty-tive,  the  mau  who,  during  the  twenty-five 
succeeding  years,  was  destined  to  astonish  the  world  by 
his  vast  C()ncei>tions,  his  gigantic  projects,  his  great  mili- 
tary genius,  his  extraordinary  good  fortune,  his  faults, 
reverses,  and  final  misfortunes. 

It  is  worth  while  to  remark  that  in  the  post-Thermi- 
dorian  resolution  just  alluded  to  no  mention  is  made  of 
Bonaparte's  association  with  Robespierre  the  younger. 
The  severity  with  which  he  was  treated  is  the  more 
astonishing,  since  his  mission  to  Genoa  was  the  alleged 
cause  of  it.  Was  there  any  other  charge  against  him,  or 
had  calumny  triumphed  over  the  services  he  had  ren- 
dered to  his  country  ?  I  have  frequently  conversed  with 
him  on  the  subject  of  this  adventure,  and  he  invariably 
assured  me  that  he  had  nothing  to  rei»roach  himself 
with,  and  that  his  defence,  which  I  shall  subjoin,  con- 
tained the  pure  expression  of  his  sentiments,  and  the 
exact  truth. 

In  the  following  note,  which  he  addressed  to  Albitte 
and  Salicetti,  he  makes  no  mention  of  Laporte.  The 
copy  which  I  possess  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Junot,  with 
corrections  in  the  General's  hand.  It  exhibits  all  the 
characteristics   of    Napoleon's    writing :    his    short    sen- 

1  Albitte  .and  Laporte  were  the  representatives  sent  from  the  Conven- 
tion to  the  Army  of  the  Alps,  and  Salicetti  to  the  Army  of  Italy. 


1794.  BONAPARTE'S   DEFENCE.  27 

tences,  his  abrupt  rather  than  concise  style,  sometimes 
his  elevated  ideas,  and  always  his  plain  good  sense. 

To  THE  RepresenTx^tives  Albitte  and  Salicetti. 

You  have  suspended  me  from  iny  duties,  put  me  under 
arrest,  and  declared  me  to  be  suspected. 

Tlius  I  am  disgraced  before  being  judged,  or  indeed  judged 
before  being  heanL 

In  a  revolutionary  state  there  are  two  classes,  the  suspected 
and  the  patriots. 

When  the  first  are  accused,  general  measures  are  adopted 
towards  them  fur  the  sake  of  securitj\ 

The  oppression  of  the  second  class  is  a  blow  to  public  liberty. 
The  magistrate  cannot  condemn  until  after  the  fullest  evidence 
and  a  succession  of  facts.  This  leaves  nothing  to  arbitrary 
decision. 

To  declare  a  patriot  suspected  is  to  deprive  him  of  all  that  he 
most  highly  values,  —  confidence  and  esteem. 

In  what  class  am  I  placed] 

Since  the  commencement  of  the  Revolution,  have  I  not 
always  been  attached  to  its  principles  1 

Have  I  not  always  been  contending  either  with  domestic 
enemies  or  foreign  foes  ] 

I  sacrificed  my  home,  abandoned  my  property,  and  lost  every- 
thing for  the  Republic. 

I  have  since  served  with  some  distinction  at  Toulon,  and 
earned  a  part  of  the  laurels  of  the  Army  of  Italy  at  the  taking 
of  Saorgio,  Oneille,  and  Tanaro. 

On  the  discovery  of  Robespierre's  conspiracy,  my  conduct  was 
that  of  a  man  accustomed  to  look  only  to  principles. 

My  claim  to  the  title  of  patriot,  therefore,  cannot  be  disputed. 

Why,  then,  am  I  declared  suspected  without  being  heard, 
and  arrested  eight  days  after  I  lieard  the  news  of  the  tyrant's 
death  t 

I  am  declared  suspected,  and  my  papers  are  placed  under  seal. 

The  reverse  of  this  course  ought  to  have  been  adopted.  My 
papers  should  first  have  been  sealed ;  then  I  should  have  been 


28  MKMoIUS   OF   NAToLKON   BONAPARTE.  1794. 

mIUhI  on  for  my  cxiilanatioii ;  ami,  lastly,  declareil  suspected,  if 
there  was  rea.'^dn  for  cnniinj,'  tu  such  a  decision. 

It  is  wished  that  I  shnuld  go  to  Paris  with  an  order  which 
declares  me  suspecteil.  It  will  naturally  be  jircsumed  that  the 
representatives  diil  not  draw  up  this  decree  without  accurate 
information,  and  I  shall  be  judged  with  the  bias  which  a  luan 
of  that  cla.ss  merits. 

Tiiough  a  jiatriot  and  an  innocent  and  calumniated  man,  yet 
whatever  measures  may  be  adopted  by  the  Committee  I  cannot 
comidain. 

If  three  men  declare  that  I  have  committed  a  crime,  I  cannot 
complain  of  the  jury  who  condemns  nie. 

Salieetti,  you  know  me ;  and  I  ask  whether  you  have 
ob.servcd  anything  in  my  conduct  for  the  last  five  years  whicli 
can  atl'ord  ground  of  suspicion  1 

Albitte,  you  do  not  know  me ;  but  you  liave  received  proof 
of  no  fact  against  me  ;  you  have  not  heard  me,  and  you  know 
how  artfully  the  tongue  of  calumny  sometimes  works. 

Must  I  then  be  confounded  with  the  enemies  of  my  country  1 
and  ought  the  patriots  inconsiderately  to  sacrilice  a  general  who 
has  not  been  useless  to  the  Ri'i)ublic  1  Ought  the  representa- 
tives to  reduce  the  Government  to  the  necessity  of  being  unjust 
and  impolitic'? 

Hear  me  ;  destroy  the  oppression  that  overwhelms  me,  and 
restore  me  to  the  esteem  of  the  patriots. 

All  hour  after,  if  my  enemies  wish  for  my  life,  let  them  take 
it.  I  have  often  given  proofs  how  little  I  value  it.  Nothing 
but  the  thought  that  I  may  yet  be  useful  to  my  country  makes 
me  bear  the  burden  of  existence  with  courage. 

It  appears  that  tliis  defence,  which  is  reinarknlde  for 
its  energetic  simphcity,  produced  an  efiect  on  Albitte  and 
Salicetti.  Inquiries  more  accurate,  and  probably  more 
favourable  to  the  General,  were  instituted;  and  on  the 
.3d  Fructidor  (20th  August,  1794)  the  reiaesentatives  of 
the  people  drew  np  a  decree  stating  that,  after  a  careful 
examination  of  General  Bonaparte's  papers,  and  of  the 


1794.  BONAPARTE'S  LIBERATION.  29 

orders  he  had  received  relative  to  his  mission  to  Genoa, 
they  saw  nothing  to  justify  any  suspicion  of  his  conduct ; 
and  that,  moreover,  taking  into  consideration  the  advan- 
tage that  might  accrue  to  the  Kepublic  from  the  military 
talents  of  the  said  General  Bonaparte,  it  was  resolved 
that  he  should  be  provisionally  set  at  liberty.^ 

Salicetti  afterwards  became  the  friend  and  confidant  of 
young  Bonaparte ;  but  their  intimacy  did  not  continue 
after  his  elevation. 

What  is  to  be  thought  of  the  motives  for  Bonaparte's 
arrest  and  provisional  liberation,  when  his  innocence  and 
the  error  that  had  been  committed  w^ere  acknowledged  ? 
The  importance  of  the  General's  military  talents,  though 
no  mention  is  made  about  the  impossil)ility  of  dispensin 
with  them,  is  a  pretence  for  restoring  him  to  that  liberty 
of  which  he  had  been  unjustly  deprived. 

It  was  not  at  Toulon,  as  has  been  stated,  that  Bonaparte 
took  Duroc  ^  into  the  artillery,  and  made  liim  his  aide-de- 

1  With  reference  to  tlie  arrest  of  Bonaparte  (which  lasted  thirteen 
days)  see  "  Bourrienne  et  ses  Erreurs,"  tome  i.  pp.  lB-28,  and  lung,  tome  ii. 
pp.  443-4.57.  Both,  in  opposition  to  Bourrienne,  attribute  the  arrest  to 
his  connection  with  the  younger  Robespierre.  Apparently  Albitte  and 
Salicetti  were  not  actpiainted  with  the  secret  plan  of  campaign  j)repared 
by  the  younger  Robespierre  and  by  Bonaparte,  or  with  the  real  instruc- 
tions given  for  the  mission  to  Genoa.  Jealousy  between  the  representa- 
tives in  the  staff  of  the  Army  of  the  Alps  and  those  with  the  Army  of 
Italy,  with  which  Napoleon  was,  also  j)layed  a  part  in  the  affair,  lung 
looks  on  Salicetti  as  acting  as  the  protector  of  the  Bonapartes ;  but 
Napoleon  does  not  seem  to  have  regarded  iiim  in  that  light ;  see  the 
letter  given  in  Junot,  vol.  i.  p.  106,  where  in  179.'3  he  takes  credit  for  not 
returning  the  ill  done  to  liim  ;  see  also  the  same  volume,  p.  89.  Salicetti 
eventually  became  Minister  of  Police  to  .Joseph,  when  King  of  Naples,  in 
1806;  but  when  he  api)lied  to  return  to  France,  Napnleou  said  to 
M.athieu  I^umas,  "  Let  him  know  that  I  am  not  jxjwerful  enougli  to  pro- 
tect the  wretdies  who  voted  for  the  death  of  Louis  XVI.  from  the  con- 
tempt and  indignation  of  the  public"  (Dumas,  tome  iii.  p.  316).  At 
the  same  time  Napoleon  described  Salicetti  as  wor.se  than  the  lazzaroni. 

2  Michel  Duroc  (1773-1813),  at  first  only  aide-de-camp  to  Napoleon, 
was  several  times  intrusted  with  special  ili])loniatic  missions  (for  example, 
to  Berlin,  etc.).     Uu   the   formation  of  the  Empire  he  became  Grand 


30  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON  BONAPARTK.  1794. 

eainii.  The  ac([uaiiitance  was  formed  at  a  subsequent 
period,  in  Italy.  Duroc's  cold  character  and  unexcursive 
mind  suited  Napoleon,  whose  confidence  he  enjoyed  until 
his  death,  anil  who  intrusted  him  with  missions  perha])s 
al)Ove  his  al)ilities.  At  St.  Helena  lionai)arte  often  declared 
that  he  was  much  attached  to  Duroc.  I  believe  this  to  be 
true  ;  Init  I  know  that  the  attachment  was  not  returned. 
The  in<j;ratitude  of  princes  is  i)roverbial.  May  it  not 
happen  that  courtiers  are  also  sometimes  ungrateful  ?  * 

Marwiial  dii  Palais,  and  Due  de  Frioiil.  He  always  remained  in  close 
conneition  witli  Napuk-on  until  he  was  killed  in  181.3.  As  he  is  often 
mentioned  in  contemporary  memoirs  under  his  ahlireviated  title  of 
Mdrsliiil,  he  has  sometimes  been  erroneously  included  in  the  number  of 
the  Marshals  of  the  Empire,  —  a  military  rank  he  never  attained  to. 

1  It  is  oidy  just  to  IJuroc  to  a<ld  that  this  charge  does  not  seem  borne 
out  by  the  impressions  of  those  more  capable  than  liourrienue  of  judging 
in  the  matter. 


CHAPTEE  III. 

1794-1795.   - 

General  Bonaparte  returned  to  Paris,  where  I  also 
arrived  from  Germany  shortly  after  him.  Our  intimacy 
was  resumed,  and  he  gave  me  an  account  of  all  that  had 
passed  in  the  campaign  of  the  south.  He  frequently 
alluded  to  the  persecutions  he  had  suffered,  and  he  de- 
livered to  me  the  packet  of  papers  noticed  in  the  last 
chapter,  desiring  me  to  communicate  their  contents  to 
my  friends.  He  was  very  anxious,  he  said,  to  do  away 
w4th  the  supposition  that  he  was  capable  of  betraying  his 
country,  and,  under  the  pretence  of  a  mission  to  Genoa, 
becoming  a  spy  on  the  interests  of  France.  He  loved  to 
talk  over  his  military  achievements  at  Toulon  and  in 
Italy.  He  spoke  of  his  first  successes  with  that  feeling 
of  pleasure  and  gratification  which  they  were  naturally 
calculated  to  excite  in  him. 

The  Government  wished  to  send  him  to  La  Vendue, 
with  the  rank  of  brigadier-general  of  infantry.  Bonaparte 
rejected  this  proposition  on  two  grounds.  He  thought  the 
scene  of  action  unworthy  of  his  talents,  and  he  regarded 
his  projected  removal  from  the  artillery  to  the  infantry  as  a 
sort  of  insult.  This  last  was  his  most  powerful  objection, 
and  was  the  only  one  he  urged  officially.  In  consequence 
of  his  refusal  to  accept  the  appointment  offered  him,  the 
Committee  of  Public  Safety  decreed  that  he  should  be 
struck  off  the  list  of  general  officers.  ^ 

1  Tliis  statement  a.s  to  the  proposed  transfer  of  Bonaparte  to  the  infan- 
try, his  disobedience  to  the  order,  and  his  consequent  dismissal,  is   fiercely 


32  MEMKlPiS   OF   NAPOLEON    BONATAIMK.  1794- 

Deoplv  nmrtitii'd  at  this   unexpected  stroke,  Bdiiaparte 
retired  into  private  life,  and  found  himself  doomed  to  an 

attacked  in  tlic  "  Krrours."  tmiu'  i.  clia)!.  iv.  It  is,  lidwi'vor.  cDrri-ct  in  some 
jKiiiits;  hut  the  ri'sil  truths  ahinit  Bonaparte's  life  at  tliis  time  seem  so 
little  known  that  it  mav  he  well  to  e\|>lain  the  whole  matter.  On  the 
27th  of  March,  17'J.'>,  Bonaparte,  alrea<ly  removed  from  his  employment  in 
the  south,  was  (.rdered  to  jiroeeed  totiie  Army  of  the  West,  to  command  its 
artillerv  a-s  lirijjadier-ceneral.  He  went  as  far  as  Paris,  and  then  limbered 
there,  jiartlv  on  meilical  certificate.  While  in  Paris  he  ajiplied,  as  Bour- 
rienne  savs,  to  jjo  to  Turkey  to  orjiani.se  its  artillery.  Ilis  applicati(m,  in- 
stead of  lieinp  ne<:;lected,  as  Boiirrienne  says,  was  favonr.ilily  received,  two 
memhers  of  the  Comite  de  Saint  Puidic  ])Uttini^  <in  its  marj;;in  nio.st 
favourahle  re]>orts  of  him;  one,  Jean  Dehry,  even  sayinj^  that  he  was  too 
distinguished  an  ofiicer  to  he  sent  to  a  distance  at  such  a  time.  Far  from 
l>einn  looked  on  .as  the  half-crazy  fellow  Bourrienne  considered  him  at  that 
time,  Bonaparte  was  ai)pointed,  on  the  21st  of  Augu.st,  171).^),  one  of  four 
i^enerals  attached  as  military  adviser.s  to  the  Committee  for  the  j)rrj)ara- 
tion  of  warlike  operations,  his  own  department  hein^  a  most  imjiortaut 
(me.  He  him.self  at  the  time  tells  Jose])!!  that  he  is  attached  to  the  topo- 
graphical hureau  of  the  Comite  de  Salut  I'uhlic,  for  the  direction  of  the 
armies  in  the  iihur  qfCurnof.  It  is  ap|)arently  this  significant  appointment 
to  which  Madauie  Junot,  wrongly  dating  it,  alludes  as  "  no  great  thing' 
(Jiiiint,  vid.  i.  p.  14.3).  Another  officer  was  therefore  sulistituted  for  him 
as  commander  of  Hoche's  artillery,  a  fact  made  use  of  in  the  "  Frreurs"  (p. 
31)  to  deny  his  having  lieen  disunssed.  But  a  general  re-cla.ssification  of 
the  "-enerals  was  heing  made.  The  artillery  generals  were  iu  excess  of 
their  estahlishment,  and  Bonaparte,  as  junior  in  age,  was  ordered  on  1.3th 
June  to  join  Hoche's  army  at  Brest  to  command  a  brigade  of  infantry. 
All  his  efforts  to  get  the  order  cancelled  failed,  and  as  he  did  not  ohey  it 
he  was  struck  off  the  list  of  em/iloi/eil  general  officers  ou  the  1.5th  of 
September,  1795,  the  order  of  the  Comite  de  Salut  Puldic  being  signe<l  by 
Caml)accres,  Berlier,  Merlin,  and  Boissy.  His  application  to  go  to  Tur- 
key still,  however,  remained;  and  it  is  a  curi<ms  thing  that,  on  the  very 
dav  he  was  struck  off  the  list,  the  commission  which  had  replaced  the 
Minister  of  War  recommended  to  the  Comite  de  Salut  l'ui)lic  that  he 
and  his  two  aides-de-camp,  Junot  and  Livrat,  with  other  officers  under 
him,  should  be  sent  to  Constantinople.  So  late  as  the  29th  of  Se])tend(er, 
twelve  davs  later,  this  matter  was  being  ctmsidered,  the  only  (piestion 
being  as  to  any  departmental  objections  to  the  other  officers  selected 
hv  him,  a  point  which  was  just  being  settled.  But  on  the  I3tli  Ven- 
de'ndaire  (5th  October,  1795),  or  rather  on  the  night  before,  only 
nineteen  davs  after  his  removal,  he  was  appointed  second  in  command  to 
Barras,  a  career  in  France  was  opened  to  him,  and  Turkey  was  no  longer 
thought  of. 
Thiers  (vol.  iv.  p.  326)  and  most  writers,  contemporary  and  otherwise,  say 


1795.  BONAPARTE  UNEMPLOYED.  33 

inactivity  very  uncongenial  with  Lis  ardent  character.  He 
lodged  in  the  Eue  dii  Mail,  in  an  hotel  near  the  Place  des 
Victoires,  and  we  recommenced  the  sort  of  life  we  had 
led  in  1792,  before  his  departure  for  Corsica.  It  was  not 
without  a  struggle  that  he  determined  to  await  patiently 
the  removal  of  the  preju(Uces  which  were  cherished  against 
him  l)y  men  in  power  ;  and  he  hoped  that,  in  the  perpet- 
ual changes  which  were  taking  place,  those  men  might 
be  superseded  by  others  more  favourable  to  him.  He  fre- 
quently dined  and  spent  the  evening  with  me  and  my 
elder  brother;  and  his  pleasant  conversation  and  manners 
made  the  hours  pass  away  very  agreeably.  I  called  on 
him  almost  every  morning,  and  I  met  at  his  lodgings  sev- 
eral persons  wlio  w^ere  distinguished  at  the  time ;  among 
others  Salicetti,  with  whom  he  used  to  maintain  very  ani- 
mated conversations,  and  who  woukl  often  solicit  a  private 
interview  with  him.  On  one  occasion  Sahcetti  paid  him 
three  thousand  francs,  in  assignats,  as  the  price  of  his  car- 
riage, whicli  his  straitened  circumstances  obliged  him  to 
dispose  of.  ^     I  could  easily  perceive  that  our  young  friend 

that  Anbrv  gave  the  order  for  liis  removal  from  the  list.  Aubry,  himself  a 
brigadier-general  of  artillery,  did  jiot  belong  to  the  Comitc'  de  Saint  Public  at 
the  time  Bonaparte  was  removed  from  the  south ;  and  he  had  left  the  Comite 
early  in  i\ugust;  that  is,  before  the  order  striking  Bonaparteoff  was  given. 
Aubry  was,  liowcver.  on  the  Comite  in  June,  179.5,  aud  signed  the  order, 
which  probal)ly  may  iiave  originated  from  him,  for  the  transfer  of  Bona- 
parte to  tlie  infantry.  It  will  be  seen  that,  in  the  ordinary  military  sense 
of  the  term,  Xa])oleon  Avas  only  in  I'aris  u-llJiont  e?ii))lni/meiit  from  the  15th 
of  Septemiier  to  tlie  4tli  or  5th  oC  October,  1795  ;  all  the  rest  of  the  time  in 
Paris  lie  had  a  command  which  he  did  not  clioose  to  take  up.  The  dis- 
tress under  whicii  Napoleon  is  said  to  have  laboured  in  pecuniary  matters 
was  probalily  sjiared  liy  most  f)fficers  at  that  time  ;  see  "  Erreurs,"  tome  i.  p. 
32.  This  jieriod  is  fully  described  in  lung,  tome  ii.  p.  475,  and  tome  iii.  pp. 
1-93. 

1  Of  Na])ol('uirs  poverty  at  tliis  time  Madame  Junot  says,  "On  Boii.a- 
partes  return  to  Paris,  after  the  misfortunes  of  which  he  accused  Salicctli 
of  being  the  cause,  he  was  in  very  destitute  circumstances.  His  family, 
who  were  banislied  from  Corsica,  fouinl  an  asylum  at  Marsoilles  ;  and 
they  could  not  now  do  for  liim  what  they  would  have  done  had  they  beea 
VOL.  I.  —  3 


34  MF.MOIES   OF  NAPOLEON   noNAl'ARTE.  1794- 

either  was  or  wished  to  be  initiated  in  some  ])olitical  in- 
trigue ;  and  1  moreover  suf^pected  that  Salicetti  had  bound 
him  by  an  oath  not  to  diseh)se  the  plans  tliat  were  liatchinj,'. 
lie  becanu' ]»ensive,  nudaiK-'holy,  and  anxious;  and  he  al- 
ways looked  with  impatience  for  Salicetti's  daily  visit.  ^ 
Sometimes,  withdrawing  his  mind  from  political  affairs, 
he  would  envy  the  happiness  of  his  brother  Jos('])h,  who 
had  just  then  married  Mademoiselle  Clary,  the  daughter 
of  a  rich  and  respectable  merchant  of  Marseilles.  He 
would  often  say,   "  That  Joseph  is  a  lucky  rogue." 

Meanwhile  time  passed  away,  and  none  of  his  projects 
succeeded,  —  none  of  his  applications  were  listened  to. 
He  was  vexed  by  the  injustice  with  which  he  was  treated, 
and  tormented  by  the  desire  of  entering  upon  some  active 
pursuit.  He  could  not  endure  the  thought  of  remaining 
buried  in  the  crowd.  He  determined  to  quit  France  ;  and 
the  favourite  idea,  which  he  never  afterwards  relinquished, 
that  the  East  is  a  fine  field  for  glory,  ins])ired  him  with 
the  wish  to  proceed  to  Constantinople,  and  to  enter  the 
service  of  the  Grand  Seignior.  What  romantic  plans, 
what  stupendous  projects,  he  conceived !     He  asked  me 

in  the  country  whence  they  derived  their  pecuniary  resources.  From 
time  to  time  he  received  remittance.^  of  niDuey,  and  I  su.^jiect  tliey  came  from 
his  excellent  brother  Joseph,  who  lia<l  then  recently  married  Mademoiselle 
Clary ;  hut  with  all  his  economy  these  supplies  were  insuHicient.  Bona- 
parte was  therefore  in  absolute  distress.  Junot  often  used  to  speak  of  the 
six  months  they  passed  together  in  Paris  at  this  time.  When  they  took  an 
eveninij  stroll  on  the  Boulevard,  which  used  to  be  the  resort  of  young  men, 
mounted  on  fine  horses,  and  dis])laying  all  the  luxury  which  they  were 
permitted  to  show  at  that  time,  Bonaparte  would  declaim  against  fate,  and 
exjiress  his  contem])t  for  the  dandies  with  their  whiskers  and  their  oreilles 
de  rliien,  who,  as  they  rode  past,  were  eulogising  in  ecstasy  the  manner  in 
which  Madame  Scio  sang  paolc  pafumcf,  jHiole  jxitiarliife.  '  And  it  is  on 
such  l)eings  as  these,'  he  would  say,  '  that  Fortune  confers  her  favours, 
(irand  Dieu  !  how  contemptilde  is  human  nature!'"  (Mevtoirs  of  the 
Jjur/irisse  d' Alirimtes,  vol.  i.  p.  80,  edit.  188.3). 

1  Salicetti  was  implicated  in  the  insurrection  of  the  20th  May,  1795,  1st 
Prairial,  year  III.,  and  was  obliged  to  fly  to  Venice. 


1795. 


BONAPARTE'S   NOTE.  35 


whether  I  would  go  with  him.  I  replied  in  the  negati\e. 
I  looked  upon  l)ini  as  a  half-crazy  young  fellow,  who  was 
driven  to  extravagant  enterprises  and  desperate  resolu- 
tions by  his  restless  activity  of  mind,  joined  to  the  irritat- 
ing treatment  he  had  experienced,  and,  perhaps,  it  may 
be  added,  his  want  of  money.  He  did  not  blame  me  for 
my  refusal  to  accompany  him ;  and  he  told  me  that 
Junot,  Marmont,  and  some  other  young  officers  whom  he 
had  known  at  Toulon,  would  be  willing  to  follow  his 
fortunes. 

He  drew  up  a  note,  which  commenced  with  the  words 
Note  for  ....  It  was  addressed  to  no  one,  and  was  merely 
a  plan.  Some  days  after  he  wrote  out  another,  which 
however,  did  not  differ  very  materially  from  the  first,  and 
which  he  addressed  to  Aubert  and  Coni.  I  made  him  a 
fair  copy  of  it,  and  it  was  regularly  forwarded.  It  was  as 
follows :  — 

Note. 

At  a  moraent  when  the  Empress  of  Russia  has  strengthened 
her  union  with  the  Emperor  of  Germany  (Austria),  it  is  the 
intere.st  of  France  to  do  everj'thing  in  her  power  to  increase  tlie 
military  power  of  Turkey. 

That  power  possesses  a  numerous  and  hrave  miUtia.  but  is 
very  backward  in  the  scientific  part  of  the  art  of  war. 

The  organisation  and  tlie  service  of  the  artillery,  which,  in 
our  modern  tnctics,  so  powerfully  facilitate  the  gaining  of  battles, 
and  on  which,  almost  exclusively,  depend  the  attack  and  defence 
of  fortresses,  are  especially  the  points  in  which  France  excels, 
and  in  which  the  Turks  are  most  deficient. 

Tliey  have  several  times  applied  to  us  for  artillery  officers,  and 
we  have  sent  them  some  ;  but  the  officers  thus  .sent  have  not 
been  sufficiently  powerful,  either  in  numbers  or  talent,  to  pro- 
duce any  important  result. 

General  TJonaparte,  who,  from  his  youth,  has  served  in  the 
artillery,  of  which   he  was  intrusted  with  the  command  at  the 


36  MI:M'>I];S   of   NAPoLKOX   I'.oNAPAUTE.  1794- 

siege  of  Toulon,  nml  in  the  two  crtnii)ai^'ns  of  Italy,  offers  his 
services  to  procoeil  to  Turkey,  with  a  mission  iVoni  the  (French) 
LJovernnient. 

lie  jirnjniscs  to  take  alon<^  with  him  six  or  seven  officers,  of 
(lillerent  kimls,  and  who  may  he  altt>j,'ether,  j)eif"ect  masters  of 
the  military  art. 

He  will  have  the  satisfaction  of  Ijeing  useful  to  his  country  in 
this  new  career,  if  he  succeed  in  rendering  the  Turkish  power 
more  formi<lahle,  hy  completing  the  defence  of  their  principal 
fortresses,  and  constructing  new  ones. 

This  note  sliows  the  error  of  the  often-repeated  asser- 
tion, that  he  proposed  entering  the  service  of  the  Turks 
against  Austria.  He  makes  no  mention  of  such  a  thing; 
and  the  two  countries  were  not  at  war.^ 

No  answer  was  returned  to  this  note.  Turkey  remained 
unaided,  and  Bonaparte  unoccupied.  I  must  confess  that 
for  the  failure  t>f  this  project,  at  least  I  was  not  sorry.  I 
should  have  regretted  to  see  a  young  man  of  great  promise, 
and  one  for  whom  I  cherished  a  sincere  friendship,  devote 
himself  to  so  uncertain  a  fate.  Napoleon  has  less  tlian 
any  man  jn-ovoked  the  events  which  have  favoured  him  ; 
no  one  has  more  yielded  to  circumstances  from  which  he 
was  so  skilful  to  derive  advantages.  If,  however,  a  clerk 
of  the  "War  Office  had  hut  written  on  the  note,  "  Granted" 
that  little  word  would  probably  have  changed  the  fate  of 
Europe. 

Bonaparte  remained  in  Paris,  forming  schemes  for  the 
gratification  of  his  ambition,  and  his  desire  of  making  a 
figure  in  the  world  ;  but  ob.stacles  oppo.sed  all  he  attempted. 

"Women     are    better   judges    of    character   than    men. 

^  The  Scottish  biographer  makes  Bonaparte  say  tliat  it  would  he 
strange  if  a  little  Corsicaii  should  hecoine  King  of  .Jernsalem.  I  never 
heard  anythinij  drop  from  him  which  supports  tlie  prohahility  of  such 
a  remark,  ami  certainly  there  is  nothiiip;  in  his  note  to  warrant  the  in- 
ference of  his  having  made  it.  —  Bounienne. 


1795.  MME.   DE   BOURRIENNE'S  NOTES.  37 

Madame  de  Bourrienne,  knowing  the  intimacy  which  sub- 
sisted between  us,  preserved  some  notes  which  she  made 
upon  Bonaparte,  and  the  circumstances  which  struck  her 
as  most  remarkable,  during  her  early  connection  with 
him.  My  wife  did  not  entertain  so  favourable  an  opinion 
of  liini  as  I  did ;  the  warm  friendship  I  cherished  for  him 
probably  blinded  me  to  Ins  faults.  I  subjoin  Madame  de 
Bourrienue's  notes,  word  for  word. 

"  On  tlie  (lay  after  oar  second  return  from  Germany,  wliicli  was 
in  May,  1795,  we  met  Bonaparte  in  the  Palais  Koyal,  near  a 
shop  kept  by  a  man  named  Girardin.  Bonaparte  embraced 
Bourrienne  as  a  friend  whom  he  loved  and  was  f^lad  to  see.  We 
went  that  evening  to  the  Theatre  Fran9ais.  The  performance 
consisted  of  a  tragedy,  and  '  Le  Sourd,  ou  I'Auberge  pleine.' 
During'  the  latter  piece  the  audience  was  convulsed  with  laugh- 
ter. The  part  of  Dasnieres  was  represented  by  Batiste  the 
younger,  and  it  was  never  played  better.  The  bursts  of  laugh- 
ter were  so  loud  and  frequent  that  the  actor  was  several  times 
obliged  to  stop  in  the  midst  of  his  part.  Bonaparte  alone  (and 
it  struck  me  as  being  very  extraordinary)  was  silent,  and  coldly 
insensible  to  the  humour  which  was  so  irresistibly  diverting  to 
every  one  else.  I  remarked  at  this  period  that  his  character 
was  reserved,  and  frequently  gloomy.  His  smile  was  hypocriti- 
cal, and  often  misplaced;  and  I  recollect  that  a  few  days  after 
our  return  he  gave  us  one  of  those  specimens  of  savage  hilarity 
which  I  greatly  disliked,  and  which  prepossessed  me  against 
Ijim.  He  was  telling  us  that,  being  before  Toulon,  where  he 
commanded  the  artillery,  one  of  his  officers  was  visited  by  bis 
wife,  to  whom  he  had  been  but  a  short  time  married,  and 
whom  lie  temlerly  loved.  A  few  days  after,  orders  were  given 
for  another  attack  upon  the  town,  ni  which  this  officer  was 
to  be  engaged.  His  wife  came  to  General  Bonaparte,  and  with 
tears  entreated  him  to  dispense  with  her  husband's  services 
tliat  day.  The  General  was  inexorable,  as  he  inniself  told  us, 
with  a  sort  of  savage  exultation.  The  moment  for  the  attack 
arrived,  and  the  officer,  though  a  very  brave  man,  as  Bonaparte 


38  MEMOIRS   OF    NAI'OLKOX    IJi  )N  Al'AUTE.  1794- 

liiinself  assured  us,  felt  a  pieseiitimeiit  of  his  approaching  death. 
He  turned  jtale  and  trembled.  Ho  was  stationed  heside  the 
General,  and  during  an  interval  when  the  firing  from  the 
town  was  very  lieavy,  Bonaparte  called  out  to  him,  '  Take  care  ; 
there  is  a  shell  coming ! '  The  ofHcer,  instead  of  moving  to 
one  side,  stooped  down,  and  was  literally  severed  in  two.  llona- 
parte  laughed  loudly  while  he  described  the  event  with  horrible 
minuteness. 

"  At  tliis  time  we  saw  him  almost  every  day.  He  frequently 
came  to  dine  with  us.  As  there  was  a  scarcity  of  bread,  and 
sometimes  only  two  ounces  per  head  daily  were  distributed  in 
the  section,  it  was  customary  to  request  one's  guests  to  bring 
their  own  bread,  as  it  could  not  be  procured  for  money.  Bona- 
parte and  his  brother  Louis  (a  mild,  agreeable  young  man,  who 
M-as  the  General's  aide-de-camp)  used  to  ])ring  with  them  their 
ration  bread,  which  was  black,  and  mixed  with  bran.  I  was 
sorry  to  observe  that  all  this  bad  bread  fell  to  the  share  of  the 
poor  aide-de-camp,  for  we  provided  the  General  with  a  finer 
kind,  which  was  made  clandestinely  by  a  pastry -f;ook,  from 
flour  which  we  contrived  to  smuggle  from  Sens,  where  my  hus- 
bantl  had  some  farms.  Had  we  been  denounced,  the  afiair 
might  have  cost  us  our  lieads. 

"  We  spent  six  weeks  in  Paris,  and  wt;  went  frequently  with 
Bonaparte  to  the  theatres,  and  to  the  fine  concerts  given  by 
Garat  in  the  Kue  St.  Marc.  These  were  the  first  brilliant  enter- 
tainments that  took  jilace  after  the  deatii  of  Kobespierre. 
There  was  always  something  original  in  Bonaparte's  behaviour, 
for  he  often  slipped  away  from  us  without  saying  a  word  ;  and 
when  we  were  supposing  he  had  left  the  theatre,  we  would  su<l- 
d  nil}'  discover  him  in  the  second  or  third  tier,  sitting  alone  in 
a  box,  and  hooking  rather  sulky. 

"  Befijre  our  departure  for  .Sens,  where  my  husband's  family 
reside,  and  which  was  fixed  upon  for  the  place  of  my  first 
accouchement,  wo  looked  out  for  more  agreeable  apartments  than 
we  had  in  the  Kue  Grenier  St.  Laz;vre,  which  we  only  had  tempo- 
rarily. Bonaparte  used  to  assist  us  in  our  researches.  At  last 
we  took  the  first  floor  of  a  handsome  new  house.  No.  19  Rue  des 


1795.  BOURRIENNE'S   ARREST.  39 

Marais.  Bonaparte,  who  wished  to  stop  in  Paris,  went  to  look 
at  a  honse  opposite  to  ours.  He  had  thoughts  of  taking  it  for 
himself,  his  uncle  Fesdi  (afterwards  Cardinal  Fescli),  and  a 
gentleman  named  Patrauld,  formerly  one  of  his  masters  at  the 
MiUtary  School.  One  day  he  said,  '  With  that  liouse  over 
there,  my  friends  in  it,  and  a  cahriolet,  I  shall  be  the  happiest 
fellow  in  the  world.' 

"  We  soon  after  left  town  for  Sens.  The  house  was  not  taken 
by  him,  for  other  and  great  affairs  were  preparing.  During  the 
interval  between  our  departure  and  the  fatal  day  of  Vendemi- 
aire,  several  letters  passed  between  him  and  his  school  compan- 
ion. These  letters  were  of  the  most  amiable  and  affectionate 
description.  They  have  been  stolen.  On  our  return,  in  Xo- 
vember  of  the  same  year,  everything  was  changed.  The  college 
friend  was  now  a  great  personage.  He  had  got  the  command  of 
Paris  in  return  for  his  share  in  the  events  of  Vendemiaire. 
Instead  of  a  small  house  in  the  Rue  des  Marais,  he  occupied  a 
splendid  hotel  in  the  Rue  des  Capucines  ;  the  modest  cabriolet 
was  converted  into  a  superb  equipage,  and  the  man  himself  was 
no  longer  the  same.  But  the  friends  of  his  youth  were  still 
received  when  dthey  made  their  morning  calls.  They  were  in- 
vited to  grand  dejeuners,  wdiich  were  sometimes  attended  by 
ladies  ;  and,  among  others,  by  the  beautiful  Madame  Tallien 
and  her  friend  the  amiable  Madame  de  Beauharnais,  to  whom 
Bonaparte  had  begun  to  pay  attention.  He  cared  little  fur  liis 
friends,  and  ceased  to  address  them  in  the  style  of  familiar 
equality. 

"After  the  IStli  of  Vendemiaire,  M.  de  Bourrienne  saw  Bona- 
parte only  at  distant  periods.  In  the  month  of  February,  1796, 
my  husband  was  arrested,  at  seven  in  the  morning,  by  a  party 
of  men,  armed  with  muskets,  on  the  charge  of  being  a  returned 
emigrant.  He  was  torn  from  his  wife  and  his  chihl,  only  six 
months  old,  being  barely  allowed  time  to  dress  himself.  I  fol- 
lowed him.  Tliey  conveyed  him  to  the  guard-house  of  the 
Section,  and  thence  I  know  not  whither;  and,  finally,  in  the 
evening,  tliey  placed  him  in  the  lock-up-house  of  the  prefecture 
of  police,   which,  I  believe,  is  now  called  the  central  bureau. 


40  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON  BONAl'AUTE.  1794- 

There  ho  passeil  two  nij,'lit.s  ami  a  day,  among  mon  of  tlio  lowest 
description,  some  of  wlmm  wltc  even  malefactors.  I  and  liis 
friends  ran  about  I'Verywliere,  tryin;^  to  lind  somebody  to  rescue 
liim,  and,  aiming'  tbe  rest,  Honai)arlo  was  applied  to.  It  was 
witli  j,'reat  ditliculty  lie  could  be  seen.  Accompanied  by  one  of 
my  husband's  friends,  I  waited  for  the  Commandant  of  Paris 
until  midnight,  but  he  did  not  come  home.  Next  morning  I 
returned  at  an  early  hour,  and  found  him.  I  stated  what  had 
happened  to  my  husbaud,  whose  life  was  then  at  stake.  He 
apjteared  to  feel  very  little  ibr  the  situation  of  his  friend,  but, 
however,  determined  to  write  to  Merlin,  the  Minister  of  Justice. 
I  carried  the  letter  according  to  its  address,  and  met  the  Minis- 
ter as  he  was  coming  downstairs,  on  liis  way  to  the  Directory. 
Being  in  grand  costume,  he  wore  a  Henri  IV.  hat,  surmounted 
with  a  multitude  of  plumes,  —  a  dress  which  formed  a  singular 
contrast  with  his  person.  He  opened  the  letter ;  and  whether 
it  was  that  he  cared  as  little  for  the  General  as  for  the  cause  of 
M.  de  Bourrienne's  arrest,  he  replied  that  the  matter  was  no  longer 
in  his  hands,  and  that  it  was  now  under  tlie  cognisance  of  the 
public  administrators  of  the  laws.  Tbe  ^linister  then  stepped 
into  his  carriage,  and  the  writer  was  conducted  t*)  several  ofKces 
in  his  hotel.  She  passed  tlirough  them  with  a  broken  heart, 
for  she  met  with  none  but  harsh  men,  who  told  her  that  the 
prisoner  deserved  death.  From  them  she  learned  that  on  the 
following  day  he  would  be  brought  before  tlie  judge  of  the 
peace  for  his  section,  who  would  decide  whether  there  was 
ground  for  putting  him  on  his  trial.  In  fact,  this  proceeding 
took  place  next  day.  He  was  conveyed  to  the  house  of  the  judge 
of  the  peace  for  the  Section  of  Bondy,  Rue  Grange-aux-l?elles, 
whose  name  was  Lemaire.  His  countenance  was  mild  ;  and 
tliough  his  manner  was  cold,  he  liad  none  of  the  harshness  and 
ferocity  common  to  the  government  agents  of  that  time.  His 
examination  of  the  charge  was  long,  and  he  several  times  shook 
his  head.  The  moment  of  decision  had  arrived,  and  every- 
thing seemed  to  indicate  that  the  termination  would  be  to  place 
the  prisoner  under  accusation.  At  .seven  o'clock  he  desired  me 
to  be  called.     I  hastened  to  him,  and  beheld  a  most  heart-rend- 


1795.  BOURRIENNE'S   RELEASE.  41 

ing  scene.  Bom'i'ieniie  was  suiferiiig  under  a  hemorrhage, 
which  had  continued  since  two  o'clock,  and  had  interrupted 
the  examination.  The  judge  of  the  peace,  who  looked  sad,  sat 
witli  his  head  resting  on  liis  hand.  I  threw  myself  at  his  feet, 
and  implored  his  clemency.  The  wife  and  the  two  daughters 
of  the  judge  visited  tliis  scene  of  sorrow,  and  assisted  me  in 
softening  him.  He  was  a  worthy  and  feeling  man,  a  good 
husl)and  and  parent,  and  it  was  evident  that  he  struggled 
between  compassion  and  duty.  He  kept  referring  to  the  laws 
on  the  subject,  and,  after  long  researches,  said  to  me,  '  To- 
morrow is  Decadi,  and  no  proceedings  can  take  place  on  tliat 
day.  Find,  madame,  two  responsible  persons  who  will  answer 
for  tlie  appearance  of  your  husband,  and  I  will  permit  him  to 
go  home  with  you,  accompanied  by  the  two  guardians.'  Next 
day  two  friends  were  found,  one  of  whom  Avas  M.  Desmaisons, 
counsellor  of  the  court,  who  became  bail  for  M.  de  IJourrienne. 
He  continued  under  these  guardians  six  months,  until  a  law 
compelled  the  persons  wlio  were  inscribed  on  the  fatal  list  to 
remove  to  the  distance  of  ten  leagues  from  Paris.  One  of  the 
guardians  was  a  man  of  straw  ;  tlie  other  was  a  knight  of  St. 
Louis.  The  former  was  left  in  the  antechamber  ;  the  latter 
made,  every  evening,  one  of  our  party  at  cards.  The  family  of 
M.  de  Bourrienne  have  always  felt  the  warmest  gratitude  to  the 
judge  of  the  peace  and  his  family.  That  worthy  man  saved  the 
life  of  M.  de  Bourrienne,  who,  when  he  returned  from  Egypt, 
and  had  it  in  his  power  to  do  him  some  service,  hastened  to  his 
house ;  but  the  good  judge  was  no  more  !  " 

The  letters  mentioned  in  the  narrative  were  at  this 
time  stolen  from  me  by  the  police  officers. 

Every  one  was  now  ea,^;er  to  pay  court  to  a  man  who 
had  risen  from  the  crowd  in  consequence  of  the  part  he 
had  acted  at  an  extraordinary  crisis,  and  who  was  spoken 
of  as  the  future  General  of  the  Army  of  Italy.  It  was 
expected  that  he  would  be  gratified,  as  he  really  was,  by 
the  restoration  of  some  letters  which  contained  the  ex- 
pression of  his  former  very  modest  wishes,  called  to  recol- 


42  MKMdIlJS   OF   NAPOLKOX   BONAPARTE.  1794- 

lection  his  unpleasant  situation,  his  limited  ambit i(»n, 
his  ]>reteijiled  aversion  for  public  employment,  and  finally 
exhibited  his  intimate  relations  with  those  who  uere, 
without  lu'sitatiou,  characterised  as  emij^rants,  to  be 
afterwards  made  tiie  victims  of  contiscation  and  death. 

The  13tii  of  Venddmiaire  (5th  October,  1795)  was 
a})i»roa(hin«^.  The  National  Convention  had  been  j)ain- 
fully  delivered  of  a  new  constitution,  called,  from  the 
epoch  of  its  birth,  "  the  Constitution  of  Year  III."  It 
was  adopted  on  the  22d  of  August,  1795.  The  jirovidcnt 
legislators  did  not  forget  themselves.  They  stiimlatcd 
that  two-thirds  of  their  body  should  form  part  of  the 
new  legislature.  The  party  opposed  to  the  Convention 
hoped,  on  the  contrary,  that,  by  a  general  election,  a 
majority  would  be  obtained  for  its  opinion.  That  ojtinion 
was  against  the  continuation  of  power  in  the  hands  of 
men  who  had  already  so  greatly  abused  it.  The  same 
opinion  was  also  entertained  by  a  great  part  of  the  most 
influential  Sections  of  Paris,  both  as  to  the  possession  of 
property  and  talent.  These  Sections  declared  that,  in 
accepting  the  new  constitution,  they  rejected  the  decree 
of  the  30th  of  August,  which  required  the  re-election 
of  two-thirds.  The  Convention,  therefore,  found  itself 
menaced  in  what  it  held  most  dear,  —  its  power,  —  and 
accordingly  resorted  to  measures  of  defence.  A  declara- 
tion was  put  forth,  stating  tliat  the  Convention,  if 
attacked,  would  remove  to  Chalons-sur-Marne ;  and  the 
commanders  of  the  armed  force  were  called  upon  to 
defend  that  body. 

The  5th  of  October,  the  day  on  which  the  Sections  of 
Paris  attacked  the  Convention,  is  certainly  one  which 
ought  to  be  marked  in  the  wonderful  destiny  of  Bona- 
parte. With  the  events  of  that  day  were  linked,  as 
cause  and  efiect,  many  great  political  convulsions  of 
Europe.     The  blood  which  flowed  ripened  the  seeds  of 


1795  THE   THIRTEENTH  VEXDEMIAIRE.  43 

the  youthful  General's  ambition.  It  must  be  admitted 
that  the  history  of  past  ages  presents  few  periods  full  of 
such  extraordinary  events  as  the  years  included  between 
1795  and  1815.  The  man  whose  name  serves,  in  some 
measure,  as  a  recapitulation  of  all  these  great  events 
was  entitled  to  believe  himself  immortal. 

Living  retired  at  Sens  since  the  month  of  July,  I  only 
learned  what  had  occasioned  the  insurrection  of  the  Sec- 
tions from  public  report  and  the  journals.  I  cannot, 
therefore,  say  what  part  Bonaparte  may  have  taken  in 
the  intrigues  which  preceded  that  day.  He  was  offi- 
cially characterised  only  as  secondary  actor  in  the  scene. 
The  account  of  the  affair  which  was  published  announces 
that  Barras  was,  on  that  very  day,  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  Army  of  the  Interior,  and  Bonaparte  second  in 
command.  Bonaparte  drew  up  that  account.  The  whole 
of  the  manuscript  was  in  his  handwriting,  and  it  exhibits 
all  the  peculiarity  of  his  style  and  orthography.  He 
sent  me  a  copy. 

Those  who  read  the  bulletin  of  the  13th  Venddmiaire, 
cannot  fail  to  observe  the  care  which  Bonaparte  took  to 
cast  the  reproach  of  shedding  the  first  blood  on  the  men 
he  calls  rebels.  He  made  a  great  point  of  representing 
his  adversaries  as  the  aggressors.  It  is  certain  he  long 
regretted  that  day.  He  often  told  me  that  he  would  give 
years  of  his  life  to  blot  it  out  from  the  page  of  his  history. 
He  was  convinced  that  the  people  of  Paris  were  dread- 
fully irritated  against  him,  and  he  would  have  been  glad 
if  Barras  had  never  made  that  speech  in  the  Convention, 
with  the  part  of  which,  complimentary  to  himself,  he  was 
at  the  time  so  well  pleaseil.  Barras  said,  "  It  is  to  his 
able  and  prompt  dispositions  that  we  are  indel)ted  for  the 
defence  of  this  a.ssembly,  around  which  he  had  posted  the 
troops  with  so  much  skill."  This  is  perfectly  true,  but  it 
is  not  always  agreeable  that  every  truth  should  be  told. 


44  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   noNAPARTE.  1794- 

Beina  out  of  Paris,  and  a  total  stranger  to  this  affair,  I 
know  not  how  far  he  was  indehted  for  liis  success  to 
chance,  or  to  his  own  exertions,  in  tlie  part  assigned  to 
him  by  the  miserable  Government  which  then  oppressed 
France.  He  represented  himself  only  as  secondary  actor 
in  this  san«j;iiinary  scene  in  which  Barras  made  him  his 
associate.  He  sent  to  me,  as  already  mentioned,  an  ac- 
count of  the  transaction,  written  entirely  in  his  own  hand, 
and  ilistinguished  by  all  the  peculiarities  of  his  style  and 
orthography.^ 

"On  the  13th,"  says  Bonaparte,  "at  five  o'clock  in  tlie 
morning,  the  representative  of  the  people,  Barras,  was 
appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  In- 
terior, and  General  Bonaparte  was  nominated  second  in 
command. 

"  The  artillery  for  service  on  the  frontier  was  still  at 
the  camp  of  Sabh^ns,  guarded  solely  by  150  men;  the 
remainder  was  at  Marly  witli  200  men.  The  depot  of 
^leudon  was  left  unprotected.  There  were  at  the  Feuil- 
lans  only  a  few  four-pounders  without  artillerymen,  and 
but  80,000  cartridges.  The  victualling  depots  were  dis- 
persed throughout  Paris.  In  many  Sections  the  drums 
beat  to  arms ;  the  Section  of  the  Theatre  Fran^ais  had 
advanced  posts  even  as  far  as  the  Pont  Neuf,  which  it 
had  barricaded. 

"General  Barras  ordered  the  artillery  to  move  immedi- 
ately from  the  camp  of  Saljlons  to  the  Tuileries,  and 
selected  the  artillerymen  from  the  battalions  of  the  89th 
regiment,  and  from  the  (jeiuhi.rmrric,  and  placed  them 
at  the  Palace ;  sent  to  ]\Ieudon  200  men  of  the  police 
legion  whom  he  brought  from  Versailles,  50  cavalry,  and 

J  Joseph  Bonaparte,  in  a  note  on  tliis  ija-'ssagp,  insinuates  tliat  the 
account  of  the  1.3th  Vendcniiaire  was  never  sent  to  Sens,  liut  was  altstracted 
hv  Hourriennc,  witii  otlier  documents,  from  Napoleon's  cabinet  {Errturs, 
tome  i.  p.  239). 


1795.  NARRATIVE  OF    THE   DEFENCE.  45 

two  companies  of  veterans  ;  he  ordered  the  property  which 
was  at  Marly  to  be  conveyed  to  Meiidon  ;  caused  car- 
tridf^es  to  be  brought  there,  and  established  a  workshop 
at  that  place  for  the  manufacture  of  more.  He  secured 
means  for  the  subsistence  of  the  army  and  of  the  Conven- 
tion for  many  days,  independently  of  the  depots  which 
were  in  the  Sections. 

"General  Verdier,  who  commanded  ao  the  Palais  Na- 
tional, exhibited  great  coolness  ;  he  was  required  not  to 
sufler  a  shot  to  be  fired  till  the  last  extremity.  In  the 
mean  time  reports  reached  him  from  all  quarters  acquaint- 
ing him  that  the  Sections  were  assembled  in  arms,  and 
had  formed  their  columns.  He  accordingly  arrayed  his 
troops  so  as  to  defend  the  Convention,  and  his  artillery 
was  in  readiness  to  repulse  the  rebels.  His  cannon  was 
planted  at  the  Feuillans  to  fire  down  the  Eue  Honord. 
Eight-pounders  were  pointed  at  every  opening ;  and  in  the 
event  of  any  mishap,  General  Yerdier  had  cannon  in 
reserve  to  fire  in  flank  upon  the  column  wliich  should 
have  forced  a  passage.  He  left  in  the  Carrousel  three 
howitzers  (eight-pounders)  to  batter  down  the  houses 
from  which  the  Convention  might  be  fired  upon.  At  four 
o'clock  the  rebel  columns  marched  out  from  every  street 
to  unite  their  forces.  It  was  necessary  to  take  advantage 
of  this  critical  moment  to  attack  the  insurgents,  even  had 
they  been  regular  troops.  But  the  blood  about  to  flow 
was  French ;  it  was  therefore  for  these  misguided  people, 
already  guilty  of  rebellion,  to  imbrue  their  hands  in  the 
blood  of  their  countrymen  by  striking  the  first  blow. 

"At  a  quarter  before  five  o'clock  the  insurgents  had 
formed.  The  attack  was  commenced  by  them  on  all 
sides.  They  were  everywhere  routed.  French  blond  was 
spilled :  the  crime,  as  well  as  the  disgrace,  fell  this  day 
upon  the  Sections. 

"Among  the  dead  were  everywhere  to  be  recognised 


46  MEMOIRS   OF   NAI'OLKON    HONAPAIITE.  1794- 

einigrants,  laudowner.s,  and  nobles ;  the  prisoners  con- 
sisU'd  for  llu'  most  part  of  the  chouans  of  Charette. 

"  Nevertheless  the  Sections  did  not  consiiler  themselves 
beaten :  they  took  refui^'e  in  the  ehureh  of  St.  Roch,  in 
the  theatre  of  the  l{ei)ul)lic,  and  in  the  Palais  i'^galitc ; 
and  everywhere  they  were  heard  furiously  exciting  the 
inhabitants  to  arms.  To  sjjare  the  ])lood  which  would 
have  been  shed  the  next  day,  it  was  necessary  that  no  lime 
should  be  given  them  to  rally,  but  to  follow  them  with 
vigour,  though  without  incurring  fresh  hazards.  The 
General  ordered  Montclioisy,  who  commanded  a  re.'^erve 
at  the  Place  de  la  Revolution,  to  form  a  column  with  two 
twelve-pounders,  to  march  by  the  Boulevard  in  order  to 
turn  the  Place  Vendome,  to  form  a  junction  with  the 
picket  stationed  at  headquarters,  and  to  return  in  the 
same  order  of  column. 

"  General  Brune,  with  two  howitzers,  deployed  in  the 
streets  of  St.  Xicaise  and  St.  Honor6.  General  Cartaux 
sent  two  Innidred  men  and  a  four-pounder  of  his  division 
by  tlie  Rue  St.  Thomas-du-Louvre  to  debouch  in  the 
square  of  the  Palais  figalitd.  General  Bonaparte,  who 
had  his  horse  killed  under  him,  repaired  to  the  Feuillans 

"The  columns  began  to  move.  St.  Roch  and  the 
theatre  of  the  Republic  were  taken  by  assault,  when  the 
rebels  abandoned  them,  and  retreated  to  the  upper  part 
of  the  Rue  de  la  Loi,  and  barricaded  themselves  on  all 
sides.  Patrols  were  sent  thither,  and  several  cannon- 
shots  were  fired  during  the  night,  in  order  to  prevent 
them  from  throwing  up  defences,  which  oliject  was  effec- 
tually accomplished. 

"At  daybreak,  the  General  having  learned  that  some 
students  from  the  St.  Genevieve  side  of  the  river  were 
marching  with  two  pieces  of  cannon  to  succour  the  rebels, 
sent  a  detachment  of  dragoons  in  pursuit  of  them,  who 
seized  the  cannon  and  conducted  them  to  the  Tuileries. 


1795.  NARRATIVE   OF   THE   DEFENCE.  47 

The  enfeebled  Sections,  however,  still  showed  a  front. 
They  had  barricaded  the  Section  of  Grenelle,  and  placed 
their  cannon  in  the  principal  streets.  At  nine  o'clock 
General  Beruyer  hastened  to  form  his  division  in  battle- 
array  in  the  Place  Vendome,  marched  with  two  eight- 
pounders  to  the  Rue  des  Vieux-Augustins,  and  pointed 
them  in  the  direction  of  the  Section  Le  Pelletier.  Gen- 
eral Vachet,  with  a  corps  of  tirailleurs,  marched  on  his 
right,  ready  to  advance  to  the  Place  Victoire.  General 
Brune  marched  to  the  Perron,  and  planted  two  howitzers 
at  the  upper  end  of  the  Ptue  Vivienne.  General  Duvigier, 
with  his  column  of  six  hundred  men,  and  two  twelve- 
pounders,  advanced  to  the  streets  of  St.  Eoch  and  Mont- 
martre.  The  Sections  lost  courage  with  the  apprehension 
of  seeing  their  retreat  cut  off,  and  evacuated  the  post  at 
the  sight  of  our  soldiers,  forgetting  the  honour  of  the 
French  name,  which  they  had  to  support.  The  Section 
of  Brutus  still  caused  some  uneasiness.  The  wife  of  a 
representative  had  been  arrested  there.  General  Duvigier 
was  ordered  to  proceed  along  the  Boulevard  as  far  as  the 
Eue  Poissonnifere.  General  Beruyer  took  up  a  position 
at  the  Place  Victoire,  and  General  Bonaparte  occupied 
the  Pont-au-Chauge. 

"The  Section  of  Brutus  was  surrounded, and  the  troops 
advanced  upon  the  Place  de  Gr^ve,  wliere  the  crowd 
poured  in  from  the  Isle  St.  Louis,  from  the  Theatre 
Fran^ais,  and  from  the  Palace.  Everywhere  the  pa- 
triots had  regained  their  courage,  while  the  poniards  of 
the  emigrants,  armed  against  us,  had  disappeared.  The 
people  universally  admitted  their  error. 

"  The  next  day  the  two  Sections  of  Le  Pelletier  and  the 
Theatre  Francais  were  disarmed." 

The  result  of  this  petty  civil  war  brought  Bonaparte 
forward  ;  but  the  party  he  defeated  at  that  period  never 
pardoned  him  for  the  past,  and  that  which  he  supported 


48  MKMOIIJS   OK   NAl'oLKOX   !?( )NAPARTE.  1794- 

ilivadeil  him  in  tlie  Intuiv.  Five  years  after  he  uill  be 
ftmud  reviving  the  prinei])les  wliich  he  conihaled  on  the 
5tli  of  Octolier,  1705.  On  being  ajipointed,  on  the  motion 
of  Barras,  Lictiti'iiant-Ocncral  of  the  Army  of  the  Interior, 
lie  established  his  head-(iuar(crs  in  the  Kue  Xenve  des 
Capncines.  The  statement  in  thi-  "  Maniistrit  d(;  Sainte 
Hel^ne,"  that  after  the  18th  Ih-umaire  he  remained  nneni- 
})loyed  at  Paris,  is  therefore  obviously  erroneous.  8o  far 
from  this,  he  was  inces.santly  occupied  with  the  policy  of 
the  nation,  and  with  his  own  fortunes.  Bonaparte  was 
in  constant,  almost  daily,  communication  with  every  one 
then  in  power,  and  knew  h(»w  to  profit  by  all  he  saw  or 
heard. 

To  avoid  returning  to  this  "  Manuscrit  de  Sainte  Hdl^ne," 
which  at  the  period  of  its  a]»pearance  attracted  more  at- 
tention than  it  deserved,  and  which  was  very  generally 
attributed  to  Bonaparte,  I  shall  here  say  a  few  words 
respecting  it.  I  sliall  briefly  repeat  what  T  said  in  a  note 
wlien  my  opinion  was  asked,  under  high  autliority,  by  a 
minister  of  Louis  XVIII. 

No  reader  intimately  acquainted  with  public  affairs  can 
be  deceived  by  the  pretended  authenticity  of  this  pam- 
phlet. What  does  it  contain  ?  Facts  ])erverted  and 
heaped  together  without  method,  and  related  in  an  ob- 
scure, affected,  and  ridiculously  sententious  style.  Be- 
sides what  appears  in  it,  but  which  is  l)adly  placed  there, 
it  isimpossiltle  not  to  remark  the  omission  of  what  sliould 
necessarily  be  there,  were  Napoleon  tlie  autlior.  It  is  full 
of  absurd  and  of  insignificant  gossip,  of  thoughts  Napo- 
leon never  had,  ex])ressions  unknown  to  him,  and  affec- 
tations far  removed  from  his  character.  Witli  some 
elevated  ideas,  more  than  one  style  and  an  equivocal 
spirit  can  be  seen  in  it.  Professed  coincidences  are  put 
close  to  unpardonal)le  p.nachronisms,  and  to  the  most  ab- 
surd revelations.     It  contains  neither  his   thoughts,  his 


1795.  "MANUSCRIT   DE   SAINTE   HELfeXE."  49 

Style,  his  actions,  nor  his  life.  Some  truths  are  mixed 
up  with  an  inconceivable  mass  of  falsehoods.  Some 
forms  of  expression  used  by  Bonaparte  are  occasionally 
met  with,  but  they  are  awkwardly  introduced,  and  often 
with  bad  taste.  ^ 

It  has  been  reported  that  the  pamphlet  was  written  by 
M.  Bertrand,  formerly  an  officer  of  the  army  of  the  Vis- 
tula, and  a  relation  of  the  Comte  de  Simeon,  peer  of 
France. 

1  "  Maiiuscrit  venu  de  Sainte  He'lene  d'une  maniere  inconnue,"  London, 
Murray;  Bruxelles,  De  Mat,  20  Avril,  1817.  This  work  merits  a  note. 
Metteruich  (vol.  i.  pp.  .312-13)  say.s,  "At  the  time  when  it  appeared  the 
maiiu,scrii)t  of  St.  Helena  made  a  great  impression  upon  Europe.  This 
pamplilet  was  generally  regarded  as  a  precursor  of  the  memoirs  which 
Napoleon  wa.s  thought  to  be  writing  in  his  place  of  exile.  The  report 
soon  spread  that  the  work  was  conceived  and  executed  by  Madame  de 
Staiil.  Madame  de  Staiil,  for  lier  part,  attributed  it  to  Benjamin  Constant, 
from  whom  she  was  at  tliis  time  separated  by  some  disagreement.  After- 
wards it  came  to  be  known  that  tlio  author  was  the  Marquis  Lullin  de 
Chtiteauvieux,  a  man  in  society,  whom  no  one  had  suspected  of  being  able 
to  hold  a  pen."  Jomini  (tome  i.  p  6  note)  says,  "  It  will  be  remarked  that 
in  the  course  of  this  work  [iiis '  Life  of  Napoleon  ']  the  author  has  used  some 
fifty  pages  of  the  pretended  '  Mannscrit  de  Sainte  Helene.  Far  from  wish- 
ing to  commit  a  plagiarism,  he  considers  he  ought  to  render  this  homage 
to  a  clever  and  original  work,  several  false  points  of  view  in  which,  how- 
ever, lie  has  combated.  It  would  have  been  easy  for  him  to  rewrite  these 
pages  in  other  terms,  but  they  ajjijeared  to  him  to  be  so  well  suited  to  the 
character  of  Napoleon  that  he  has  preferred  to  preserve  them."  In  the 
will  of  Napoleon  occurs  (see  end  of  this  work)  :  "  I  disavow  the  '  Manuscrit 
de  Sainte  Helene,'  and  the  other  works  under  the  title  of  '  Maxims,'  '  Sen- 
tences,' etc.,  which  they  have  been  pleased  to  publish  during  the  last  six 
years.  Such  rules  are  not  those  which  have  gnideil  my  life."  This  manu- 
script must  not  be  confused  with  the  "  Memorial "  of  Saint  Helena. 

VOL.1.  —  4 


CHAPTER   IV. 

1795-1797. 

After  tlie  13th  Vendt^miaire  I  returned  to  Paris  from 
Sens.  During  the  short  time  I  stopped  there  I  saw  Bona- 
parte less  frequently  than  formerly.  I  liad,  however,  no 
reason  to  attribute  tliis  to  anything  but  the  pressure  of 
})ublic  business  with  whicli  he  was  now  occupied.  "When 
1  did  meet  him,  it  was  most  commonly  at  breakfitet  or 
dinner.  One  day  he  called  my  attention  to  a  young  lady 
who  sat  opposite  to  him,  and  asked  wliat  I  thouglit  of  lier. 
The  way  in  which  I  answered  his  question  appeared  to 
give  him  much  pleasure.  He  tlien  talked  a  great  deal 
to  me  about  her,  her  family,  and  her  amiable  qualities; 
he  told  me  that  he  should  probal)ly  marry  lier,  as  he 
was  convinced  that  the  union  would  make  him  ha])py. 
I  also  gathered  from  his  conversation  that  his  marriage 
with  the  young  widow  would  probably  assist  him  in  gain- 
ing the  objects  of  his  ambition.  His  constantly-increas- 
ing influence  with  her  had  already  brought  him  into 
contact  with  the  most  influential  persons  of  that  epoch. 
He  remained  in  Paris  only  ten  days  after  his  marriage, 
which  took  place  on  the  9th  of  jNIarch,  1796.^  It  was  a 
union  in  which  great  harmony  prevailed,  notwithstand- 
ing occasional  slight  disagreements.  Bonaparte  never,  to 
my  knowledge,  caused  annoyance  to  his  wife.     Madame 

1  Bonaparte's  first  interview  with  Jo,sephine,  and  the  circumstance  wliich 
gave  rise  to  it,  are  thus  (lescril)e(l  in  tlie  "  Mdmoire.s  de  Constant  ":  — 

"  Eugene  wa.s  not  more  than  fourteen  or  fifteen  years  of  age  when  he 
veutured  to  introduce  Iiinisulf  to  (Jencral  I{ouaj)arte,  for  tlie  j)urpose  of 
soliciting  his  fatiier's  sword,  of  whidi  he  understood  the  (ieneral  had  be- 
come possessed.     Tlie  countenance,  air,  and   frank   manner  of   Eugene 


1795-97.  CHARACTER   OF   JOSEPHINE.  51 

Bonaparte  possessed  personal  graces  and  many  good 
qualities.  ^     I  am  convinced  that  all  who  were  acquainted 

pleased  Bonaparte,  and  lie  immediately  granted  him  the  boon  lie  songlit. 
As  soon  as  the  sword  was  placed  in  the  boy's  hands,  he  burst  into  tears, 
and  kissed  it.  This  feeling  of  affection  for  liis  fatlier's  memory,  and  the 
natural  manner  in  whicli  it  was  evinced,  increased  tlie  interest  of  Bona- 
parte in  his  young  visitor.  Madame  de  Beauharnais,  on  learning  the  kind 
reception  which  the  General  had  given  her  sun,  thought  it  her  duty  to 
call  and  thank  him.  Bonaparte  was  much  jdeased  with  Josephine  on 
this  first  interview,  and  he  returned  her  visit.  The  acquaintance  thus 
commenced  speedily  led  to  their  marriage." 

This  anecdote  is  related  in  nearly  the  same  terms  in  "  A  Voice  from  St. 
Helena."  The  story  seems  unlikely,  however,  as  there  was  no  disarm:i- 
ment  after  tlie  l-3tli  Vendemiaire,  and  Josephine,  as  a  friend  of  Barras, 
would  have  been  safe  from  any  domiciliary  visit;  moreover,  Bonaparte 
himself,  at  St.  Helena,  says  that  he  first  met  Josephine  at  Barras'  (.see 
lung's  "Bonaparte,"  tome  iii.  p.  116). 

1  "  Neither  of  his  wives  had  ever  anytliing  to  complain  of  from  Napo- 
leon's personal  manners  "(il/^-'/er/i/c/i,  vol.  i.  p.  279). 

Madame  de  Remusat,  wlio,  to  paraphrase  Thiers'  saying  on  Bourrienne 
himself,  is  a  trustworthy  witness,  for  if  she  received  benefits  from  Napo- 
leon they  did  not  weigh  on  her,  says,  "  However,  Napoleon  had  some  affec- 
tion for  his  first  wife ;  and,  in  fact,  if  he  has  at  any  time  been  touched,  no 
doubt  it  has  been  oidy  for  her  and  by  her  "  (tome  i.  p.  113).  •'  Bonaparte 
was  young  when  he  first  knew  Madame  de  Beauharnais.  In  the  circle 
where  he  met  her  she  had  a  great  superiority  by  tiie  name  she  bore  and 
by  the  e.xtreme  elegance  of  her  manners.  ...  In  marrying  Madame 
de  Beauharnais,  Bonaparte  believed  he  was  allying  himself  to  a  very  grand 
lady;  thus  this  was  one  more  conquest"  (j).  114).  But  in  speaking  of 
Josephine's  complaints  to  Napoleon  of  his  lov(;-affairs,  Madame  de  Remu- 
sat says,  "  Her  husband  sometimes  answered  l)y  violences,  the  excess  of 
which  I  do  not  dare  to  detail,  UTitil  the  moment  when,  his  new  fancy  hav- 
ing suddenly  passed,  he  felt  his  tenderness  for  his  wife  again  renewed. 
Then  he  was  touched  by  her  sufferings,  replaced  his  insults  by  caresses 
wiiich  were  hardly  more  measured  than  his  violences,  and,  as  she  was 
gentle  and  untemicious,  she  fell  back  into  lier  feeding  of  .';ecurity  "  (p.  2()()). 

Miot  de  Melito,  who  was  a  follower  of  Jose])h  Bonaparte,  says,  "  No 
woman  has  united  so  much  kindness  to  so  much  natural  grace,  or  lias 
(bii'e  more  good  with  more  pleasure  than  siie  did.  She  honoured  me 
with  her  friendsiiip,  and  the  remembrance  of  tlie  benev<dence  she  lias 
shown  me,  to  tlie  last  moment  of  her  too  short  existence,  will  never  be 
effaced  from  my  heart"    (tome  i.  pp.  101-2). 

Me'neval,  the  successor  of  Bourrienne  in  his  place  of  secretary  to  Napo- 
leon, and  who  remained  attached  to  the  Emi)Pror  until  the  en<i,  says  of 
Jo.sephine  (tome  i.  p.  227),  "Josephine  was  irresistibly  attractive.     Her 


52  MEMOIHS   OF   NAP(n.i:ON   BONAPARTE.  1795- 

witli  lier  must  have  felt  bound  to  speak  well  of  her;  to 
few,  indeed,  did  she  ever  give   cause   for  coinjilaint.     In 

heautv  was  not  popular,  liiit  slio  liail  f.n  tpure  plus  bellf  fm-on'  f/iir  la  lixiitt^, 
accuntiiif;  to  tlic  fjood  La  Foiitaino.  She  haii  tlie  soft  aliaiKlomnciit,  the 
8U]iple  aii<l  c'lt'iiaut  inovcmeiits,  and  the  graceful  c•arelesslle^*s  of  the  Cre- 
oles.* Htr  teni]ter  Wits  always  the  .>iaine.  She  \va.«i  pentle  ami  kiiiil,  af- 
fable ami  iiiiliilgeiit  with  every  one,  without  difference  of  jiersons.  She 
had  neither  a  superior  mind  nor  much  learning,  hut  her  e.\(inisite  j)olite- 
nass,  her  full  acciuaHitanCe  with  society,  witli  the  court,  and  with  their 
innocent  artifices,  made  her  always  know  at  ueed  the  best  tliiug  to  say  or 

to   do." 

When  Talleyrand  wa.*!  asked  about  licr,  "  Avait-elle  de  I'esjirit?"  he 
answered,  "Kile  s'en  passait  sujierieuremeut  Lieu"  (Dmry  of  Ileiiri/ 
Grevillf,  p.  77). 

Perhaps  Napoleon's  feeling  for  .Josephine  may  be  best  judged  by  one 
little  trait.  After  the  divorce,  Jo.sephine's  affairs,  as  usual  with  her,  be- 
came embarras.sed.  The  Comte  Mollieu,  choseu  for  his  conciliatory  man- 
ners, was  sent  by  the  Emperor  to  see  Josephine,  and  regulate  matters. 
On  his  return  Napoleon  learnt  that  Josephine  had  she<l  tears.  "  Napo- 
leon interrupted  the  Minister  to  say  to  him  that  he  had  specially  ordered 
him  not  to  make  her  weep"  (Me'nrmI,  tome  iii.  p.  237). 

It  may  be  well  also  to  have  an  unfavour.ible  jxirtrait  of  her.  "Jo.se- 
phine,"  savs  Lucien  Bonaparte,  "  was  not  ill-natured,  or  rather,  it  has  been 
constantlv  said  that  she  was  very  kind ;  but  that  was  when  her  acts  of 
kindness  co.st  her  nothing  She  had  knowledge  enough  of  the  'grand 
monde'  into  which  she  had  been  introduced  by  her  first  husband  a  short 
time  before  the  Revolution  of  1789.  She  had  very  little  mind,  and  could 
not  be  called  l)eautiful.  but  there  were  some  creole  reminiscences  in  the 
supple  undulations  of  her  figure,  which  was  rather  below  the  ordinary 
height.  Her  face  had  no  natural  freshness,  but  that  was  sufficiently 
remedied  for  candle-light  by  tlio  care  of  her  toilette.  Yet  all  her  person 
was  not  devoid  of  some  remains  of  'attracto-partage  '  of  her  first  youth, 
which  the  ]iainter  Gerard,  that  skilful  restorer  of  the  damaged  beauty 
of  faded  women,  has  agreeably  reproduced  in  the  portraits  which  remain 
to  us  of  the  wife  of  the  First  Consul."  Lucien  goes  on  to  say  that  he 
hardlv  noticed  her  in  1796,  so  inferior  was  she  to  the  other  beauties  of 
the  Court  of  Barras,  of  which  the  wife  of  Tallien  was  the  real  Calypso 
{Lticlen    fioiinfiartp,    by   lung,  tome  i.   ])p.    1.3")-.36). 

F'or  a  corroboration  of  this  sneer  at  Jo.sepliiue's  kindne.«s,  see  D'Abran- 
tes.  vol.  ii.  pp.  .59-60,  where  one  of  her  iirotc'i/es,  finding  that  instead  of  a 
petition,  he  had  given   her  his  tailor's  bill  to  be  pre.sented  to  Napoleon,  is 

*  The  fpader  must  remember  that  flie  term  "creole"  does  not  impiv  any 
taint  of  black  blood,  but  only  that  the  person,  of  European  family,  has  been 
born  in  the  West  Indies. 


Portrait  of  Josephine. 
Photo- Etching— From  Engraving  by  Goulliere. 


1797.  CHARACTER   OF  JOSEPHINE.  53 

the  time  of  her  power  she  did  not  lose  any  of  her  friends, 
because  she  forgot  none  of  them.  Benevolence  was  natu- 
ral to  her,  but  she  was  not  always  prudent  in  its  exercise. 
Hence  her  protection  was  often  extended  to  persons  who 
did  not  deserve  it.  Her  taste  for  splendour  and  expense 
was  excessive.  This  proneness  to  luxury  became  a  habit 
which  seemed  constantly  indulged  without  any  motive. 
What  scenes  have  I  not  witnessed  when  the  moment  for 
paying  the  tradesmen's  bills  arrived  !  She  always  kept 
back  one-half  of  their  claims,  and  the  discovery  of  this 
exposed  her  to  new  reproaches.  How  many  tears  did  she 
shed  which  might  have'  been  easily  spared  ! 

When  fortune  placed  a  crown  on  her  head  she  told  me 
that  the  event,  extraordinary  as  it  was,  had  been  predicted. 
It  is  certain  that  she  put  faith  in  fortune-tellers.  I  often 
expressed  to  her  my  astonishment  that  she  should  cherish 
such  a  belief,  and  she  readily  laughed  at  her  own  cre- 
dulity, but  notwithstanding  never  abandoned  it.  The 
event  had  given  importance  to  the  prophecy  ;  but  the 
foresight  of  the  prophetess,  said  to  be  an  old  negress,  was 
not  the  less  a  matter  of  doubt. 

Not  long  before  the  13th  of  Vendemiaire,  that  day 
which  opened  for  Bonaparte  his  immense  career,  he  ad- 
dressed a  letter  to  me  at  Sens,  in  which,  after  some  of 
his  usually  friendly  expressions,  he  said,  "  Look  out  a 
small  piece  of  land  in  your  beautiful  valley  of  the  Yonne. 
I  will  purchase  it  as  soon  as  I  can  scrape  together  the 
money.  I  wish  to  retire  there ;  but  recollect  that  I  will 
have  nothing  to  do  with  national  property." 

Bonaparte  left  Paris  on  the  21st  of  March,  1796,  while 
I  was  still  with  my  guardians.  He  no  sooner  joined  the 
French  army  than  General  Colli,  then  in  command  of  the 

amazed  by  receiving  her  assurances  that  slie  ami  Xapoloon  liave  read  tlie 
petition  toi^etiicr,  and  tliat  the  success  of  tliis  affair  had  made  her  the 
happiest  woman  in  the  world ! 


54  MEMOIRS   OF    XATOLKON    noXAI'AKTi:.  17'.)5- 

riuJmoiiteso  army,  tiuiismilled  lo  him  tlu;  fnUowiiij,'  let- 
ter, whicli,  with  its  nnswer,  I  think  suliieiently  interesting 
to  deserve  preservation  :  — 

Gexeral, —  I  suppose  that  you  are  ignnrant  of  tlic  arrest  of 
one  of  luy  olhcers,  naniotl  Moulin,  the  bearer  of  a  flag  of  truce, 
who  has  been  detained  for  some  days  past  at  Murseco,  contrary 
to  the  hiws  of  war,  and  notwithstanding  an  immethate  demand 
for  his  liberation  being  made  by  General  Count  Vital.  His 
being  a  French  emigrant  cannot  take  from  him  the  rights  of  a  flag 
of  truce,  and  I  again  claim  him  in  that  character.  The  courtesy 
and  generosity  which  I  have  always  experienced  from  the 
generals  of  your  nation  induces  me  to  hope  that  I  shall  not 
make  this  application  in  vain  ;  and  it  is  with  regret  that  I 
mention  that  your  chief  of  brigade,  Barth^leray,  who  ordered 
the  unjust  arrest  of  my  flag  of  truce,  having  yesterday  by  the 
chance  of  war  fallen  into  my  hands,  that  officer  will  be  dealt 
with  according  to  the  treatment  which  M.  Moulin  may  receive. 

I  most  sincerely  wish  that  nothing  may  occur  to  change  the 
noble  and  humane  conduct  which  the  two  nations  have  hitherto 
been  accustomed  to  observe  towards  each  other.  I  have  the 
honour,  etc. 

(Signed)    Colli. 

Ceva,   ITtli  Ajiril,  1796. 

Bonaparte  replied  as  follows  :  — 

General,  —  An  emigrant  is  a  parricide  whom  no  character 
can  render  sacred.  Tlie  feelings  of  honour,  and  the  respect  due 
to  the  French  people,  were  forgotten  when  M.  Moulin  was  sent 
with  a  flag  of  truce.  You  know  the  laws  of  war,  and  I  there- 
fore do  not  give  credit  to  the  reprisals  with  which  you  threaten 
the  chief  of  brigade,  Barthelemy.  If,  contrary  to  the  laws  of 
war,  you  authorise  such  an  act  of  barbarism,  all  the  prisoners 
taken  from  you  shall  be  immeil lately  made  responsible  for  it 
with  the  most  deplorable  vengeance,  for  I  entertain  for  the 
officers  of  your  nation  that  esteem  which  is  due  to  brave  soldiers. 


1797.  LETTER   TO   JOSErHINE.  55 

The  Executive  Directory,  to  whom  tliese  letters  were 
transmitted,  approved  of  the  arrest  of  M.  Moulin,  but 
ordered  that  he  should  be  securely  guarded,  and  not 
brought  to  trial,  in  consequence  of  the  character  with 
which  he  had  been  invested. 

About  the  middle  of  the  year  1796  the  Directory  pro- 
posed to  appoint  General  Kellerman,  who  commanded 
the  Army  of  the  Alps,  second  in  command  of  the  Army 
of  Italy. 

On  the  24th  of  May,  1796,  Bonaparte  wrote  to  Carnot 
respecting  this  plan,  which  was  far  from  being  agreeable 
to  him.  He  said,  "  Whether  I  shall  be  employed  here  or 
anywhere  else  is  indifferent  to  me  :  to  serve  the  country, 
and  to  merit  from  posterity  a  page  in  our  history,  is  all 
my  ambition.  If  you  join  Kellerman  and  me  in  command 
in  Italy  you  will  undo  everything.  General  Kellerman 
has  more  experience  than  I,  and  knows  how  to  make  war 
better  than  I  do ;  but  both  together,  we  shall  make  it 
badly.  I  will  not  willingly  serve  with  a  man  who  con- 
siders himself  the  first  general  in  Europe." 

Numbers  of  letters  from  Bonaparte  to  his  wife  liave 
been  published.  I  cannot  deny  their  authenticity,  nor 
is  it  my  wish  to  do  so.  I  will,  however,  subjoin  one 
which  appears  to  me  to  differ  a  little  from  the  rest.  It 
is  less  remarkable  for  exaggerated  expressions  of  love, 
and  a  singularly  ambitious  and  affected  style,  than  most 
of  the  correspondence  here  alluded  to.  Bonaparte  is 
announcing  the  victory  of  Areola  to  Josephine. 

Verona,  tlie  29th,  noon.i 

At  Ienf;th,  my  adored  .Josepliine,  I  live  again.  Death  is  no 
longer  before  me,  and  glory  and  lionour  are  still  in  my  breast. 
The  enemy  is    beaten  at    Areola.     To-morrow   we   will   repair 

1  There  is  no  other  date ;  but  the  name  of  Areola  is  sufficient.  — 
Bourrienne. 


56  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1795- 

the  blunder  of  Vanlxtis,  wlio  alKimloncd  Rivoli.  In  oiglit  days 
Mantua  will  be  ours,  and  then  thy  liusband  will  fnld  thee  in 
liis  arms,  ami  <^ive  thee  a  thousand  i)ro(ifs  of  his  anient  all'ection. 
I  shall  proceed  to  Milan  as  soon  as  I  can  :  I  am  a  little  fatigued. 
I  liave  received  letters  from  Eiigene  and  liortense.  I  am 
delighted  with  the  children.  I  will  send  you  their  letters 
as  soon  as  I  am  joined  by  my  household,  wbioh  is  now  some- 
what dispersed. 

We  have  made  five  thousand  prisoners,  and  killed  at  least 
six  thousand  of  tlie  enemy.  Adieu,  my  adorable  Josephine. 
Think  of  me  often.  When  you  cease  to  love  your  Achilles, 
when  your  heart  grows  cool  towards  him,  you  will  be  very 
cruel,  very  unjust.  But  I  am  sure  you  will  always  continue 
my  faithful  mistress  as  I  shall  ever  remain  your  fond  lover 
{tendre  amie).  Death  alone  can  break  the  union  which  sym- 
pathy, love,  and  sentiment  have  formed.  Let  me  have  news 
of  your  health.     A  thousand  and  a  thousand  kisses. 

It  is  impossible  for  me  to  avoid  occasionally  placing 
myself  in  the  foreground  in  the  course  of  these  Memoirs. 
I  owe  it  to  myself  to  answer,  though  indirectly,  to  certain 
charges  which,  on  various  occasions,  have  been  made 
against  me.  Some  of  the  documents  which  I  am  about 
to  insert  belong,  perhaps,  less  to  the  history  of  the  Gen- 
eral-in-Chief of  the  Army  of  Italy  than  to  tliat  of  his  sec- 
retary ;  but  I  must  confess  I  wish  to  show  that  I  was 
not  an  intruder,  nor  yet  pursuing,  as  an  obscure  in- 
triguer, the  path  of  fortune.  I  was  influenced  much  more 
by  friendship  than  by  ambitiim  when  I  took  a  part  on 
the  scene  where  the  rising  glory  of  the  future  Emperor 
already  shed  a  lustre  on  all  who  were  attached  to  his 
destiny.  It  will  be  seen  by  the  following  letters  with 
what  confidence  I  was  then  honoured  ;  but  these  letters, 
dictated  by  friendship,  and  not  written  for  history,  speak 
also  of  our  military  achievements  ;  and  whatever  brings 
to  recollection  the  events  of  that  heroic  period  must  still 
be  interesting  to  many. 


1797.  LETTER   FKOM   :MARM0NT.  57 

Headquarters  at  Milan, 
20th  Prairial,  year  IV.  (8tli  Juue,  1796). 

The  General-in-Chief  has  ordered  me,  my  dear  Bourrienne, 
to  make  known  to  you  the  pleasure  he  experienced  on  hearing 
of  you,  and  his  ardent  desire  that  you  should  join  us.  Take 
your  departure,  then,  my  dear  Bourrienne,  and  arrive  quickly. 
You  may  he  certain  of  obtaining  the  testimonies  of  att'ection 
which  are  your  due  from  all  who  know  you ;  and  we  much 
regret  that  you  were  not  with  us  to  have  a  share  in  our  success. 
The  campaign  which  we  have  just  concluded  will  be  celebrated 
in  the  records  of  history.  With  less  than  30,000  men,  in  a  state 
of  almost  complete  destitution,  it  is  a  fine  thing  to  have,  in  the 
course  of  less  than  two  months,  beaten,  eight  dilierent  times,  an 
army  of  from  65  to  70,000  men,  obliged  the  King  of  Sardinia  to 
make  a  humiliating  peace,  and  driven  the  Austrians  from  Italy. 
The  last  victory,  of  which  you  have  doubtless  had  an  account, 
the  passage  of  the  Mincio,  has  closed  our  labours.  There  now 
remain  for  us  the  siege  of  Mantua  and  the  castle  of  Milan  ; 
but  these  obstacles  will  not  detain  us  long.  Adieu,  my  dear 
Bourrienne :  I  repeat  General  Bonaparte's  request  that  you 
should  repair  hither,  and  the  testimony  of  his  desire  to  see  you. 
Eeceive,  etc.,  (Signed)   Marjiont, 

Chief  of  Brigade  (^Artillery)  ^  and  Aide-de-camp  to  the  General-in- 
Chief. 

I  was  obliged  to  remain  at  Sens,  soliciting  my  erasure 
from  the  emigrant  list,  which  I  did  not  obtain,  however, 
till  1797,  and  to  put  an  end  to  a  charge  made  against  me 
of  having  fabricated  a  certificate  of  residence.  Mean- 
while I  applied  myself  to  study,  and  preferred  repose  to 
the  agitation  of  camps.  For  these  reasons  I  did  not  then 
accept  this  friendly  invitation,  notwithstanding  that  I 
was  very  desirous  of  seeing  my  young  college  friend  in 
the  midst  of  his  astonishing  triumphs.  Ten  months  after, 
I  received  another  letter  from  Marmont  in  the  following 
terms :  — 


58  MKMOIKS   OF   NAPOLKON    noNArAKTK.  I7D5- 

IlKAI>giIAI(TKRS,    (lOKIZIA. 

2(1  C;eiiniiiiil,  year  V.  (22d  iMarcli,  1797). 
Tlu'  Ooiieral-in-Cliiff,  my  dear  Hourriuimo,  liiis  ordered  me 
to  express  to  you  liis  wish  for  your  prompt  arrival  liere.  We 
liavo  all  along  anxiously  desirod  to  see  you,  and  look  forward 
with  great  pleasure  to  the  moment  when  we  shall  meet.  I  join 
with  the  General,  my  dear  liourrienne,  in  urging  you  to  join 
the  army  without  loss  of  time.  You  will  increase  a  united  fam- 
ily, happy  to  receive  you  into  its  bosom.  I  enclose  an  order 
written  by  the  General,  which  will  serve  you  as  a  passport. 
Take  the  post-route  and  arrive  as  soon  as  you  can.  We  are  on 
the  point  of  penetrating  into  Germany.  The  language  is  chang- 
ing already,  and  in  four  days  we  shall  hear  no  more  Italian. 
Prince  Charles  has  been  well  beaten,  and  we  are  pursuing  him. 
If  tliis  campaign  be  fortunate,  we  may  sign  a  peace,  which  is  so 
necessary  for  Europe,  in  Vienna.  Adieu,  my  dear  Bourrienne ; 
reckon  for  something  the  zeal  of  one  who  is  much  attached  to 
you.  (Signed)    ^Iarmont. 


BONAPARTE,    GENERAL-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE  ARMY   OF  ITALY. 

Headquarters,  Gorizia,  2d  Qerminal,  year  V. 
The  citizen  Bourrienne  is  to  come  to  me  on  receipt  of  the 
present  order.  {Signed) 


BONA  PARTE. 


The  odious  manner  in  which  I  was  then  harassed,  I 
know  not  why,  on  the  part  of  the  Government  respecting 
my  certificate  of  residence,  rendered  my  stay  in  France 
not  very  agreeable.  I  was  even  threatened  with  being 
put  on  my  trial  for  having  produced  a  certificate  of 
residence  which  was  alleged  to  be  signed  by  nine  false 
witnesses.  This  time,  therefore,  I  resolved  without  hesi- 
tation to  set  out  for  the  army.  General  Bonaparte's 
order,  which  I  registered  at  the  municipality  of  Sens, 
answered  for  a  passport,  which  otherwise  would  probably 
have    been    refused    me.     I    have   always    felt  a   strong 


1797.  BOURRIENNE   AT   VERONA.  59 

sense  of  gratitude  for  liis  conduct  towards  me   ou   this 
occasion. 

Notwithstanding  the  haste  I  made  to  leave  Sens,  the 
necessary  formalities  and  precautions  detained  me  some 
days,  and  at  the  moment  I  was  about  to  depart  I  received 
the  following  letter :  — 

Headquarters,  Jiidenbourg, 
19th  Germinal,  year  V.  (8th  April,  1797). 

The  General-in-Chief  again  orders  me,  my  dear  Bonrrienne,  to 
urge  you  to  come  to  him  quickly.  We  are  in  tlie  midst  of  success 
and  triumphs.  The  Cermaii  campaign  begins  even  more  brilliantly 
than  dill  the  Italian.  You  may  judge,  therefore,  what  a  promise  it 
holds  out  to  us.  Come,  ray  dear  Bourrienne,  immediately  —  yield 
to  our  solicitations  —  share  our  pains  and  pleasures,  and  you  will 
add  to  our  enjoyments. 

I  have  directed  the  courier  to  pass  through  Sens,  that  he  may 
deliver  this  letter  to  you,  and  bring  me  back  your  answer. 

(Signed)  Marmont. 

To  the  above  letter  this  order  was  subjoined :  — 

The  citizen  Fauvelet  de  Bourrienne  is  ordered  to  leave  Sens, 
and  repair  immediately  by  post  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Army 
of  Italy. 

(Signed)  Bonaparte. 

I  arrived  at  the  Venetian  territory  at  the  moment  when 
the  insurrection  against  the  French  was  on  the  ]ioint  of 
breaking  out.  Thousands  of  peasants  were  instigated  to 
rise  under  the  pretext  of  appeasing  the  troubles  of  Ber- 
gamo and  Brescia.  I  passed  through  Verona  on  the  16th 
of  April,  the  eve  of  the  signature  of  the  preliminaries  of 
Leoben  and  of  the  revolt  of  Veronn.  Easter  Sunday  was 
the  day  which  the  ministers  of  Jesus  Christ  selected  for 
preaching  "  that  it  was  lawful,  and  even  meritorious,  to 


60  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   RONAPAKTE.  1795- 

kill  Jaouldiis."  Death  to  Frenchmen  !  —  Dmth  to  Jacobins  ! 
as  they  called  all  the  French,  were  their  rallyiiij;  cries.  At 
the  time  I  iiad  not  the  slightest  idea  of  this  state  of 
thmgs,  for  I  liad  left  Sens  only  on  the  11th  of  April. 
After  stop])ing  two  honrs  at  Verona,  1  jiroceeded  on  my 
journey  without  heing  aware  of  the  massacre  which 
threatened  that  city.  When  al»out  a  league  from  tlie 
town  I  was,  however,  stopped  by  a  party  of  insurgents  on 
their  way  thither,  consisting,  as  I  estimated,  of  about  two 
thousand  men.  They  only  desired  me  to  cry  El  viva 
Santo  Marco,  an  order  with  which  I  speedily  complied, 
and  passed  on.  "What  would  have  become  of  me  had  I 
been  in  Verona  on  the  Monday  ?  On  that  day  the  bells 
were  rung,  while  the  French  were  butchered  in  the  hos- 
pitals. Every  one  met  in  the  streets  was  put  to  death. 
The  priests  headed  the  assassins,  and  more  than  four  hun- 
dred Frenchmen  were  thus  sacrificed.  The  forts  held  out 
against  the  Venetians,  though  they  attacked  them  with 
fury;  but  repossession  of  the  town  was  not  obtained  until 
after  ten  days.  On  the  very  day  of  the  insurrection  of 
Verona  some  Frenchmen  were  assassinated  letween  that 
city  and  Vicenza,  through  which  I  passed  on  the  day  be- 
fore without  danger ;  and  scarcely  had  I  passed  through 
Padua,  when  I  learned  that  others  had  been  massacred 
there.  Tlius  the  assassinations  travelled  as  rapidly  as  the 
post. 

I  shall  say  a  few  words  respecting  the  revolt  of  the 
Venetian  States,  which,  in  consequence  of  the  difference 
of  political  opinions,  has  been  viewed  in  very  contradictory 
lights. 

The  last  days  of  Venice  were  approaching,  and  a  storm 
had  been  brewing  for  more  than  a  year.  About  the  be- 
ginning of  April,  1797,  the  threatening  symptoms  of  a 
general  insurrection  appeared.  The  quarrel  commenced 
when  the  Austrians  entered  Peschiera,  and  some  pretext 


1797.  RISING   IN  THE   VENETIAN   STATES.  61 

was  also  afforded  by  the  reception  given  to  Monsieur, 
afterwards  Louis  XVIII.  It  was  certain  that  Venice  had 
made  military  preparation  during  the  siege  of  Mantua 
in  1796.  The  interests  of  the  aristocracy  outweighed  the 
political  considerations  in  our  favour.  On  the  7th  of 
June,  1796,  General  Bonaparte  wrote  thus  to  the  Execu- 
tive Directory :  — 

"  The  Senate  of  Venice  lately  sent  two  judges  of  their  Council 
here  to  ascertain  definitively  how  things  stand.  I  repeated  my 
complaints.  I  spoke  to  them  about  tlie  reception  given  to  Mon- 
sieur. Should  it  bo  your  plan  to  extract  five  or  six  millions  from 
Venice,  I  have  expressly  prepared  this  sort  of  rupture  for  you. 
If  your  intentions  be  more  decided,  I  think  this  ground  of  quar- 
rel ought  to  be  kept  up.  Let  me  know  what  you  mean  to  do, 
and  wait  till  the  favourable  moment,  which  I  shall  seize  accord- 
ing to  circumstances  ;  for  we  must  not  have  to  do  with  all  the 
world  at  once." 

The  Directory  answered  that  the  moment  was  not 
favourable ;  that  it  was  first  necessary  to  take  Mantua, 
and  give  Wurmser  a  sound  beating.  However,  towards 
the  end  of  the  year  1796  the  Directory  began  to  give 
more  credit  to  the  sincerity  of  the  professions  of  neutral- 
ity made  on  the  part  of  A^enice.  It  was  resolved,  there- 
fore, to  be  content  with  obtaining  money  and  supplies  for 
the  army,  and  to  refrain  from  violating  the  neutrality. 
The  Directory  had  not  then  in  reserve,  like  Bonaparte, 
the  idea  of  making  the  dismemberment  of  Venice  serve 
as  a  compensation  for  such  of  the  Austrian  possessions  as 
the  French  Republic  might  retain. 

In  1797  the  expected  favourable  moment  had  arrived. 
The  knell  of  Venice  was  rung;  and  Bonaparte  thus 
wrote  to  the  Directory  on  the  30th  of  April :  "  I  am  con- 
vinced that  the  only  course  to  be  now  taken  is  to  destroy 
this  ferocious  and  sanguinary  Government."     On  the  3d 


G2  MEMOIUS    OF    X.Vr.  )Li:ON    nnXArARTE.  1795- 

of  May,  writinj^  from  Paluia  Xiiova,  lie  saj's,  "I  see 
nothing'  that  ran  be  dune  but  lo  i)l)litt'rate  tlie  Venetian 
name  tmni  the  faee  of  tlie  ^lobe." 

Towards  the  end  of  March,  1797,  the  Government  of 
Venice  was  in  a  desperate  state.  Ottolini,  the  Podesta  of 
lierjjjanio,  an  instrument  of  tyranny  in  the  hands  of  the 
State  in(|uisit<irs,  then  harassed  the  people  of  l)er<,'amo 
and  Brescia,  who,  after  the  reduction  of  Mantua,  wished 
to  be  separated  from  Venice.  He  drew  up,  to  be  sent  to 
the  Senate,  a  lonjjj  report  respecthig  the  plans  of  separa- 
tion, founded  on  information  given  him  by  a  Roman  ad- 
vocate, named  Marcelin  Serpini,  who  pretended  to  have 
gleaned  the  facts  he  communicated  in  conversation  with 
officers  of  the  French  army.  The  plan  of  the  patriotic 
party  was,  to  unite  the  Venetian  territories  on  the  main- 
land with  Lombardy,  and  to  form  of  the  whole  one  re- 
public. The  conduct  of  Ottolini  exasperated  the  party 
inimical  to  Venice,  and  augmented  the  prevailing  discon- 
tent. Having  disguised  his  valet  as  a  peasant,  he  sent 
him  off  to  Venice  with  the  report  he  had  drawn  up  on 
Serphii's  communications,  and  other  information  ;  but 
this  report  never  reached  the  inc^uisitors.  The  valet  was 
arrested,  his  despatches  taken,  and  Ottolini  fled  from 
liergamo.  This  gave  a  beginning  to  the  general  rising  of 
the  Venetian  States.  In  fact,  the  force  of  circumstances 
alone  brought  on  the  insurrection  of  those  territories 
against  their  old  insular  government.  General  La  Hoz, 
who  commanded  the  Lombard  Legion,  was  the  active 
protector  of  the  revolution,  which  certainly  had  its  origin 
more  in  the  progress  of  the  prevailing  principles  of  lib- 
erty than  in  the  crooked  policy  of  the  Senate  of  Venice. 
Bona]iarte,  indeed,  in  his  despatches  to  the  Directory, 
stated  that  the  Senate  had  instigated  the  insurrectiim  ;  but 
that  was  not  quite  correct,  and  he  could  not  wholly  believe 
his  own  assertion. 


1797.  RISING    IX   THE   VENETIAN   STATES.  63 

Pending  the  vacillation  of  the  Venetian  Senate,  Vienna 
was  exciting  the  pojjulation  of  its  States  on  the  mainland 
to  rise  against  the  French.  The  Venetian  Government  had 
always  exhibited  an  extreme  aversion  to  the  French  Revo- 
lution, which  had  been  violently  condemned  at  Venice. 
Hatred  of  the  French  had  been  constantly  excited  and  en- 
couraged, and  religious  fanaticism  had  inflamed  many 
persons  of  consequence  in  the  country.  From  the  end  of 
1796  the  Venetian  Senate  secretly  continued  its  arma- 
ments, and  the  whole  conduct  of  that  Government  an- 
nounced intentions  which  have  been  called  perfidious,  but 
the  only  object  of  which  was  to  defeat  intentions  still 
more  pertidi(jus.  The  Senate  was  the  irreconcilable  enemy 
of  the  French  Republic.  Excitement  was  carried  to  such 
a  point  that  in  many  places  the  people  complained  that 
they  were  not  permitted  to  arm  against  the  French.  Tlie 
Austrian  generals  industriously  circulated  the  most  sinis- 
ter reports  respecting  the  armies  of  the  Sambre-et-Meuse 
and  the  Rhine,  and  the  position  of  the  French  troops  in 
the  Tyrol.  These  impostures,  printed  in  bulletins,  were 
well  calculated  to  instigate  the  Italians,  and  especially  the 
Venetians,  to  rise  in  mass  to  exterminate  the  French,  when 
the  victorious  army  should  penetrate  into  the  Hereditary 
States. 

The  pursuit  of  the  Archduke  Charles  into  the  heart  of 
Austria  encouraged  the  hopes  which  the  Venetian  Senate 
had  conceived,  that  it  would  be  easy  to  annihilate  the 
feeljle  remnant  of  the  French  army,  as  the  troops  were 
scattered  through  the  States  of  Venice  on  the  mainland. 
Wherever  the  Senate  had  the  ascendency,  insurrection 
was  secretly  fomented  ;  wherever  the  influence  of  the 
patriots  prevailed,  ardent  efi'orts  were  made  to  unite  the 
Venetian  terra  firma  to  the  Lombard  Republic. 

P)ona])arte  skilfully  took  advantage  of  the  disturbances, 
and  the  massacres  consequent  on  them,  to  adopt  towards 


64  MKM<»ii;s  or  natolkon  noNArAKTi:.      i7'.)r)-97. 

the  Sena ti'  tlie  tono  <if  iin  oHeiided  conqueror.  He  pub- 
lished a  decliiralion  that  tlu-  Venetian  Government  was 
the  most  treaelierous  ima^finnble.  Tht"  ^veakness  and 
cruel  liypocrisy  of  the  Senate  facilitated  the  i)lan  he  had 
conceiveil  nf  making  a  ])eace  for  France  at  the  ex}»ense  of 
the  Venetian  Ilei»ul»lic.  On  returning  froui  Leoben,  a 
conqueror  and  ])acificator,  he,  without  ceremony,  took 
possession  of  Venice,  changed  the  established  govern- 
ment, and,  master  of  all  the  Venetian  territory,  found 
himself,  in  the  negotiations  of  Cam]»o-Forinio,  able  to  dis- 
pose of  it  as  he  pleased,  as  a  compensation  for  the  cessions 
which  had  been  exacted  from  Austria.  After  the  19th  of 
Mav  he  wrote  to  the  Directory  that  one  of  the  objects  of 
his  treaty  with  Venice  was  to  avoid  bringing  upon  us  the 
odium  of  violating  the  preliminnrie'<  relative  to  the  Vene- 
tian territory,  and,  at  the  same  lime,  to  afibrd  pretexts 
and  to  facilitate  their  execution. 

At  Campo-Formin  the  fate  of  this  republic  was  decided. 
It  disappeared  from  the  number  of  States  without  eflbrt 
or  noise.  The  silence  of  its  fall  astonished  imaginations 
warmed  by  historical  recollections  from  the  brilliant 
pages  of  its  maritime  glory.  Its  power,  however,  which 
had  been  silently  undermined,  existed  no  longer  except 
in  the  prestige  of  those  recollections.  What  resistance 
could  it  have  opposed  to  the  man  destined  to  change  the 
face  of  all  Europe? 


CHAPTER  V. 

1797. 

I  JOINED  Bonaparte  at  Leoben  on  the  19th  of  April, 
the  day  after  the  signature  of  the  preliminaries  of  peace. 
These  preliminaries  resembled  in  no  respect  the  definitive 
treaty  of  Campo  Formio.  The  still  incomplete  fall  of  the 
State  of  Venice  did  not  at  that  time  present  an  availaltle 
prey  for  partition.  All  was  arranged  afterwards.  Woe 
to  the  small  States  that  come  in  immediate  contact  with 
two  colossal  empires  waging  war ! 

Here  terminated  my  connection  with  Bonaparte  as  a 
comrade  and  equal,  and  those  relations  with  him  com- 
menced in  which  I  saw  him  suddenly  great,  powerful, 
and  surrounded  with  homage  and  glory.  I  no  longer 
addressed  him  as  I  had  been  accustomed  to  do.  I  appre- 
ciated too  well  his  personal  importance.  His  position 
placed  too  great  a  social  distance  between  him  and  me 
not  to  make  me  feel  the  necessity  of  fashioning  my 
demeanour  accordingly.  I  made  with  pleasure,  and  with- 
out regret,  the  easy  sacrifice  of  the  style  of  familiar  com- 
panionship and  other  little  privileges.  He  said,  in  a  loud 
voice,  when  I  entere;!  the  salon  wh(;re  he  was  surrounded 
by  the  ofhcers  who  formed  his  brilliant  staff",  "  I  am  glad 
to  see  you,  at  last,"  —  "  Te  voila  done,  enfin  ; "  but  as  soon 
as  we  were  alone  he  made  me  understand  that  he  was 
pleased  with  my  reserve,  and  thanked  me  for  it.  I  was 
immediately  placed  at  the  head  of  his  Cabinet.     I  spokp 

VOL.  I.  —  5 


66  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   noNAl'AIME.  1797. 

t<t  liiin  tlie  same  evening  respecting  the  insurrection  of 
tlie  Venetian  territories,  of  tlie  dangers  which  menaced 
the  French,  and  of  those  which  I  had  escaj)ed,  etc.  ".Care 
thou  ^  nothing  about  it,"  said  he ;  "  those  rascals  shall  pay 
for  it.  Their  ri'i>ul»lic  lias  had  its  day,  and  is  done."  This 
republic  wa.s,  however,  still  existing,  wealthy,  and  power- 
ful. These  words  brought  to  my  recollection  what  I  had 
read  in  a  work  by  one  Gabriel  Naudd,  who  wrote  during 
the  reign  of  Louis  XIII.  for  Cardinal  de  15agin  :  "Do  you 
see  Constantinople,  which  flatters  itself  with  being  the 
seat  of  a  double  empire  ;  and  Venice,  which  glories  in  her 
stability  of  a  thousand  years  ?      Their  day  will  come." 

In  the  first  conversation  which  Bonaparte  had  with 
me,  I  thought  I  could  perceive  that  he  was  not  very  well 
satisfied  with  the  preliminaries.  He  would  have  liked  to 
advance  with  his  army  to  Vienna.  He  did  not  conceal 
this  from  me.  Before  he  oftered  peace  to  Prince  Charles, 
he  wrote  to  the  Directory  that  he  intended  to  pursue  his 
success,  but  that  for  this  purpose  he  reckoned  on  the 
co-operation  of  the  armies  of  the  Sambre-et-Meuse  and 
the  Ehine.  The  Directory  replied  that  he  must  not 
reckon  on  a  diversion  in  Germany,  and  that  the  armies  of 
the  Saml)re-et-Meuse  and  the  Bhine  were  not  to  pass  that 
river.  A  resolution  so  unexpected,  a  declaration  so  con- 
trary to  what  he  had  constantly  solicited,  compelled  him 
to  terminate  his  triumphs,  and  renounce  his  favourite 
project  of  planting  the  standard  of  the  Bepublic  on  the 
ramparts  of  Vienna,  or  at  least  of  levying  contributions 
on  the  suburbs  of  that  capital. 

A  law  of  the  23d  of  August,  1794,  forbade  the  use  of 
any  other  names  than  those  in  the  register  of  births.  I 
wished  to  conform  to  this  law,  which  very  foolishly 
interfered  with  old  habits.    My  eldest  brother  was  living, 

1  He  used  to  tutoi/er  me  in  this  familiar  mauner  until  his  return  to 
Milan. 


1797.  BONAPARTE'S   CHAGRIN.  67 

and  I  therefore  designated  myself  Fauvelet  the  younger. 
This  annoyed  General  Bonaparte.  "  Such  change  of  name 
is  absolute  nonsense,"  said  he.  "  I  have  known  you  for 
twenty  years  by  the  name  of  Bourrienne.  Sign  as  you 
still  are  named,  and  see  what  the  advocates  with  their 
laws  will  do." 

On  the  20th  of  April,  as  Bonaparte  was  returning  to 
Italy,  he  was  obliged  to  stop  on  an  island  of  the  Taglia- 
mento,  while  a  torrent  passed  by,  which  had  been  occa- 
sioned by  a  violent  storm.  A  courier  appeared  on  the 
right  bank  of  the  river.  He  reached  the  island.  Bona- 
parte read  in  the  despatches  of  the  Directory  that  the 
armies  of  the  Sambre-et-Meuse  and  the  Bhine  were  in 
motion  ;  that  they  were  preparing  to  cross  the  Ehine, 
and  had  commenced  hostilities  on  the  very  day  of  the 
signing  of  the  preliminaries.  This  information  arrived 
seven  days  after  the  Directory  had  written  that  "  he  must 
not  reckon  on  the  co-operation  of  the  armies  of  Germany." 
It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  General's  vexation  on 
reading  these  despatches.  He  had  signed  the  prelimi- 
naries only  because  the  Government  had  represented  the 
co-operation  of  the  armies  of  the  Bhine  as  impracticable 
at  that  moment,  and  shortly  afterwards  he  was  informed 
that  the  co-operation  was  about  to  take  place  !  The  agi- 
tation of  his  mind  was  so  great  that  he  for  a  moment 
conceived  the  idea  of  crossing  to  the  left  bank  of  tlie 
Tagliamento,  and  breaking  off  the  negotiations  under  some 
pretext  or  other.  He  persisted  for  some  time  in  this 
resolution,  which,  however,  Berthier  and  some  other  gen- 
erals successfully  opposed.  He  exclaimed,  "  What  a  dif- 
ference would  there  have  been  in  the  preliminaries,  if, 
indeed,  there  had  been  any  !  " 

His  chagrin,  I  might  almost  say  his  despair,  increased 
when,  some  days  after  his  entry  into  the  Venetian  States, 
he  received  a  letter  from  Moreau,  dated  the  23d  of  April, 


68  MKMOIKS   OF    NAl'oLKOX    noXArAUTK.  1797. 

in  which  that  ^eii(.'r:il  inftinned  liim  lliat,  ha\  iiig  passed 
the  Khine  on  the  20th  witli  brilliant  success,  and  taken 
four  thousand  ]iris<)nors,  it  would  not  be  lont,'  before  he 
joined  him.  Who,  in  fact,  can  say  what  would  have  hap- 
pened but  for  the  vacillating  and  distrustful  policy  of 
the  Directory,  which  always  encouraged  low  intrigues, 
and  participated  in  the  jealousy  excited  l)y  the  renown 
of  the  young  con([ueror  ?  Because  the  Directory  dreaded 
his  ambition  they  sacrificed  the  glory  of  our  arms  and 
the  honour  of  the  nation ;  for  it  cannot  be  doubted  that, 
had  the  passage  of  the  Ilhine,  so  urgently  demanded  by 
Bonajiarte,  taken  place  some  days  sooner,  he  would  have 
been  able,  without  incurring  any  risk,  to  dictate  imperi- 
ously the  conditions  of  peace  on  the  spot;  or,  if  Austria 
were  obstinate,  to  have  gone  on  to  Vienna  and  signed  it 
there.  Still  occupied  with  this  idea,  he  wTote  to  the 
Directory  on  the  8th  of  May  :  "  Since  I  have  received 
intelligence  of  the  passage  of  the  Rhine  by  Hoche  and 
IMoreau,  I  much  regret  that  it  did  not  take  place  fifteen 
days  sooner;  or,  at  least,  that  Moreau  did  not  say  that 
he  w%as  in  a  situation  to  effect  it."  (He  had  been  in- 
formed to  the  contrary.)  What,  after  this,  becomes  of 
the  unjust  reproach  against  Bonaparte  of  having,  through 
jealousy  of  Moreau,  deprived  France  of  the  advantages 
which  a  prolonged  campaign  would  have  procured  her  ? 
Bonaparte  was  too  devoted  to  the  glory  of  France  to  sacri- 
fice it  to  jealousy  of  the  glory  of  any  individual. 

In  traversing  the  Venetian  States  to  return  to  Milan, 
he  often  spoke  to  me  of  Venice.  He  always  assured  me 
that  he  was  originally  entirely  unconnected  with  the 
insurrections  which  had  agitated  that  country ;  that  com- 
mon-sen.se  would  show,  as  his  project  was  to  advance 
into  tlie  basin  of  the  Danube,  he  had  no  interest  in  hav- 
in<T  his  rear  disturbed  by  revolts,  and  hi;?  communications 
interrupted  or  cut  off.     "  Such  an  idea,"  said  he,  "  would 


1797.  ONLY   TWO   MEN  IN   ITALY.  69 

be  absurd,  and  could  never  enter  into  the  mind  of  a  man 
to  whom  even  his  enemies  cannot  deny  a  certain  degree 
of  tact."  He  acknowledged  that  he  was  not  vexed  that 
matters  had  turned  out  as  they  had  done,  because  he  had 
already  taken  advantage  of  these  circumstances  in  the 
preliminaries,  and  hoped  to  profit  still  more  from  them 
in  the  definitive  peace.  "  When  I  arrive  at  Milan,"  said 
he,  "  I  will  occupy  myself  with  Venice."  It  is  therefore 
([uite  evident  to  me  that  in  reaUty  the  General-in-Chief 
had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Venetian  insurrections  ;  that 
subsequently  he  was  not  displeased  with  them  ;  and  that, 
later  still,  he  derived  great  advantage  from  them. 

We  arrived  at  Milan  on  the  5th  of  May,  by  way  of 
Laybach,  Trieste,  Palma-Nuova,  Padua,  Verona,  and  Man- 
tua. Bonaparte  soon  took  up  his  residence  at  Montebello, 
a  very  fine  chateau,  three  leagues  from  Milan,  with  a 
view  over  the  rich  and  magnificent  plains  of  Lombardy. 
At  Montebello  commenced  the  negotiations  for  the  de- 
finitive peace  which  were  terminated  at  Passeriano,  The 
Marquis  de  Gallo,  the  Austrian  plenipotentiary,  resided 
half  a  league  from  Montebello. 

During  his  residence  at  Montebello  the  General-in-Chief 
made  an  excursion  to  the  Lake  of  Como  and  to  the  Lago 
Maggiore.  He  visited  the  Borromean  Islands  in  succes- 
sion, and  occupied  himself  on  his  return  with  the  organ- 
isation of  the  towns  of  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Milan.  He 
sought  for  men  and  found  none.  "Good  God,"  said  he, 
"  how  rare  men  are !  There  are  eighteen  millions  in 
Italy,  and  I  have  with  difficulty  found  two,  Dandolo  and 
Melzi." 

He  appreciated  them  properly.  Dandolo  was  one  of 
the  men  who,  in  those  revolutionary  times,  refiected  the 
greatest  honour  upon  Italy.  After  being  a  member  of  the 
great  council  of  the  Cisal[)ine  Brpublic,  he  exercised  the 
functions  of  Proveditore-General  in  Dalmatia.     It  is  only 


70  MKMOmS   OF   NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE.  1797. 

necessary  to  iin'iition  the  tkuiu'  of  Dandolo  to  the  Dalma- 
tians to  learn  t'loni  the  ^M-ateful  inhabitants  how  just  and 
vigorous  his  administration  was.  The  services  of  Md/i 
are  known.  He  was  Cliancelior  and  Keeper  of  the  Seals 
of  the  Italian  monarchy,  and  was  created  Duke  of  Lodi.^ 

In  tliose  who  have  seen  the  world  the  truth  of  Na- 
poleon's reproach  excites  little  astonishment.  In  a  coun- 
try which,  according  to  biographies  and  newspapers, 
abounds  with  extraordinary  men,  a  woman  of  much  tal- 
ent 2  said,  "  What  has  most  surprised  me,  since  the  ele- 
vation of  my  husband  has  afforded  me  the  opportunity 
of  knowing  many  persons,  and  particularly  those  em- 
ployed in  important  affairs,  is  the  universal  mediocrity 
which  exists.  It  surpasses  all  that  the  imagination  can 
conceive,  and  it  is  observable  in  all  ranks,  from  the  clerk 
to  the  minister.  Without  this  experience  I  never  could 
have  believed  my  species  to  be  so  contemptible." 

Who  does  not  remember  Oxenstiern's  remark  to  his 
son,  who  trembled  at  going  so  young  to  the  congress  of 
Munster :  "  Go,  my  son.  You  will  see  by  what  sort  of 
men  the  world  is  governed." 

1  Francesco  Comte  de  Melzi  d'Eryl  (175.3-1816),  Vice-President  of 
the  Italian  Hepuhlic,  1802;  Chaucellor  of  the  KiDgdom  of  Italy,  1805; 
Due  de  Lodi,  1807. 

■^  Madame  Kolaud. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

1797. 

During  the  time  when  the  preliminaries  of  Leoben 
suspended  military  operations,  Napoleon  was  not  anxious 
to  reply  immediately  to  all  letters.  He  took  a  fancy  to 
do,  not  exactly  as  Cardinal  Dubois  did,  when  he  threw 
into  the  fire  the  letters  he  had  received,  saying,  "  Tliere  ! 
my  correspondents  are  answered,"  but  something  of  the 
same  kind.  To  satisfy  himself  that  people  wrote  too 
much,  and  lost,  in  trifling  and  useless  answers,  valuable 
time,  he  told  me  to  open  only  the  letters  which  came  by 
extraordinary  couriers,  and  to  leave  all  the  rest  for  three 
weeks  in  the  basket.  At  the  end  of  that  time  it  was  un- 
necessary to  reply  to  four-fifths  of  these  communications. 
Some  were  themselves  answers ;  some  were  acknowledg- 
ments of  letters  received ;  others  contained  requests  for 
favours  already  granted,  but  of  which  intelligence  had  not 
been  received.  Many  were  filled  with  complaints  respect- 
ing provisions,  pay,  or  clothing,  and  orders  had  been 
issued  upon  all  these  points  before  the  letters  were  writ- 
ten. Some  generals  demanded  reinforcements,  money, 
promotion,  etc.  By  not  opening  their  letters,  Bonaparte 
was  spared  the  unpleasing  office  of  refusing.  When  the 
General-in-Chief  compared  the  very  small  numl)er  of 
letters  which  it  was  necessary  to  answer  with  the  large 
number  which  time  alone  had  answered,  he  laughed 
heartily  at  his  whimsical  idea.     AYould  not  this  mode  of 


72  MEMOmS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1797. 

proceeding  be  preferable  to  that  of  causing  letters  to  be 
opened  by  any  one  Avho  may  be  eni})loyed,  and  replying 
to  them  by  a  circular  to  which  it  i.s  only  necessary  to 
attach  a  date  ? 

During  the  negotiations  which  followed  the  treaty  of 
Leoben,  the  Directory  ordered  (leiieral  Bonaparte  to  de- 
mand the  liberty  of  MM.  de  La  P'ayette,  Latour-Maubourg, 
and  Bureau  de  Puzy,  detained  at  Olniutz  since  1792  as 
prisoners  of  state.  The  General-in-Chief  executed  this 
commission  with  as  much  pleasure  as  zeal,  but  he  often 
met  with  difficulties  which  appeared  to  be  insurmount- 
able. It  has  been  very  incorrectly  stated  that  these 
prisoners  obtained  their  liberty  by  one  of  the  articles  of 
tlie  preliminaries  of  Leoben.  I  wrote  a  great  deal  on  this 
subject  to  the  dictation  of  General  Bonaparte,  and  I 
joined  him  only  on  the  day  after  the  signature  of  these 
preliminaries.  It  was  not  till  the  end  of  May  of  the  year 
1797  that  the  liberation  of  these  captives  was  demanded, 
and  they  did  not  obtain  their  freedom  till  the  end  of 
August.  There  was  no  article  in  the  treaty,  public  or 
secret,  which  had  reference  to  tliem.  Neither  was  it  at 
his  own  suggestion  that  Bonaparte  demanded  the  enlarge- 
ment of  the  prisoners,  but  by  order  of  the  Directory.  To 
explain  why  they  did  not  go  to  France  immediately  after 
their  liberation  from  Olmutz,  it  is  necessary  to  recollect 
that  the  events  of  the  18th  Fructidor  occurred  between  the 
period  when  the  first  steps  were  taken  to  procure  their 
liberty  and  the  date  of  their  deliverance.  It  required  all 
Bonaparte's  ascendency  and  vigour  of  character  to  enable 
him  to  succeed  in  his  object  at  the  end  of  three  months. 

We  had  arrived  at  the  month  of  July,  and  the  negotia- 
tions were  tediously  protracted.  It  was  impossible  to 
attribute  the  embarrassment  which  was  constantly  occur- 
ring to  anything  but  the  artful  policy  of  Austria.  Other 
affairs  occupied  Bonaparte.     The   news   from  Paris  en- 


1797.  CRITICISMS  OX  BONAPARTE.  73 

grossed  all  his  attention.  He  saw  with  extreme  dis- 
pleasure the  manner  in  which  the  intiuential  orators  of  the 
councils,  and  pamphlets  written  in  the  same  spirit  as  they 
spoke,  criticised  him,  his  army,  his  victories,  the  affairs 
of  Venice,  and  the  national  glory.  He  was  quite  indig- 
nant at  the  suspicions  which  it  was  sought  to  create  re- 
pecting  his  conduct  and  ulterior  views. 

The  following  excerpts,  attributed  to  the  pens  of 
Dumouriez  or  llivarol,  are  specimens  of  some  of  the 
comments  of  the  time ;  — 

Extracts  of  Letters  in  "  Le  Spectateur  du  Xord"  of  1797. 

General  Bonaparte  is,  witliout  contradiction,  the  most  brilliant 
warrior  who  has  appeared  at  the  head  of  the  armies  of  the 
French  Republic.  His  glory  is  incompatible  with  democratic 
equality,  and  the  services  he  has  rendered  are  too  great  to  be 
recompensed  except  by  hatred  and  ingratitude.  He  is  very 
young,  and  consequently  has  to  pursue  a  long  career  of  accusa- 
tions and  of  persecutions. 

.  .  .  Whatever  may  be  the  crowning  event  of  his  military 
career,  Bonaparte  is  still  a  great  man.  All  his  glory  is  due  to 
himself  alone,  because  he  alone  has  developed  a  character  and  a 
genius  of  which  no  one  else  has  furnished  an  example. 

Extract  of  Letter  of  18th  April,   1797,  in 
"  Le  Spectateur  du  Nord." 

Regard,  for  instance,  this  Avretched  war.  Uncertain  in  Cham- 
pagne, it  becomes  daring  under  Dumouriez,  unbridled  under  the 
brigands  who  fought  the  Vendeans,  methodic  under  I*icliogru, 
vulgar  under  Jourdan,  skilled  under  Moreau,  rash  under  Bona- 
parte. Each  general  has  put  the  seal  of  his  genius  on  liis  career, 
and  has  given  life  or  death  to  his  army.  From  the  commence- 
ment of  his  career  Bonaparte  has  developed  an  ardent  character 
which  is  irritated  by  obstacles,  and  a  quickness  which  forestalls 
every  determination   of  the   enemy.     It   is  with    heavier  and 


74  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1797. 

licavior  Mows  that  he  strikes.  Ho  tlirows  his  army  on  the 
enoiny  like  uii  unloosed  torrent.  }le  is  all  action,  and  lie  is  so 
in  everything.  See  him  fight,  negotiate,  decretf,  punish  ;  all  is 
tlio  matter  of  a  moment.  He  eomi)n)mi.ses  with  Turin  as  with 
liome.  He  invades  Modena  as  he  burns  Binasco.  He  never 
hesitates  :  to  cut  the  Gordian  knot  is  always  his  nitdhod. 

Bonaparte  could  not  endure  to  have  his  conduct 
predicated;  and  enraged  at  seeing  his  campaigns  depreci- 
ated, his  glory  and  that  of  his  army  disparaged, '  and 
intrigues  formed  against  him  in  the  Club  of  Clichy,  he 
wrote  the  following  letter  to  the  Directory :  — 

To  THE  President  of  the  Executive  Directory. 

I  have  just  received,  Citizens-Directors,  a  copy  of  the  motion 
of  Dumolard  (23d  June,  1797). 

This  motion,  printed  by  order  of  the  Assembly,  it  is  evident, 
is  directed  against  me.  I  was  entitled,  after  having  live  times 
concluded  peace,  and  given  a  deatli-blow  to  the  Coalition,  if  not 
to  civic  triumplis,  at  least  to  live  tranquilly  under  the  protection 
of  tlie  first  magistrates  of  the  Republic.  At  present  I  find  my- 
self ill-tn>ated,  persecuted,  and  disparaged,  by  every  sliameful 
means  which  their  policy  brings  to  the  aid  of  persecution.  I 
would  have  been  indifferent  to  all  except  that  species  of  oppro- 
brium witli  which  the  first  magistrates  of  the  Republic  endeavour 
to  overwlielm  me.  After  having  deserved  well  of  my  country 
by  my  last  act,  I  atn  not  y)ound  to  hear  niyself  accused  in  a 
manner  as  absurd  as  atrocious.  I  have  not  expected  that  a 
manifesto,  signed  by  emigrants,  paid  by  England,  sliould  obtain 
more  credit  with  the  Council  of  Five  Hundred  than  the  evidence 

'  Tlie  extraonlinary  folly  of  the  opposition  to  tlic  Directory  in  throwing 
Bonaparte  on  to  the  .side  of  tlie  Directory,  will  l)e  .seen  by  reading  the 
gpeecli  of  Duniolaril,  so  often  referred  to  by  Bourrienne  [Tfiiers,  vol.  v.  pp. 
110-111),  and  by  the  attempts  of  Mathieu  Dumas  to  remove  tlie  impres- 
sion that  the  opposition  slighted  the  fortunate  (Jeneral  (see  Dumas, 
tome  iii.  p.  90 ;  see  also  Lanfiey,  tome  i.  pp.  287-299). 


1797.  PROTEST   TO   THE   DIRECTORY.  75 

of  eighty  thousand  men,  —  than  mine  !  What !  we  were  assassi- 
nated by  traitors — upwards  of  four  hundred  men  perislied  ;  and 
the  first  magistrates  of  tlie  Republic  make  it  a  crime  to  have  be- 
lieved the  statement  for  a  moment.  Upwards  of  four  hundred 
Frenchmen  were  dragged  through  the  streets.  They  were  as- 
sassinated before  the  eyes  of  the  governor  of  the  fort.  They 
were  pierced  with  a  thousand  blows  of  stilettos,  such  as  I  sent 
you  ;  and  the  representatives  of  the  French  people  cause  it  to 
be  printed,  that  if  they  believed  this  fact  for  an  instant,  they 
were  excusable.  I  know  well  there  are  societies  where  it  is 
said,  "  Is  this  blood,  then,  so  pure  ] " 

If  only  base  men,  who  are  dead  to  the  feeling  of  patriotism 
and  national  glory,  had  spoken  of  nje  thus,  I  would  not  have 
complained.  I  would  have  disregai'ded  it  ;  but  I  have  a  right 
to  complain  of  the  degra<lation  to  which  the  first  magistrates  of 
the  Republic  reduce  those  who  have  aggrandised,  and  carried 
the  French  name  to  so  high  a  pitch  of  glory.  Citizens-Directors, 
I  reiterate  the  demand  I  made  for  my  dismissal  ;  I  wish  to  live 
in  tranquillity,  if  the  poniards  of  Clichy  will  allow  me  to  live. 
You  have  employed  me  in  negotiations.  I  am  not  very  fit  to 
conduct  them. 

About  tlie  same  time  lie  drew  up  the  following  note 
respecting  the  affairs  of  Venice,  which  was  printed  with- 
out the  authnx's  name,  and  circulated  through  the  whole 
army :  — 

Note. 

Bonaparte,  pausing  before  the  gates  of  Turin,  Parma,  Rome, 
and  Vienna,  offering  peace  when  he  was  sure  of  obtaining 
nothing  but  fresh  triumphs  ;  Bonaparte,  whose  every  operation 
exhibits  respect  for  religion,  morality,  and  old  age;  who,  instead 
of  heaping,  as  he  might  have  done,  dishonour  upon  the  Vene- 
tians, and  humbling  their  Republic  to  the  earth,  loaded  her  with 
acts  of  kindness,  and  took  such  great  interest  in  her  glory,  —  is 
this  the  same  Bonaparte  who  is  accused  of  destroying  the  ancient 
Government  of  Venice,  and  democratising  Genoa,  and  even  of 


76  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1797. 

interfering  in  the  affairs  of  the  prudent  and  worthy  people  of 
the  Swiss  Cantons  ?  Bonaparte  liad  passed  the  Ta<^'lianiento, 
and  entered  Germany,  when  insnrreetions  hroke  out  in  the 
Venetian  States;  these  insurrections  were,  tlierefore,  opposed  to 
Bonaparte's  project ;  surely,  then,  he  could  not  favour  them. 
When  he  was  in  the  heart  of  Germany  tlie  Venetians  massacred 
more  than  four  hundred  French  troops,  drove  their  quarters  out 
of  Verona,  ass;issinated  the  unfortunate  Laugier,  and  presented 
the  spectacle  of  a  fiinatical  party  in  arms.  He  returned  to  Italy  ; 
and  on  his  arrival,  as  the  winds  cease  their  agitation  at  the 
presence  of  Neptune,  the  whole  of  Italy,  which  was  in  com- 
motion, which  was  in  arms,  was  restored  to  order. 

However,  the  deputies  from  Bonaparte  drew  up  different 
articles  conformable  to  the  situation  of  the  coujitry,  and  in  order 
to  prevent,  not  a  revolution  in  the  Government,  for  the  Govern- 
ment was  defunct,  and  had  died  a  natural  death,  but  a  crisis, 
and  to  save  the  city  from  convulsion,  anarchy,  and  pillage. 
Bonaparte  spared  a  division  of  his  army  to  save  Venice  from 
pillage  and  massacre.  All  the  battalions  were  in  the  streets  of 
Venice,  the  disturbers  were  put  down,  and  the  pillage  discon- 
tinued. Property  and  trade  wore  preserved,  when  General 
Baraguay  d'Hilliers  entered  Venice  with  his  division.  Bona- 
]iarte,  as  usual,  spared  blood,  and  was  the  protector  of  Venice. 
Whilst  the  French  troops  remained,  they  conducted  themselves 
peaceably,  and  only  interfered  to  support  the  Provisional 
Government. 

Bonaparte  could  not  say  to  the  deputies  of  Venice,  who  came 
to  ask  his  protection  and  assistance  against  the  populace,  who 
wished  to  plunder  them,  "I  cannot  meddle  with  your  affairs." 
He  could  not  say  this,  for  Venice,  and  all  its  territories,  had 
reall}'  fornu'd  the  theatre  of  war  ;  and,  being  in  the  rear  of  the 
Army  of  Italy,  the  Pepublic  of  Venice  was  really  under  the 
jurisdiction  of  that  array.  The  rights  of  war  confer  upon  a 
general  the  powers  of  supreme  police  over  the  countries  which 
are  the  seat  of  war.  As  tiie  great  Frederick  said,  "  There  are 
no  neutrals  where  there  is  war."  Ignorant  advocates  and 
babblers  have  asked,  in  the  Club  of  Clichj',  why  we  occupy  the 


1797.  PROTEST  TO   THE   DIRECTORY.  77 

territory  of  Venice.  These  declaimers  should  learn  Avar,  ami 
tliey  would  know  that  the  Adige,  the  Breuta,  and  the  Taglia- 
mento,  where  we  have  been  fighting  for  two  years,  are  within 
the  Venetian  States.  But,  gentlemen  of  Clichy,  we  are  at  no 
loss  to  perceive  your  meaning.  You  reproach  the  Army  of  Italy 
for  having  surmounted  all  difficulties  —  for  subduing  all  Italy  — 
for  liaving  twice  passed  tlie  Alps  —  for  having  marched  on 
Vienna,  and  obliged  Austria  to  acknowledge  the  Republic  that 
you,  men  of  Clichy,  would  destroy.  You  accuse  Bonaparte,  I 
see  clearly,  for  having  brought  about  peace.  But  I  know  you, 
and  I  speak  in  the  name  of  eighty  thousand  soldiers.  The  time 
is  gone  when  l)ase  advocates  and  wretched  declaimers  could  in- 
duce soldiers  to  revolt.  If,  however,  you  compel  them,  the 
soldiers  of  tlie  Army  of  Italy  will  soon  appear  at  the  Barrier  of 
Clichy,  with  their  General.     But  woe  unto  you  if  they  do  ! 

Bonaparte,  having  arrived  at  Palraa-Nuova,  issued  a  manifesto 
on  the  2d  of  May,  1797.  Arrived  at  Mestre,  where  he  posted 
his  troops,  the  Government  sent  three  deputies  to  him,  with  a 
decree  of  the  Great  Council,  without  Bonaparte  having  solicited 
it  and  without  his  having  tliought  of  making  any  change  in  the 
Government  of  that  country.  The  governor  of  Venice  was  an 
old  man,  ninety-nine  years  of  age,  confined  by  illness  to  his 
apartment.  Every  one  felt  the  necess^ity  of  renovating  this 
Government  of  twelve  hundred  years'  existence,  and  to  simplify 
its  machinery,  in  order  to  preserve  its  independence,  honour, 
and  glory.  It  was  necessary  to  deliberate,  first,  on  the  manner 
of  renovating  the  Government ;  secondly,  on  the  means  of 
atoning  for  the  massacre  of  the  French,  of  the  iniipiity  of  which 
every  one  was  sensible. 

Bonaparte,  after  having  received  the  deputation  at  Mestre, 
told  them  that  in  order  to  obtain  satisfaction  for  the  assassina- 
tion of  his  brethren  in  arms,  he  wished  the  Great  Council  to 
arrest  the  inquisitors.  He  afterwards  granted  them  an  armistice, 
and  appointeil  Milan  as  the  i)lace  of  conference.  The  deputies 
arrived  at  Milan  on  the  ...  A  negotiation  commenced  to  re- 
establish harmony  between  the  Governments.  However,  an- 
arciiy,  with  all  its    horrors,  afflicted   the   city  of  Venice.     Ten 


78  MEMOIRS   OF   NATOLKON   IIONAPAKTE.  1797. 

thousand  Sclavonians  threatened  to  pillaf;e  the  shops.  Bonaparte 
acquiesced  in  the  proposition  submitted  hy  tlie  deputies,  who 
promised  to  verify  the  loss  whicli  had  been  sustained  by 
pillage. 

Bonaparte  also  addressed  a  manifesto  to  the  Doge, 
which  appeared  in  all  the  public  papers.  It  contained 
fifteen  articles  of  complaint,  and  was  followed  by  a  decree 
ordering  the  French  Minister  to  leave  Venice,  the  Venetian 
agents  to  leave  Lombardy,  and  the  Lion  of  St.  !Mark  to  be 
pulled  down  in  all  the  Continental  territories  of  Venice. 

The  General-in-Chief  now  openly  manifested  his  resolu- 
tion of  marching  on  Paris  ;  and  this  disposition,  which 
was  well  known  in  the  army,  was  soon  communicated  to 
Vienna.  At  this  period  a  letter  from  the  Emjieror  Francis 
II.  to  his  brother,  the  Grand-Duke  of  Tuscany,  was  inter- 
cepted by  Bonaparte.  I  translated  the  letter,  which  proved 
to  him  that  Francis  II.  was  acquainted  with  his  project. 
He  likewise  saw  with  pleasure  the  assurances  which  the 
Emperor  gave  his  brother  of  his  love  of  peace,  as  well  as 
the  wavering  of  the  imperial  resolves,  and  the  incertitude 
respecting  the  fate  of  the  Italian  princes,  which  the 
Emperor  easily  perceived  to  depend  on  Bonaparte.  The 
Emperor's  letter  was  as  follows :  — 

^Fy  dear  Brother,  —  I  punctually  received  your  third  letter, 
containing  a  description  of  your  unhappy  and  delicate  situation. 
You  may  be  assured  that  I  perceive  it  as  clearly  as  you  do  your- 
self;  and  I  pity  you  the  more  becau.<5e,  in  truth,  I  do  not  know 
what  advice  to  give  you.  You  are,  like  me,  the  victim  of  the 
former  inactivity  of  the  princes  of  Italy,  wlio  ought,  at  once,  to 
have  acted  with  all  their  united  forces,  wliile  I  still  possessed 
Iklantua.  If  Bonaparte's  project  be,  as  I  learn,  to  establish 
rei)ublics  in  Italy,  this  is  likely  to  end  in  spreading  republicanism 
over  the  whole  country.  I  have  already  cnmmenred  negotiations 
for  peace,  and   the  preliminaries  are  ratified.      If  the  French 


1797.  LETTER   FROM   THE   EMPEROR   FRAXGIS.  79 

observe  them  as  strictly  as  I  do,  and  will  do,  tlien  your  situa- 
tion will  be  improved  ;  but  already  the  French  are  beginning  to 
disregard  them.  Tiie  principal  problem  which  remains  to  be 
solved  is,  wliether  the  French  Directory  approve  of  Bonaparte's 
proceedings,  and  whether  the  latter,  as  appears  by  some  papers 
distributed  through  his  army,  is  not  disposed  to  revolt  against 
his  country,  which  also  seems  to  be  probable,  from  his  severe 
conduct  towards  Switzerland,  notwithstanding  the  assurances  of 
the  Directory,  that  he  had  been  ordered  to  leave  the  country 
untouched.  If  this  should  be  the  case,  new  and  innuniera])le 
difficulties  may  arise.  Under  these  circumstances  I  can,  at  j)re- 
sent,  advise  nothing ;  for,  as  to  myself,  it  is  only  time  and  the 
circumstances  of  the  moment  which  can  point  out  how  I  am  to 
act. 

There  is  nothing  new  liere.     We  are  all  well ;  but  the  heat  is 
extraordinary.     Always  retain  your  friendship  and  love  for  me. 
Make  my  compliments  to  your  wife,  and  believe  me  ever 
Your  best  Friend  and  Brother, 

Francis. 

Hetzendorf,  July  20,  1797. 


CHAPTER  Vir. 

1797. 

"While  Bonaparte  was  expressinc;  his  opinion  on  liis 
canipait;ns  and  the  injustice  with  which  they  had  heen  crit- 
icised, it  was  generally  believed  that  Carnot  dictated  to 
him  from  a  closet  in  the  Luxembourg  all  the  plans  of  his 
operations,  and  that  Berthier  was  at  his  right  hand, 
without  whom,  notwithstanding  Carnot's  plans,  which 
wore  often  mere  romances,  he  would  have  been  greatly 
embarrassed.  This  twofold  misrepresentation  was  very 
current  for  some  time ;  and,  notwithstanding  it  was  con- 
trary to  the  evidence  of  facts,  it  met  with  much  credence, 
particularly  abroad.  There  was,  however,  no  foundation 
for  the  opinion.  Let  us  render  to  Coesar  that  which  is 
Ciesar's  due.  Bonaparte  was  a  creator  in  the  art  of  war, 
and  no  imitator.  That  no  man  was  superior  to  him  in 
that  art  is  incontestable.  At  the  commencement  of  the 
glorious  campaign  in  Italy  the  Directory  certainly  sent 
out  instructions  to  him;  but  he  always  followed  his  own 
plans,  and  continually  wrote  1  ack  that  nil  would  Ite  lost 
if  movements  conceived  at  a  distance  from  the  scene  of 
action  were  to  be  blindly  executed.  He  also  offcied  to 
resign.  At  length  the  Directory  perceived  the  impossi- 
bility of  prescribing  operations  of  war  according  to  the 
view  of  persons  in  Paris ;  and  when  I  became  the  secre- 
tary of  the  General-in-Chief  I  saw  a  despatch  of  the 
Directory,  dated  May,  1796,  committing  the  whole  plan  of 


1797.  CAPITULATION  OF  MANTUA.  81 

the  campaign  to  his  judgment ;  and  assuredly  there  was  not 
a  single  operation  or  movement  which  did  not  originate 
with  him.  Carnot  was  obliged  to  yield  to  his  firmness. 
When  the  Directory,  towards  the  end  of  1796,  felt  dis- 
posed to  treat  for  peace.  General  Clarke,  appointed  to  con- 
clude the  armistice,  was  authorised,  in  case  Mantua  should 
not  be  taken  before  the  negotiation  was  brought  to  a  close, 
to  propose  leaving  the  blockade  in  statu  quo.  Had  such 
a  condition  been  adopted,  it  would  doubtless  have  been 
stipulated  that  the  Emperor  of  Austria  should  be  allowed 
to  provision  the  garrison  and  inhabitants  of  the  city  day 
by  day.  Bonaparte,  convinced  that  an  armistice  without 
Mantua  would  by  no  means  conduce  to  peace,  earnestly 
opposed  such  a  condition.  He  carried  his  point ;  Mantua 
capitulated,  and  the  result  is  well  known.  Yet  he  was 
not  blind  to  the  hazards  of  war;  while  preparing,  during 
the  blockade,  an  assault  on  Mantua,  he  wrote  thus  to  the 
Directory:  "A  bold  stroke  of  this  nature  depends  abso- 
lutely for  success  on  a  dog  or  a  goose."  This  was  about 
a  question  of  surprise. 

Bonaparte  was  exceedingly  sensitive  to  the  rumours 
which  reached  him  respecting  Carnot  and  Berthier.  He 
one  day  said  to  me  :  "  What  gross  stupidity  is  this  !  It 
is  very  well  to  say  to  a  general,  '  Depart  for  Italy,  gain 
battles,  and  sign  a  peace  at  Vienna ; '  but  the  execution, 
—  that  is  not  so  easy.  I  never  attached  any  value  to  the 
plans  which  the  Directory  sent  me.  Too  many  circum- 
stances occur  on  the  spot  to  modify  them.  The  move- 
ment of  a  single  corps  of  the  enemy's  army  may  confound 
a  whole  plan  arranged  by  the  fireside.  Only  fools  can 
believe  such  stuff.  As  for  Berthier,  since  you  have  been 
with  me,  you  see  what  he  is,  —  he  is  a  Idockhead.  Yet  it 
is  he  who  does  it  all ;  it  is  he  who  gathers  a  great  part  of 
the  glory  of  the  Army  of  Italy."  I  told  him  tliat  this 
erroneous  opinion  could  not  last  long ;  tliat  each  person 

VOL.  1.  —  6 


82  MKMOIKS    OF    NAl'OLKON    15(^\APAK  Ti:.  1797. 

would  1)0  alltiwetl  his  merit,  mid  tliat  at  least  posterity 
would  jiidifc  riulitly.  This  observation  seemed  to  please 
him. 

Herthier  was  a  man  full  of  lionouv, coura^ye,  and  jirohity, 
and  excei'din^ly  regular  in  the  performance  of  his  duties. 
Jkina]»arte's  attachment  to  him  aro.se  nmre  from  hal)it 
than  liking.  Berthier  did  not  concede  with  alTability, 
and  refused  with  harshness.  His  abru])t,  egotistic,  and 
careless  manners  did  not,  however,  create  him  many 
enemies,  but,  at  the  same  time,  did  not  make  him  many 
friends.  In  consequence  of  our  frequent  intercourse  he 
had  contracted  the  friendly  practice  of  speaking  to  me  in 
the  second  person  singular  ;  but  he  never  wrote  to  me  in 
that  style.  He  was  perfectly  acquainted  with  the  dis- 
position of  all  the  corps,  and  could  name  their  command- 
ers and  their  respective  forces.  Day  or  night  he  was 
always  at  hand,  and  made  out  with  clearness  all  the 
secondary  orders  which  resulted  from  the  di.spositions  of 
the  General-in-Chief.  In  fact,  he  was  an  excellent  head 
of  the  staff  of  an  army ;  but  that  is  all  the  i)raise  that 
can  be  given,  and  indeed  he  wished  for  no  greater.  He 
had  such  entire  confidence  in  Bonaparte,  and  looked  up 
to  him  with  so  much  admiration,  that  he  never  would 
have  presumed  to  oppose  his  plans  or  give  any  advice. 
Berthier's  talent  was  very  limited,  and  of  a  special 
nature ;  his  character  was  one  of  extreme  weakness. 
P)onaparte's  friendship  for  him  and  the  frequency  of  his 
name  in  the  bulletins  and  official  despatches  have  unduly 
elevated  his  reputation.  Bonaparte,  giving  his  opinion 
to  the  Directory  respecting  the  generals  employed  in  his 
army,  said,  "  Berthier  has  talents,  activity,  courage,  char- 
acter,—  all  in  his  favour."  This  was  in  1796.  He  then 
made  an  eagle  of  him  ;  at  St.  Helena  he  called  him  a 
goose.  He  should  neither  have  raised  him  so  high  nor 
sunk  him  so  low.     Berthier  neither  merited  the  one  nor 


1797,  COMTE   D'ENTRAIGUES.  83 

the  other.  Bonaparte  was  a  man  of  habit ;  he  was  much 
attached  to  all  the  people  about  him,  and  did  not  like 
new  faces.  Berthier  loved  him.  He  carried  out  liis 
orders  well,  and  that  enabled  him  to  pass  off  with  liis 
small  portion  of  talent. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  young  Beauharnais  came  to 
Milan.  He  was  seventeen  years  old.  He  had  lived  in 
Paris  with  his  mother  since  the  departure  of  Bonaparte. 
On  his  arrival  he  immediately  entered  the  service  as  aide- 
de-camp  to  the  General-in-Chief,  who  felt  for  him  an 
affection  which  was  justified  by  his  good  qualities. 

Comte  Delaunay  d'Entraigues,  well  known  in  the 
French  Eevolution,^  held  a  diplomatic  post  at  Venice  when 
that  city  was  threatened  by  the  French.  Aware  of  his 
being  considered  the  agent  of  all  the  machinations  then 
existing  against  France,  and  especially  against  the  Army 
of  Italy,  he  endeavoured  to  escape  ;  but  the  city  being 
surrounded,  he  was  seized,  together  with  all  his  papers. 
The  apparently  frank  manners  of  the  Count  pleased 
Bonaparte,  who  treated  him  with  indulgence.  His 
papers  were  restored,  with  the  exception  of  three  relat- 
ing to  political  subjects.  He  afterwards  fled  to  Switzer- 
land, and  ungratefully  represented  himself  as  having 
been  oppressed  by  Bonaparte.  His  false  statements  have 
induced  many  writers  to  make  of  him  an  heroic  victim. 
He  was  assassinated  by  his  own  servant  in  1802. 

I  kept  a  copy  of  one  of  his  most  interesting  papers. 
It  has  been  much  spoken  of;  and  Fauche-Borel  has,  I 
believe,  denied  its  authenticity  and  the  truth  of  its  con- 
tents. The  manner  in  which  it  fell  into  tlie  hands  of 
the  General-in-Chief,  the  importance  attached  to  it  by 
D'Entraigues,  the  differences  I  have  observed  between  the 
manuscript  I  copied  and  versions   which   I  have  since 

1  Thiers'  "  French  Revolutiou,"  113;  lung,  iii.  195;  Miot  de  Melito, 
i.l70. 


84  MEMOIRS   OF   NATOLEON   BONArAlM'K.  1797. 

read,  ami  tlic  kii<t\vlt'il;j;c'  of  its  autlieiiticity,  having 
myself  tianscribed  it  from  the  hamhvritiii.i,^  of  the  Count, 
who  in  my  presence  vouched  for  the  truth  of  the  facts  it 
details,  —  all  these  circumstances  mduce  me  to  insert  it 
here,  and  compel  me  to  douht  that  it  was,  as  Fauche- 
Borel  asserted,  a  fabrication. 

This  manuscript  is  entitled,  "My  Conversation  with 
Comte  de  Montgaillard,  on  the  4th  of  December,  1790,  from 
Six  in  the  Afternoon  till  Midnight,  in  the  Presence  of  the 
Abhd  Dumontel." 

[On  my  copy  are  written  the  words,  "  Extracts  from 
this  conversation,  made  by  me,  from  the  original."  I 
omitted  what  I  thought  unimportant,  and  transcribed 
only  the  most  interesting  passages.  Montgaillard  spoke 
of  his  escape,  of  his  flight  to  England,  of  his  return  to 
France,  of  his  second  dejiarture,  and  finally  of  his  arrival 
at  Bale  in  August,  1795.] 

"The  Prince  de  Cond^  soon  afterwards,  he  said,  called  me  to 
Miilhciin,  and  knowing  the  connections  I  had  had  in  France, 
proposed  that  I  should  sound  General  Picliegru,  wliose  liead- 
quarters  were  at  Altkirch,  where  he  tlien  was,  surrounded  by 
four  representatives  of  the  Convention. 

"I  immediately  went  to  Neufcliatel,  taking  with  me  four  or 
five  hundred  louis.  I  cast  ray  eyes  on  Fauche-Borel,  tlie  King's 
printer  at  Noufchatel,  aTid  also  yonrs  and  mine,  as  the  instru- 
ment by  which  to  make  the  first  overture,  and  I  selected  as  his 
colleague  M.  Courant,  a  native  of  Neufchatel.  I  persuaded 
them  to  undertake  the  business  ;  I  supplied  them  with  instruc- 
tions and  passports.  They  were  foreigners ;  so  I  furnished 
them  with  all  the  necessary  docmnents  to  enable  them  to  travel 
in  France  as  foreign  merchants  and  purchasers  of  national 
property.     I  went  to  Bale  to  wait  for  news  from  them. 

"  On  the  13th  of  August,  Fauclieand  Courant  sot  out  for  the 
headquarters  at  Altkirch.  They  remained  there  eight  days  with- 
out finding  an  opportunity  to  speak  to  Pichegru,  who   was  sur- 


1797.  PICHEGRU   AND   THE   PRINCE   DE   C0ND6.  85 

rouudeJ  by  representatives  and  generals.  Pichegru  observed 
them,  and  seeing  them  continually,  wheresoever  he  went,  he 
conjectured  that  they  had  something  to  say  to  him,  and  he 
called  out  in  a  loud  voice,  while  passing  them,  '1  am  going  to 
Huningen.'  Fauche  contrived  to  throw  himself  in  his  way  at 
the  end  of  a  corridor.  Pichegru  observed  him,  and  fixed  his 
eyes  upon  him,  and  altliough  it  rained  in  torrents,  he  said 
aloud,  '  I  am  going  to  dine  at  the  chateau  of  Madame  Salomon.' 
This  chateau  was  three  leagues  from  Huningen,  and  Madame 
Salomon  was  Pichegru's  mistress. 

'*  Fauche  set  off  directly  to  the  chateau,  and  begged  to  speak 
with  General  Pichegru.  He  told  the  general  that,  being  in  the 
possession  of  some  of  J.  J.  Rousseau's  manuscripts,  he  wished 
to  publish  them  and  dedicate  them  to  him.  '  Very  good,' 
said  Pichegru:  'but  I  should  like  to  read  tliem  first;  for 
Rousseau  professed  principles  of  liberty  in  which  I  do  not  con- 
cur, and  with  wliich  I  sliould  not  like  to  have  my  name  con- 
nected.' — '  But,'  said  Fauche,  '  I  have  something  else  to 
speak  to  you  about.'  —  'What  is  it,  and  on  whose  behalf?'  — 
'On  behalf  of  the  Prince  de  Coude.'  —  'Be  silent,  then,  and 
follow  me.' 

"  He  conducted  Fauche  alone  into  a  retired  cabinet,  and  said  to 
him,  '  Explain  yourself  ;  what  does  Monseigneur  le  Prince  de 
Conde  wish  to  communicate  to  me  1 '  Fauche  was  embarrassed, 
and  stammered  out  something  unintelligible.  *  Compose  your- 
self,' said  Pichegru ;  '  my  sentiments  are  the  same  as  the 
Prince  de  Conde  s.  What  does  he  desire  of  me  1 '  Fauche, 
encouraged  by  these  words,  replied,  '  The  Prince  wishes  to  join 
you.     He  counts  on  you,  and  wishes  to  connect  himself  with  you.' 

"  '  These  are  vague  and  uii meaning  words,*  observed  Pichegru. 
'  All  this  amounts  to  nothing.  Go  back,  and  ask  for  written 
instructions,  and  return  in  three  days  to  my  headquarters  at 
Altkirch.  You  will  find  me  alone  precisely  at  six  o'clock  in  the 
evening.' 

"  Fauche  immediately  departed,  arrived  at  Bale,  and  informed 
me  of  all  that  had  passed.  I  spent  the  night  in  writing  a  letter 
to  General  Pichegru.     (The  Prince  de  Conde,  who  was  invested 


8C^  MEMOIRS   OF    NATOLKON   BONArAlMK.  1797. 

with  ;ill  the  jiowers  of  Louis  Will.,  except  that  of  granting 
the  cordon-bleu,  had,  by  a  note  in  lii.s  own  haml writing,  ilcpiited 
to  me  all  hi.s  powers  to  onablo  nie  to  maintain  ii  negotiation 
with  General  Picliegru.) 

"  I  therefore  wrote  to  the  General,  stating,  in  the  outset,  every- 
thing that  was  calculated  to  awaken  in  him  that  noble  senti- 
iDont  of  pride  which  is  the  instinct  of  great  minds  ;  and  after 
pointing  out  to  him  the  vast  gooil  it  was  in  his  j)ower  to  effect, 
I  spoke  of  the  gratitude  of  the  King,  ami  the  benefit  he  would 
confer  on  his  country  by  restoring  royalty.  I  told  him  that  his 
Majesty  would  make  him  a  marshal  of  France,  and  governor  of 
Alsace,  as  no  one  could  better  govern  the  province  than  he  who 
had  so  valiantl}'  defended  it.  I  added  tliat  he  would  have  the 
cordon-rouge^  the  Chateau  de  Chamljord,  with  its  ])ark,  and 
twelve  pieces  of  cannon  taken  from  the  Austrians,  a  million  of 
ready  money,  200,000  livres  per  annum,  and  an  hotel  in  Paris; 
that  the  town  of  Arbois,  Pichegru's  native  place,  should  bear  his 
name,  and  be  exempt  from  all  taxation  for  twenty-five  years  ; 
that  a  pension  of  200,000  livres  would  be  granted  to  him,  with 
half  reversion  to  his  wife,  and  50,000  livres  to  his  heirs  for  ever, 
nntil  the  extinction  of  his  family.  Such  were  the  offers,  made 
in  the  name  of  the  King,  to  General  Piohegru.  (Then  followed 
the  boons  to  be  granted  to  the  officers  and  soldiers,  an  amnesty 
to  the  peojjle,  etc.)  I  added  that  the  Prince  de  Conde  desired 
that  he  would  proclaim  the  King  in  the  camps,  surrender  the 
city  of  Huningen  to  him,  and  join  him  for  the  purpose  of  march- 
ing on  Paris. 

"  Pichegru,  having  read  my  letter  with  great  attention,  said  to 
Fauche,  'Tliis  is  all  very  w'cU  ;  but  who  is  this  M.  de  Montgail- 
lard  who  talks  of  being  thus  authorised  ]  I  neither  know  him  nor 
his  signature.  Is  he  the  author]'  —  '  Yes,' replied  Fauche. — 
'  But,'  said  Pichegru,  *  I  must,  before  making  any  negotiation  on 
my  part,  be  assured  that  the  Prince  de  Conde,  with  whose  hand- 
writing I  am  well  ac(]uaintcd,  ajiproves  of  all  that  has  been 
written  in  his  name  by  ^f.  de  ^lontgaillard.  Eeturn  directly  to 
M.  de  Montgaillard,  and  tell  him  to  communicate  my  answer  to 
the  Prince.* 


1797.         PICHEGRU   AND  THE   PRINCE   DE   C0ND6.  87 

*'  Fauche  immediately  departed,  leaving  M.  Courant  witli 
Pichegru.  He  arrived  at  Bale  at  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening. 
I  set  off  directly  for  Miilheira,  the  Prince  de  Conde's  head- 
quarters, and  arrived  there  at  half-past  twelve.  The  Prince  was 
in  hed,  but  I  awoke  him.  He  made  me  sit  down  by  his  bed- 
side, and  our  conference  then  commenced. 

"After  having  informed  the  Prince  of  the  state  of  affairs, 
all  that  remained  was  to  prevail  on  him  to  write  to  General 
Pichegru  to  confirm  the  truth  of  what  had  been  stated  in  his 
name.  This  matter,  which  appeared  so  simple,  and  so  little 
liable  to  objection,  occupied  the  whole  night.  The  Prince,  as 
brave  a  man  as  can  possibly  be,  inherited  nothing  from  the  great 
Conde  but  his  undaunted  courage.  In  other  respects  he  is  the 
most  insignificant  of  men  ;  without  resources  of  mind,  or  decision 
of  character  ;  surrounded  by  men  of  mediocritv,  and  even  base- 
ness;  and  tliough  he  knows  them  well,  he  suffers  himself  to  be 
governed  by  them. 

"  It  required  nine  hours  of  hard  exertion  on  my  part  to  get  him 
to  write  to  General  Pichegru  a  letter  of  eight  lines.  1st.  He  did 
not  wish  it  to  be  in  his  handwriting.  2d.  He  objected  to  dat- 
ing it.  3d.  He  was  unwilling  to  call  him  General,  lest  he 
should  recognise  the  Republic  by  giving  that  title.  4th.  He  di<l 
not  like  to  address  it,  or  affix  his  seal  to  it. 

"  At  length  he  consented  to  all,  and  wrote  to  Pichegru  that  he 
might  place  full  confidence  in  the  letters  of  the  Comto  de  Mont- 
gaillard.  When  all  this  was  settled,  after  great  difiiculty,  the 
Prince  next  hesitated  about  sending  the  letter ;  but  at  length 
he  yielded.  I  set  off"  for  Bale,  and  despatched  Fauche  to  Alt- 
kirch,  to  General  Pichegru. 

"  The  General,  after  reading  tlie  letter  of  eight  lines,  and  recog- 
nising the  handwriting  and  signature,  immediately  returned  it 
to  Fauche,  saying,  '  I  have  seen  the  signature :  that  is  enough 
for  me.  The  word  of  the  Prince  is  a  pledge  with  which  every 
Frenchman  ought  to  be  satisfied.  Take  back  his  letter.'  He 
then  inquired  what  was  the  Prince's  wish.  Fauche  explained 
that  he  wished  :  1st.  That  Pichegru  should  proclaim  the  King 
to   his  troops,  and   hoist  the  white  flag.     2d.  That  he  bliould 


88  MKMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON   HoNAI'AirrE.  1797. 

ilc'liviT  \ip  Iluiiiii^cii  to  tilt!  Piiiicc.  Tichcj^'iii  dhjcctt'd  to  tliis. 
'  I  will  never  tiike  part  in  such  a  plot,'  said  he ;  'I  have  no 
Avisl)  to  make  the  third  volume  of  La  Fayette  and  Diimouriez» 
I  know  my  resources  ;  they  are  as  certain  as  tliej'  are  vast. 
Tiieir  roots  are  nut  only  in  my  army,  but  in  Paris,  in  the  Con- 
vention, in  the  departments,  and  in  the  armies  of  thosf^  generals, 
my  colleagues,  who  think  as  I  do.  I  wish  to  do  notliing  by 
halves.  There  must  be  a  complete  end  of  the  present  state  of 
things.  France  cannot  continue  a  Repul)lic.  She  must  have  a 
king,  and  that  king  must  be  Louis  XVIIL  But  we  must  not 
commence  the  counter-revolution  until  we  are  certain  of  eifect- 
ing  it.  "  Surely  and  rightly  "  is  my  motto.  The  Prince's  ])lan 
leads  to  nothing.  He  would  be  driven  from  lluningen  in  four 
days,  and  in  fifteen  I  should  be  lost.  My  army  is  composed 
both  of  good  men  and  bad.  We  must  distinguish  between 
them,  and,  by  a  bold  stroke,  assure  the  former  of  the  impossi- 
bility of  drawing  back,  and  that  their  oidy  safety  lies  in  success. 
For  this  ])urpose  I  propose  to  pass  the  Khine,  at  any  place  and 
any  time  that  may  be  thought  necessary.  In  the  advance  I  will 
place  those  officers  on  whom  I  can  depend,  and  who  are  of  my 
way  of  tiiiid<ing.  I  will  separate  the  bad,  and  ))lacc  them  in 
situations  where  they  can  do  no  harm,  and  their  position  shall 
be  such  as  to  prevent  them  from  uniting.  That  done,  as 
soon  as  I  sliall  be  on  the  other  side  of  the  Rhine,  I  will  pro- 
claim the  King,  and  hoist  the  white  flag.  Conde's  corps  and 
the  Emperor's  army  will  then  join  us.  I  will  immediately  repass 
the  Rliine,  and  re-enter  France.  Tlie  fortresses  M'ill  be  sur- 
rendered, and  will  be  held  in  the  King's  name  by  the  Imperial 
troops.  Having  joined  Conde's  army,  I  immediately  advance. 
All  my  means  now  develop  themselves  on  every  side.  We 
march  upon  Paris,  and  in  a  lurtnight  will  be  there.  Rut  it  is 
necessary  that  you  should  know  that  you  must  give  the  French 
soldier  wine  and  a  crown  in  his  liand  if  you  would  have  him 
cry  Vive  le  Roi  !  Nothing  must  be  wanting  at  tlie  first  moment. 
!My  army  must  be  well  paid  as  far  as  the  fourth  or  fiftli  march 
in  the  French  territory.  There,  go  and  tell  all  this  to  the  Prince, 
show  my  handwriting,  and  bring  me  back  his  answer.' 


1797.  "FRANCE   MUST   HAVE   A   KING."  89 

"  Duriug  these  conferences  Piclicgru  was  surrounded  by  four 
representatives  of  the  people,  at  the  head  of  whom  was  Merlin 
de  Thionville,  the  most  insolent  and  the  most  ferocious  of 
inquisitors.  These  men,  having  the  orders  of  the  Committee, 
pres.sed  Pichegru  to  pass  the  Rhine  and  go  and  besiege  Manheim, 
where  Merlin  liad  an  understanding  witli  the  inhabitants.  Thus, 
if  on  tlie  one  hand  tlie  Committee  by  its  orders  made  Pichegru 
■wish  to  hasten  the  execution  of  his  plan,  ou  the  other  he  had 
not  a  moment  to  lose ;  for  to  delay  obeying  the  orders  of  the 
four  representatives  was  to  render  himself  suspected.  Every 
consideration,  therefore,  called  upon  the  Prince  to  decide,  and 
decide  promptly.  Good  sense  required  liini  also  to  do  another 
thing  ;  namely,  to  examine  without  prejudice  Avhat  sort  of  man 
Pichegru  was,  to  consider  the  nature  of  the  sacrifice  lie  made, 
and  what  were  his  propositions.  Europe  acknowledged  his 
talents,  and  he  had  placed  the  Prince  in  a  condition  to  judge  of 
his  good  faith.  Besides,  his  conduct  and  his  plan  afforded  fresh 
proofs  of  his  sincerity.  By  passing  the  Rhine  and  placing  him- 
self between  the  armies  of  Conde  and  Wurmsei",  he  rendered 
desertion  impossible  ;  and,  if  success  did  not  attend  his  attempt, 
his  own  acts  forced  him  to  become  an  emigrant.  He  left  in  tlie 
power  of  his  fierce  enemies  his  wife,  his  father,  his  children. 
Everything  bore  testimony  to  his  honesty ;  the  talents  he  had 
shown  were  a  pledge  for  his  genius,  his  genius  for  his  resources ; 
and  the  sacrifices  he  would  have  to  make  in  case  of  failure 
proved  that  he  was  confident  of  success. 

"  What  stupid  conceit  was  it  for  any  one  to  suppose  himself 
better  able  to  command  Pichegru's  army  than  Picliegru  himself ! 
—  to  pretend  to  be  better  acquainted  with  the  frontier  provinces 
than  Pichegru,  who  commanded  them,  and  had  placed  his  friends 
in  them  as  commanders  of  the  towns  !  This  self-conceit,  how- 
ever, ruined  the  monarchy  at  this  time,  as  well  as  at  so  many 
others.  The  Prince  de  Conde,  after  reading  the  plan,  rejected  it 
in  toto.  To  render  it  successful  it  was  necessary  to  make  the 
Austrians  parties  to  it.  This  Pichegru  exacted,  but  tlie  Prince 
of  Conde  would  not  hear  a  word  of  it,  wishing  to  have  confined 
to   himself  the  glory  of  effecting  the  counter-revolution.     He 


90  MEMOIUS   OF    NAI'OLEOX    HoNAl'AKTE.  1797. 

replieil  to  Piolie^'iu  I'V  a  lew  obsi-rvatioiis,  and  concluded  Ijis 
answer  l)y  ivturiiing  to  liis  lirst  plan,  —  that  ricliegru  should 
proclaim  tiie  King  wilhout  passing  the  Khine,  and  should  give  up 
lluningen  ;  tliat  then  the  army  of  Cond^  by  itself,  and  without 
the  aid  of  tiie  Austrians,  would  join  him.  In  that  case  he  could, 
promise  10(t,000  crowns  in  louis,  which  he  had  at  Bale,  and 
1,400,000  livres,  which  he  iiad  in  good  bills  payable  at  sight. 

"  No  argument  or  entreaty  hail  any  effect  on  the  Prince  de 
Cond^.  The  idea  of  connnunicating  his  plan  to  Wurmser  and 
sharing  his  glory  with  him  rendered  him  blind  and  deaf  to  every 
consideration.  However,  it  was  necessary  to  report  to  Pichegru 
the  observations  of  the  Prince  de  Conde,  and  Courant  was  com- 
missioned to  do  so." 

This  document  appeared  so  interesting  to  me  that 
while  Bonaparte  was  sleeping  I  was  emjtloyed  in  copy- 
ing it.  Notwithstanding  posterior  and  reiterated  denials 
of  its  truth,  I  believe  it  to  be  perfectly  correct. 

Napoleon  had  ordered  plans  of  his  most  famous  battles 
to  be  engraved,  and  had  paid  in  advance  for  them.  The 
work  was  not  done  quickly  enough  for  him.  He  got 
angry,  and  one  day  said  to  his  geographer,  Bacler  d'Albe, 
whom  he  liked  well  enough,  "  Ah  !  do  hurry  yourself,  and 
think  all  this  is  only  the  business  of  a  moment.  If  you 
make  further  delay,  you  will  sell  nothing;  everything  is 
soon  forgotten ! " 

We  were  now  in  July,  and  the  negotiations  were  carried 
on  with  a  tardiness  which  showed  that  something  was 
kept  in  reserve  on  both  sides.  Bonaparte  at  this  time  was 
anything  but  disposed  to  sign  a  peace,  which  he  always 
hoped  to  be  able  to  make  at  Vienna,  after  a  campaign  in 
Germany,  seconded  by  the  armies  of  the  Rhine  and  the 
Sambre-et-Meuse.  The  minority  of  the  Directory  recom- 
mended peace  on  the  basis  of  the  preliminaries,  but  the 
majority  wished  for  more  honourable  and  advantageous 
terms  ;  while  Austria,  relying  on  troubles  breaking  out  in 


1797.  BONAPARTE   AND   DESAIX.  91 

France,  was  in  no  haste  to  conclude  a  treaty.  In  these 
circumstances  Bonaparte  drew  up  a  letter  to  be  sent  to 
the  Emperor  of  Austria,  in  which  he  set  forth  the  modera- 
tion of  France ;  but  stated  that,  in  consequence  of  the 
many  delays,  nearly  all  hope  of  peace  had  vanished.  He 
advised  the  Emperor  not  to  rely  on  difficulties  arising  in 
France,  and  doubted,  if  war  should  continue  and  the 
Emperor  be  successful  in  the  next  campaign,  that  he 
would  obtain  a  more  advantageous  peace  than  was  now  at 
his  option.  This  letter  was  never  sent  to  the  Emperor, 
but  was  communicated  as  the  draft  of  a  proposed  des- 
patch to  the  Directory.  The  Emperor  Francis,  however, 
wrote  an  autograph  letter  to  the  General-in-Chief  of  the 
Army  of  Italy,  which  will  be  noticed  when  I  come  to  the 
period  of  its  reception.  It  is  certain  that  Bonai)arte  at 
this  time  wislied  for  war.  He  was  aware  that  the  Cabinet 
of  Vienna  was  playing  with  him,  and  that  the  Austrian 
Ministers  expected  some  political  convulsion  in  Paris, 
which  they  hoped  would  be  favourable  to  the  Bourbons. 
He  therefore  asked  for  reinforcements.  His  army  con- 
sisted of  35,900  men,  and  he  desired  it  to  be  raised  to 
60,000  infantry  and  10,000  cavalry  ready  for  the  field. 

General  Desaix,  profiting  by  the  preliminaries  of  Leo- 
ben,  came  in  the  end  of  July  to  visit  the  scene  of  the 
Army  of  Italy's  triumphs.  His  conversations  with  Bona- 
parte respecting  the  Army  of  the  Iihine  were  far  from 
giving  him  confidence  in  his  military  situation  in  Italy, 
or  assurance  of  sui)port  from  that  army  in  the  event  of 
hostilities  commencing  beyond  the  mountains.  It  was 
at  this  period  that  their  intimacy  began.  Bonaparte  con- 
ceived for  Desaix  the  greatest  esteem  and  the  sincerest 
friendship.^     When  Desaix  was  named  temporary  com- 

1  Desaix,  discontented  with  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  Germany,  seceded 
from  the  Armj  of  the  Kliiiie,  to  whicli  lie  l)ehjnf;ed,  to  join  that  <>f  Napo- 
leon,    lie  was  sent  to  Italy  to  organise  the  j)artof  the  Egyptian  expedition 


92  MEMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON    HONArAUTi:.  1797. 

inander  of  thf  force  called  the  Army  of  England,  during 
the  absence  of  Cieneral  Bonaparte,  the  latter  wrote  to  the 
Directory  that  they  could  not  have  chosen  a  more  dis- 
tinguishi'd  oliicer  tlian  Desaix  ;  these  sentiments  he  never 
belied.  The  early  death  of  Desaix  alone  could  break  their 
union,  \vhich,  I  doul>t  not,  would  eventually  have  had 
great  influence  on  the  political  and  military  career  of 
General  Bona])arte. 

All  the  world  knows  th\  part  which  the  General-in- 
Chief  of  the  Army  of  Italy  took  at  the  famous  crisis  of  the 
18th  Fructidor ;  his  proclamation,  his  addresses  to  the 
army,  and  his  celebrated  order  of  the  day.  Bonaparte 
went  much  into  detail  on  this  subject  at  St.  Helena  ;  and 
I  shall  now  proceed  to  state  what  I  knew  at  the  time 
respecting  that  memorable  event,  which  was  in  prepara- 
tion in  the  month  of  June. 

starting  from  Civita  Vcccliia.  He  took  with  him  his  two  aidps-de-camp, 
Kapp  and  Savary  (later  Due  de  Kovigo),  botli  of  whom,  on  his  death, 
were  giveu  the  same  post  with  Bouaparte. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

BoXAPARTE  had  long  observed  the  struggle  which  was 
going  on  between  the  partisans  of  royalty  and  the  liepub- 
Lic.  He  was  told  that  royalism  was  everywhere  on  the 
increase.  All  the  generals  who  returned  from  Paris  to 
the  army  complained  of  the  spirit  of  reaction  they  had 
noticed.  Bonaparte  was  constantly  urged  by  his  private 
correspondents  to  take  one  side  or  the  other,  or  to  act  for 
himself.  He  was  irritated  by  the  audacity  of  the  enemies 
of  the  Eepublic,  and  he  saw  plainly  that  the  majority  of 
the  councils  had  an  evident  ill-will  towards  him.  The 
orators  of  the  Club  of  Clichy  missed  no  opportunity  of 
wounding  his  self-love  in  speeches  and  pamphlets.  They 
spared  no  insults,  disparaged  his  success,  and  l)itterly  cen- 
sured his  conduct  in  Italy,  particularly  with  respect  to 
Venice.  Thus  his  services  were  recompensed  by  hatred 
or  ingratitude.  About  this  time  he  received  a  pamphlet, 
which  referred  to  the  judgments  pronounced  upon  him  by 
the  German  journals,  and  more  particularly  by  the  "  .Specta- 
tor of  the  Xorth,"  which  he  always  made  me  translate. 

Bonaparte  was  touched  to  the  ([uick  by  the  comparison 
made  between  liim  and  Moreau,  and  by  the  wish  to  rep- 
resent him  as  foolliardy  ("  savante  sous  Moreau,  fougueuse 
sous  Buonaparte  ").  In  the  term  of  "  brigands,"  applied 
to  the  generals  who  fought  in  La  Vendue,  he  thought  he 


94  MEMOIUS   OF   NAPOLEON    BONAPARTE.  1797. 

recognised  tlic  hand  of  the  party  ho  was  about  to  at- 
tack and  overthrow.  He  was  tired  of  the  way  in  which 
Moreau's  system  of  war  was  called  "  savante."  But  what 
grieved  him  still  more  was  to  see  sitting  in  the  councils 
ol  the  nation  Frenchmen  who  were  detractors  and  ene- 
mies of  the  national  glory. 

He  urgeil  the  Directory  to  arrest  the  emigrants,  to 
destroy  the  influence  of  foreigners,  to  recall  the  armies, 
to  suppress  the  journals  sold  to  England,  such  as  the 
"  C^luotidienne,"  the  "  Mt^morial,"  and  the  "  Thd,"'  which  he 
accused  of  being  more  sanguinary  than  Marat  ever  was. 
In  case  of  there  being  no  means  of  putting  a  stop  to  assas- 
sinations and  the  intiuence  of  Louis  XVIII.,  he  offered  to 
resign. 

His  resolution  of  passing  the  Alps  with  25,000  men  and 
marching  by  Lyons  and  Paris  was  know^n  in  the  capital, 
and  discussions  arose  respecting  the  consequences  of  this 
passage  of  another  Kubicon.  On  the  17th  of  August,  1797, 
Carnot  wrote  to  him  :  "  People  attribute  to  you  a  thousand 
absurd  projects.  They  cannot  believe  that  a  man  who  has 
performed  so  many  great  exploits  can  be  content  to  live 
as  a  private  citizen. "  This  observation  applied  to  Bona- 
parte's reiterated  request  to  be  permitted  to  retire  from  the 
service  on  account  of  tlie  state  of  his  health,  which,  he  said, 
disabled  him  from  mounting  his  horse,  and  to  the  need 
which  he  constantly  urged  of  having  two  years'  rest. 

The  General-in-Chief  was  justly  of  opinion  that  the 
tardiness  of  the  negotiations  and  the  difticulties  which 
incessantly  arose  were  founded  on  the  expectation  of  an 
event  which  would  change  the  government  of  France,  and 
render  the  chances  of  peace  more  favourable  to  Austria. 
He  still  urgently  recommended  the  arrest  of  tlie  emigrants, 
the  stopping  of  the  presses  of  the  Ptoyalist  journals,  which 
he  said  were  sold  to  England  and  Austria,  and  the  sup- 
pression of  the  Clichy  Club.     This   club  was  held  at  the 


1797.  BONAPARTE   AND  THE   DIRECTORY.  95 

residence  of  Gerard  Desoddiferes,  in  the  Eue  de  Clichy. 
Aubry  was  one  of  its  warmest  partisans,  and  he  was  the 
avowed  enemy  of  the  revolutionary  cause  which  Bonaparte 
advocated  at  this  period.  Aubry's  conduct  at  this  time, 
together  with  the  part  he  had  taken  in  provoking  Bona- 
parte's dismissal  in  1795,  inspired  the  General  with  an 
implacable  hatred  of  him. 

Bonaparte  despised  the  Directory,  which  he  accused  of 
weakness,  indecision,  pusillanimity,  wasteful  expenditure, 
of  many  errors,  and  perseverance  in  a  system  degrading 
to  the  national  glory.^     He  knew  that  the  Clichy  party 

1  The  Directory  merited  these  accusations.  The  following  sketches  of 
two  of  their  official  sittings  present  a  singular  contrast :  — 

"  At  the  time  that  the  Directory  were  first  installed  in  the  Luxembourg 
(27th  October,  1795),"  says  M.  Bailleul,  "  there  was  hardly  a  single  article 
of  furniture  in  it.  In  a  small  room,  round  a  little  In-oken  talile,  one  of  the 
legs  of  which  had  given  way  from  age,  on  which  table  they  had  deposited 
a,  quire  of  letter-paper,  and  a  writing  desk  a  calnmet,  which  luckily  they 
had  had  the  precaution  to  bring  with  them  from  the  Committee  of  Public 
Safetv,  seated  on  four  rush-bottomed  chairs,  in  f rout  of  some  logs  of  wood 
ill-lighted,  the  whole  borrowed  from  tlie  porter  Dupont, —  who  woxild 
believe  that  it  was  in  this  deploralde  condition  that  the  members  of  the 
new  Government,  after  having  examined  all  the  difficulties,  nay,  let  me 
add,  all  the  horrors  of  their  situation,  resolved  to  confront  all  olistacles, 
and  that  they  would  either  deliver  France  from  the  abyss  in  which  she 
was  plunged,  or  perish  in  the  attempt  ?  They  drew  up  on  a  sheet  of  letter- 
paper  the  act  by  which  they  declared  themselves  constituteil,  and  imme- 
diatclv  forwarded  it  to  the  Legislative  Bodies." 

And  the  Comte  de  La  Vallette,  writing  to  M.  Cuvillier  Pleury,  says: 
"  I  saw  our  five  kings,  dressed  in  the  rol)es  of  Francis  I.,  his  liat.  bis  pan- 
taloons, and  bis  lace ;  the  face  of  La  Reveillere  looked  like  a  cork  uj)on  two 
pins,  with  the  black  and  greasy  hair  of  Clodion.  M.  de  Talleyrand,  in 
pantaloons  of  the  colour  of  wine  dregs,  sat  in  a  folding-chair  at  the  feet  of 
the  Director  Barras,  in  the  Court  of  the  Petit  Luxembourg,  and  gravely 
presented  to  his  sovereir/ns  an  ambassador  from  the  Grand-Duke  of  Tus- 
cany, while  the  French  were  eating  his  master's  dinner,  from  the  soup  to 
the  cheese.  At  the  right  hand  there  wore  fifty  musicians  and  singers  of 
the  opera,  lainc'.  Lays,  Regnault,  and  the  actresses,  now  all  dead  of  old 
age,  roaring  a  patriotic  cantata  to  the  music  of  .Me'hul.  Facing  them,  on 
another  elevation,  there  were  two  hundred  young  and  beautiful  women, 
with  their  arms  and  bosoms  bare,  all  in  ecsta.sy  at  the  majesty  of  our  Pen- 


06  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON    RONATAirrr..  1797. 

demanded  his  dismissal  and  arrest.  He  was  f^iven  to 
understand  that  Dumohird  was  one  of  the  most  decided 
at^ainst  him,  and  tliat,  finally,  the  I'oyalist  I'arty  was  on 
the  point  of  triumi)hin<f. 

Before  deciding  for  one  i)arty  or  the  other,  llonaparte 
first  thouj,dit  of  liimself.  He  did  not  ima«,dne  that  he  liad 
yet  achieved  enout^^h  to  venture  on  possessing,'  himself  of 
that  power  which  certairly  he  mi^ht  easily  liave  olitained. 
He  therefore  contented  himself  witli  joining  the  party 
whicli  was,  for  the  moment,  sup])orted  l>y  public  opinion. 
I  know  he  was  determined  to  march  upon  I'aris  with 
25,000  men,  had  affairs  taken  a  turn  unfavourable  to  the 
Eepublic,  which  he  preferred  to  royalty.  He  cautiously 
formed  his  plan.  To  defend  the  Directory  was,  he  con- 
ceived, to  defend  his  own  future  fortune;  that  is  to  say, 
it  was  protecting  a  power  which  appeared  to  have  no 
other  object  than  to  keep  a  place  for  him  until  his  return. 

The  parties  which  rose  up  in  Paris  produced  a  reaction 
in  the  army.  The  employment  of  the  word  Monsieur  had 
occasioned  quarrels,  and  even  bloodshed.  General  Au- 
sereau,  in  whose  division  these  contests  had  taken  idace, 
pulilished  an  order  of  the  day,  setting  forth  that  every 
individual  in  his  division  who  should  use  the  word  Mon- 
sieur, either  verbally  or  in  writing,  under  any  pretence 
whatever,  should  be  deprived  of  his  rank,  and  declared 
incapaldeof  serving  in  the  Eepublican  armies.  This  order 
was  read  at  the  head  of  each  comi)any. 

Bonaparte  viewed  the  establishment  of   peace  as  the 

tarcliv  and  the  happiness  of  the  Republic.  They  also  wore  tijjht  flesh- 
colmircil  pantaloons,  with  rings  on  their  tnes.  That  \va.<  a  siglit  that  never 
will  lie  seen  again.  A  fortnight  after  this  magnififcnt  /'ele,  thonsands  of 
families  wept  over  their  hanisiieil  fathers,  forty-eight  departments  were 
deprived  of  their  representatives,  and  forty  editors  of  newspapers  were 
forced  to  go  and  drink  the  waters  of  the  Elbe,  the  Synamary.  or  the  Ohio ! 
It  would  be  a  curious  disquisition  to  seek  to  discover  what  really  were  at 
that  time  the  Republic  and  Liberty." 


1797.  ASPIRES  TO  THE   DIRECTORY.  97 

close  of  his  military  career.  Repose  and  inactivity  were 
to  him  unbearable.  He  sought  to  take  part  in  the  civil 
affairs  of  the  Eepublic,  and  was  desirous  of  becoming  one 
of  the  five  Directors,  convinced  that,  if  he  obtained  that 
object,  he  would  speedily  stand  single  and  alone.  The 
fulfilment  of  this  wish  would  have  prevented  the  Egyp- 
tian expedition,  and  placed  the  imperial  crown  much 
sooner  upon  his  head  Intrigues  were  carried  on  in  Paris 
in  his  name,  with  the  view  of  securing  to  him  a  legal  dispen- 
sation on  the  score  of  age.  He  hoped,  though  he  was  but 
eight-and-twenty,  to  supersede  one  of  the  two  Directors 
who  were  to  go  out  of  office.^  His  brothers  and  their 
friends  made  great  exertions  for  the  success  of  the  project, 
which,  however,  was  not  officially  proposed,  because  it  was 
too  adverse  to  the  prevailing  notions  of  the  day,  and 
seemed  too  early  a  violation  of  the  constitution  of  the 
year  III.,  which,  nevertheless,  was  violated  in  another 
way  a  few  months  after. 

The  members  of  the  Directory  were  by  no  means  anx- 
ious to  have  Bonaparte  for  their  colleague.  They  dissem- 
bled, and  so  did  he.  Both  parties  were  lavish  of  their 
mutual  assurances  of  friendship,  while  they  cordially 
hated  ach  other.  The  Directory,  however,  appealed  for 
the  support  of  Bonaparte,  which  he  granted ;  but  his  sub- 
sequent conduct  clearly  proves  that  the  maintenance  of 
the  constitution  of  the  year  III.  was  a  mere  pretext.  He 
indeed  defended  it  meanwhile,  because,  by  aiding  the 
triumph  of  the  opposite  party,  he  could  not  hope  to  pre- 
serve the  influence  which  he  exercised  over  the  Directory. 
I  know  well  that,  in  case  of  the  Clichy  party  gaining  the 
ascendency,  he  was  determined  to  cross  the  Alps  with  his 
army,  and  to  assemlJe  all  the  friends  of  the  Republic  at 
Lyons,  thence  to  march  upon  Paris. 

1  The  Directors  had  to  be  forty  years  of  age  before  they  could  be 
appointed. 


9.S  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1797. 

lu  tlio  "  Memorial  of  St.  Helena  "  it  is  stated,  in  reference 
to  the  18th  Fructidor,  "that  the  triumph  of  the  majority 
of  the  councils  was  his  desire  and  hope,  we  are  inclined 
to  believe  from  the  following  fact,  viz.,  tliat  at  the  crisis 
of  the  contest  between  the  two  factions  a  secret  resolution 
was  drawn  up  by  three  of  the  members  of  the  Directory, 
asking  him  for  three  millions  to  support  the  attack  on  the 
councils,  and  that  Napoleon,  under  various  pretences,  did 
not  send  the  money,  thougli  he  might  easily  have  done  so." 

This  is  not  very  comprehensilile.  There  was  no  secret 
resolution  of  the  members  who  applied  for  the  three  mil- 
lions. It  was  Bonaparte  who  oHered  the  money,  w'hich, 
however,  he  did  not  send ;  it  was  he  who  despatched 
Augereau ;  and  he  who  wished  for  the  triumph  of  the 
Directorial  majority.  His  memory  served  him  badly  at 
St.  Helena,  as  will  be  seen  from  some  correspondence 
which  I  shall  presently  submit  to  the  reader.  It  is  very 
certain  tliat  he  did  offer  the  money  to  the  Directory  ;  that 
Ls  to  say,  to  three  of  its  members.^  Bonaparte  had  so  de- 
cidedly formed  his  resolution  that  on  the  17th  of  July, 
wishing  to  make  Augereau  his  confidant,  he  sent  to  Vi- 
cenza  for  him  by  an  extraordinary  courier. 

Bonaparte  adds  that  w^hen  Bottot,  the  confidential  agent 
of  Barras,  came  to  Passeriano,  after  the  18th  Fructidor, 
he  declared  to  him  that  as  soon  as  La  Vallette  should 
make  him  acquainted  with  the  real  state  of  things,  the 
money  should  be  transmitted.  The  inaccuracy  of  these 
statements  will  be  seen  in  the  correspondence  relative  to 
the  event.  In  thus  distorting  the  truth.  Napoleon's  only 
object  could  have  been  to  proclaim  his  inclination  for  the 
principles  he  adopted  and  energetically  supported  from 

1  Barras,  La  Re'veillere-Lepaiix,  and  Rewhell,  the  three  Directors  who 
carried  out  the  coup  d'€(at  of  the  18tli  Fructidor  against  tiieir  colleagries 
Carnot  and  Barthelemy  (see  Thiers'  French  Revolution,  vol.  v.  pp.  1 14, 
139,  and  163). 


1797.  CHOICE  OF  AUGEREAU.  99 

the  year  1800,  but  which,  previously  to  that  period,  he 
had  with  no  less  energy  opposed. 

He  decidedly  resolved  to  support  the  majority  of  the 
Directory,  and  to  oppose  the  Royalist  faction ;  the  latter, 
which  was  beginning  to  be  important,  would  have  been 
listened  to  had  it  offered  power  to  him.  About  the  end 
of  July  he  sent  his  aide-de-camp  La  Vallette  to  Paris. 
La  Vallette  was  a  man  of  good  sense  and  education,  pleas- 
ing manners,  pliant  temper,  and  moderate  opinions.  He 
was  decidedly  devoted  to  Bonaparte.  With  his  instruc- 
tions he  received  a  private  cipher  to  enable  him  to  corre- 
spond with  the  General-in-Chief. 

Augereau  went,  after  La  Vallette,  on  the  27th  of  July. 
Bonaparte  officially  wrote  to  the  Directory  that  Augereau 
"had  solicited  leave  to  go  to  Paris  on  his  own  private 
business." 

But  the  truth  is,  Augereau  was  sent  expressly  to 
second  the  revolution  which  was  preparing  against  the 
Clichy  party  and  the  minority  of  the  Directory. 

Bonaparte  made  choice  of  Augereau  because  he  knew 
his  staunch  republican  principles,  his  boldness,  and  his 
deficiency  in  political  talent.  He  thought  him  well  cal- 
culated to  aid  a  commotion,  which  his  own  presence  with 
the  Army  of  Italy  prevented  him  from  directing  in  per- 
son ;  and  besides,  Augereau  was  not  an  ambitious  rival 
who  might  turn  events  to  his  own  advantage.  Napoleon 
said,  at  St.  Helena,  that  he  sent  the  addresses  of  the 
Army  of  Italy  by  Augereau  because  he  was  a  decided 
supporter  of  the  opinions  of  the  day.  That  was  the  true 
reason  for  choosing  him. 

Bernadotte  was  subsequently  despatched  on  the  same 
errand.  Bonaparte's  pretence  for  pending  him  was,  that 
he  wished  to  transmit  to  the  Directory  four  flags,  which, 
out  of  the  twenty-one  taken  at  the  battle  of  Rivoli,  had  been 
left,  hy  mistake,  at  Peschiera.     Bernadotte,  however,  did 


100  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1797. 

not  take  any  groat  part  in  tlie  alVair.  He  was  always 
prudent. 

The  crisis  of  the  ISth  Fructidor,  wliicli  retarded  for 
three  years  the  extinction  of  the  pentarchy,  jtresents  one 
of  the  most  remarkable  events  of  its  short  existence.  It 
will  lie  seen  how  the  Directors  extricated  themselves 
from  this  ditticulty.  I  subjoin  the  correspondence  relat- 
ing to  tliis  remarkable  episode  of  our  llevolution,  cancel- 
ling only  such  portions  of  it  as  are  irrelevant  to  the 
suliject.  It  exhibits  several  variations  from  the  accounts 
given  by  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena  to  his  noble  companions 
in  misfortune. 

Augereau  thus  expressed  himself  on  the  18tli  Fructi- 
dor (-Irth  September,  1797) :  — 

"  At  length,  General,  ray  mission  is  accomplished,  and  the 
promises  of  the  Army  of  Italy  are  fulfilled.  Tlie  fear  of  being 
anticipated  has  caused  measures  to  be  hurried. 

'*  At  midnight  I  despatched  orders  to  all  the  troops  to  march 
towards  the  points  specified.  Before  day  all  the  bridges  and 
principal  places  were  planted  with  cannon.  At  daybreak  the 
halls  of  tlie  councils  were  surrounded,  the  guards  of  the  councils 
were  amicably  mingled  with  our  troops,  and  the  members,  of  whom 
I  send  you  a  list,  were  arrested  and  conveyed  to  the  Temple. 
The  greater  number  have  escaped,  and  are  being  pursued.  Car- 
not  has  disappeared.^ 

"  Paris  is  tranquil,  and  every  one  is  astounded  at  an  event 
which  promised  to  be  awful,  but  which  has  passed  over  like  a 
fete. 

"  The  stout  patriots  of  the  faubourgs  proclaim  the  safety  of  the 
Republic,  and  the  black  collars  are  put  down.  It  now  remains 
for  the  wise  energy  of  the  Directory  and  the  patriots  of  the  two 
councils  to  do  the  rest.  The  place  of  sitting  is  changed,  and  the 
first  operations  promise  well.  This  event  is  a  groat  step 
towards  peace  ;  which  it  is  your  task  finally  to  secure  to  us." 

'  Til  1S24,  Louis  XVIIL  sent  letters  of  nobility  to  those  members  of 
the  two  cuuiicils  who  were,  as  it  was  termed, yructiJor /sec/.  —  Buutrienne. 


1797.  CORRESPONDENCE   WITH   BERNADOTTE.  101 

On  the  24th  Fructidor  (10th  September,  1797),  Auge- 
reau  writes  :  — 

"  My  aide-de-camp,  De  Verine,  will  acquaint  you  with  the 
events  of  the  18th.  He  is  also  to  deliver  to  you  some  des- 
patches from  the  Directory,  where  much  uneasiness  is  felt  at  not 
hearing  from  you.  No  less  uneasiness  is  experienced  on  seeing 
in  Paris  one  of  your  aides-de-camp,^  whose  conduct  excites  the 
dissatisfaction  and  distrust  of  the  patriots,  towards  whom  he 
has  behaved  very  ilh 

"  The  news  of  General  Clarke's  recall  will  have  reached  you  by 
this  time,  and  I  suspect  has  surprised  you.  Amongst  the  thou- 
sand and  one  motives  which  have  determined  the  Government 
to  take  this  step  may  be  reckoned  his  correspondence  with  Car- 
not,  which  has  been  communicated  to  me,  and  in  which  he 
treated  the  generals  of  the  Army  of  Italy  as  brigands. 

"  Moreau  has  sent  the  Directory  a  letter  which  tlirows  a  new 
light  on  Pichegru's  treason.  Such  baseness  is  hardly  to  be 
conceived. 

"  The  Government  perseveres  in  maintaining  the  salutary 
measures  which  it  has  adopted.  I  hope  it  will  be  in  vain  for 
the  remnant  of  tlie  factions  to  renew  their  plots.  The  patriots 
will  continue  united. 

"  Fresh  troops  having  been  summoned  to  Paris,  and  my  pres- 
ence at  their  head  being  considered  indispensable  by  the 
Government,  I  shall  not  have  tlie  satisfaction  of  seeing  you  so 
soon  as  I  hoped.  This  has  determined  me  to  send  for  my 
horses  and  carriages,   which  I  left  at  Milan." 

Bernadotte  wrote  to  Bonaparte  on  the  24th  Fructidor 
as  follows :  — 

"  The  arrested  deputies  are  removed  to  Rocliefort,  where  they 
will  be  embarked  for  the  island  of  ^hidagascar.  Paris  is  tran- 
quil. The  people  at  first  heard  of  the  arrest  of  the  deputies  with 
indifference.     A  feeling  of  curiosity  soon  drew  them  into  the 

1  La  Vallette. 


102  MEMOIRS   OF    NAPOLEON    BONAPAKTE.  1797. 

streets;  entljusiasni  followed,  aiul  rrics  of  Vive  la  Rcpuhlique, 
which  had  iKjt  bfcn  lu'unl  for  a  long  time,  now  resounded  in 
every  street.  The  neighbouring  departments  liave  expressed 
t])eir  discontent.  That  of  Allier  has,  it  is  said,  protested  ;  but 
it  will  cut  a  fine  figure.  Eight  thousand  men  are  marching  to 
the  environs  of  Paris.  Part  is  already  within  the  precincts, 
under  the  orders  of  General  Lemoine.  The  Government  has  it 
at  present  in  its  power  to  elevate  public  spirit ;  but  everybody 
feels  that  it  is  necessary  the  Directory  should  be  surrounded  by 
tried  and  energetic  Republicans.  Unfortunately  a  host  of  men, 
without  talent  and  resources,  already  suppose  that  what  has 
taken  place  has  been  done  only  in  order  to  advance  their  inter- 
ests. Time  is  necessary  to  set  all  to  rights.  The  armies  liave 
regained  consistency.  The  soldiers  of  the  interior  are  esteemed, 
or  at  least  feared.  The  emigrants  fly,  and  the  non-juring  priests 
conceal  themselves.  Nothing  could  have  happened  more  fortu- 
nately to  consolidate  the  Kepublic." 

Bonaparte  wrote  as  follows,  to  the  Directory  on  the 
26th  Fructidor  :  — 

"  Herewith  you  will  receive  a  proclamation  to  the  army,  rela- 
tive to  the  events  of  the  18th.  I  have  despatched  the  45th 
demi-brigade,  commanded  by  General  Bon,  to  Lyons,  together 
with  fifty  cavalry  ;  also  General  Lannes,  with  the  20th  light 
infantry  and  the  9tli  regiment  of  the  line,  to  Marseilles.  I 
have  issued  the  enclosed  proclamation  in  the  southern  depart- 
ments. I  am  about  to  prepare  a  proclamation  for  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Lyons,  as  soon  as  I  obtain  some  information  of  what 
may  have  passed  there. 

"  If  I  find  there  is  the  least  disturbance,  I  will  march  there 
with  the  utmost  rapidity.  Believe  that  there  are  here  a  hun- 
dred thousand  men,  who  are  alone  sufficient  to  make  the  meas- 
ures you  have  taken  to  place  liberty  on  a  solid  basis  be  respected. 
What  avails  it  that  we  gain  victories  if  we  are  not  respected  in  our 
country  1  In  speaking  of  Paris,  one  may  parody  wliat  Cassius 
said  of  Rome  : '  Of  what  use  to  call  her  queen  on  the  banks  of 
the  Seine,  when  she  is  the  slave  of  Pitt's  gold  1 '  " 


1797.  AUGEREAU'S   REWARD.  103 

After  the  18th  Fructidor,  Augereau  wished  to  have  his 
reward  for  his  share  in  the  victory,  and  for  the  service 
which  he  had  rendered.  He  wished  to  be  a  Director. 
He  got,  however,  only  the  length  of  being  a  candidate,  — 
honour  enough  for  one  who  had  merely  been  an  instru- 
ment on  that  day. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

1797. 

Bonaparte  was  delighted  wlieii  he  heard  of  the  happy 
issue  i)f  the  18th  Fructidor.  Its  result  was  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  Legislative  Body  and  the  fall  of  the  Clichyan 
party,  which  for  some  months  had  disturbed  his  tranquil- 
lity. The  Clichyans  had  objected  to  Josej)!!  Bonajiarte's 
rijrht  to  sit  as  deputy  for  Liamone  in  the  Council  of  Five 
Hundred.  ^  His  brother's  victory  removed  the  difficulty  ; 
but  the  General-in-Chief  soon  perceived  that  the  ascend- 
ant party  abused  its  power,  and  again  compromised  the 
safety  of  the  Kepublic,  by  recommencing  the  lievolution- 
ary  Government.  The  Directors  were  alarmed  at  his  dis- 
content and  offended  by  his  censure.  They  conceived  the 
singular  idea  of  opposing  to  Bonaparte,  Augereau,  of 
whose  blind  zeal  they  had  received  many  proofs.  The 
Director}''  appointed  Augereau  commander  of  the  Army 
of  Germany.  Augereau,  wliose  extreme  vanity  was 
notorious,  believed  himself  in  a  situation  to  compete  with 
Bonaparte.  What  he  built  his  arrogance  on  was,  that, 
with  a  numerous  troop,  he  had  arrested  some  unarmed 
representatives,  and  torn  the  epaulettes  from  the  shoul- 
ders of  the  commandant  of  the  guard  of  the  councils. 

^  He  wa.s  ambassador  to  l^oine,  aiul  not  a  lieputy  at  this  time.  T\Tien 
he  Ijecanie  a  mcnilKT  of  the  council,  after  liis  return  from  Rf)me,  he  ex- 
perienced uo  opposition  (Bourrienne  et  ses  Errenrii,  tome  i.  p.  240). 


1797.        CORRESrONDENCE    WITH  THE   DIRECTORY.        105 

The  Directory  and  he  filled  the  headquarters  at  Pas- 
seriano  with  spies  and  intriguers. 

Bonaparte,  who  was  informed  of  everything  that  was 
going  on,  laughed  at  the  Directory,  and  tendered  his  resig- 
nation, in  order  that  he  might  be  supplicated  to  continue 
in  command. 

The  following  post-Thermidorian  letters  will  prove  that 
the  General's  judgment  on  this  point  was  correct. 

On  the  2d  Venddmiaire,  year  VI.  (23d  September,  1797), 
he  wrote  to  Auoereau,  after  having  announced  the  arrival 
of  his  aide-de-camp  as  follows :  — 

"  The  whole  army  applauds  the  wisdom  and  vigour  which  you 
have  displayed  upon  this  important  occasion,  and  participates  in 
the  success  of  the  country  with  the  enthusiasm  and  energy 
which  characterise  our  soldiers.  It  is  only  to  be  hoped,  how- 
ever, that  the  Government  will  not  be  playing  at  see-saw,  and 
thus  throw  itself  into  the  opposite  party.  Wisdom  anil  mod- 
erate views  alone  can  establish  the  happiness  of  the  country  on 
a  sure  foundation.  As  for  myself,  this  is  the  most  ardent  wish 
of  my  heart.  I  beg  that  you  will  sometimes  let  me  know  what 
you  are  doing  in  Paris." 

On  the  4th  Vend^miaire,  Bonaparte  wrote  a  letter  to 
the  Directory  in  the  following  terms  :  — 

"  The  day  before  yesterday  an  otficer  arrived  at  the  army  from 
Paris.  He  reported  that  he  left  Paris  on  the  25th,  when  anxiety 
prevailed  there  as  to  the  feelings  with  which  I  viewed  the 
events  of  the  18th.  He  was  the  bearer  of  a  sort  of  circular 
from  General  Augereau  to  all  the  generals  of  division ;  and  he 
brought  a  letter  of  credit  from  the  Minister  of  War  to  the  com- 
missary-general, authorising  him  to  draw  as  much  niunoy  as  he 
might  require  for  his  journey. 

"  It  is  evident  from  these  circumstances  that  the  Government 
is  acting  towards  nie  in  somewhat  the  same  way  in  which  Piclio- 
gru  was  dealt  with  after  Veudemiaire  (year  IV.). 


106  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1797. 

"  I  beg  of  you  to  receive  my  resignation,  and  appoint  another  to 
my  place.  No  power  on  eartli  shall  make  me  continue  in  the 
service  after  this  shocking  mark  of  ingratitude  on  the  part  of 
the  Government,  which  I  was  very  far  from  expecting.  My 
health,  which  is  considerably  impaired,  imperiously  demands 
repo.se  and  tranquillity. 

"  The  state  of  my  miml,  likewise,  requires  me  to  mingle  again 
in  the  ma.ss  of  citizens.  Great  power  has  for  a  long  time  been 
confided  to  my  hands.  I  have  employed  it  on  all  occasions  for 
the  advantage  of  my  country  ;  so  much  the  uorse  for  those  who 
put  no  faith  in  virtue,  and  may  have  suspected  mine.  My  rec- 
ompense is  in  my  own  conscience,  and  in  the  opinion  of 
posterity. 

"  Now  that  the  country  is  tranquil,  and  free  from  the  dangers 
which  have  menaced  it,  I  can,  without  inconvenience,  quit  the 
post  in  which  I  have  been  placed. 

"  Be  sure  that  if  there  were  a  moment  of  danger,  I  would  be 
found  in  the  foremost  rank  of  the  defenders  of  liberty  and  of  the 
constitution  of  the  year  III." 

The  Directory,  judging  from  the  account  which  Bottot^ 
gave  of  his  mission  that  he  had  not  succeeded  in  entirely 
removing  the  suspicions  of  Bonaparte,  wrote  the  following 
letter  on  the  30th  Venddmiaire :  — 

"  The  Directory  has  itself  been  troubled  about  the  impression 
made  on  you  by  the  letter  to  the  paymaster-general,  of  which  an 
aide-de-camp  was  the  bearer.  Tlie  composition  of  this  letter 
has  very  much  astonished  the  Government,  which  never  ap- 
pointed nor  recognised  such  an  agent :  it  is  at  least  an  error  of 
office.  But  it  .should  not  alter  the  opinion  you  ought  otherwise 
to  entertain  of  the  manner  in  which  the  Directory  thinks  of  and 
esteems  you.  It  appears  tliat  the  18th  Fructidor  was  mis- 
represented in  the  letters  which  were  sent  to  tlie  Army  of  Italy. 
You  did  well  to  intercept  them,  and  it  may  be  right  to  transmit 
the  mo.st  remarkable  to  the  Minister  of  Police.^ 

1  See  p.  79. 

2  What  an  ignoble  task  to  propose  to  the  conqueror  of  Italy  I 


1797.  GENERAL   CLARKE.  107 

"  In  your  observations  on  the  too  strong  tendency  of  opinion 
towards  military  government,  the  Directory  recognises  an  equally 
enlightened  and  ardent  friend  of  the  Republic. 

*'  Nothing  is  wiser  than  the  maxim,  cedant  anna  (ogee,  for  the 
maintenance  of  republics.  To  show  so  much  anxiety  on  so  im- 
portant a  point  is  not  one  of  the  least  glorious  features  in  the 
life  of  a  general  placed  at  the  head  of  a  triumphant  army." 

The  Directory  had  sent  General  Clarke  ^  to  treat  for 
peace,  as  second  plenipotentiary.  Bonaparte  has  often 
told  me  he  had  no  doubt  from  the  time  of  his  arrival  that 
General  Clarke  was  charged  with  a  secret  mission  to  act 
as  a  spy  upon  him,  and  even  to  arrest  him  if  an  oppor- 
tunity offered  for  so  doing  without  danger.  Tliat  he  had 
a  suspicion  of  this  kind  is  certain ;  but  I  must  own  that  I 
was  never  by  any  means  able  to  discover  its  grounds ;  for 
in  all  my  intercourse  since  with  Clarke  he  never  put  a 
single  question  to  me,  nor  did  I  ever  hear  a  word  drop 
from  his  mouth,  which  savoured  of  sucli  a  character.  If 
the  fact  be  that  he  was  a  spy,  he  certainly  played  his  part 
well.  In  all  the  parts  of  his  correspondence  which  were 
intercepted  there  never  was  found  the  least  confirmation 
of  this  suspicion.  Be  this  as  it  may,  Bonaparte  could  not 
endure  him  ;  he  did  not  make  him  acquainted  with  what 
was  going  on,  and  his  influence  rendered  this  mission  a 
mere  nullity.  The  General-in-Chief  concentrated  all  the 
business  of  the  negotiation  in  his  own  closet ;  and,  as  to 
what  was  going  on,  Clarke  continued  a  mere  cipher  until 
the  18  th  Fructidor,  when  he  was  recalled.  Bonaparte 
made  but  little  count  of  Clarke's  talents.  It  is  but  jus- 
tice, however,  to  say  that  he  bore  him  no  grudge  for  the 
conduct  of  whicli  he  suspected  he  was  guilty  in  Italy. 

^  H.  J.  G.  Clarke,  afterwards  ^Minister  of  War  under  Napoleon,  1807- 
1814,  and  under  tlie  Bourbons  in  1816,  wlieii  lie  was  inade  a  Marshal  of 
France.    He  was  created  Due  de  Feltre  in  1809. 


108  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1797. 

"I  ])ar(Ioii  him  because  I  alonu  have  the  ri<,Mit  to  be 
offeiuled." 

He  evoii  had  the  ^tMicrosity  to  make  interest  for  an 
official  situation  for  him.  These  amiable  traits  were  not 
uncommon  with  lionaparte, 

l'>onai)arte  had  to  encounter  so  many  disagreeable  con- 
trarieties, both  in  the  nej^otiators  for  peace  and  the  events 
at  Paris,  tliat  he  often  displayed  a  good  deal  of  irritation 
and  disgust.  This  state  of  mind  was  increased  l>y  the 
recollection  of  the  vexation  his  sister's  marriage  had 
caused  him,  and  which  was  unfortunately  revived  by  a 
letter  he  received  from  her  at  this  juncture.  His  excite- 
ment was  such  that  he  threw  it  down  with  an  expression 
of  anger.  It  has  been  erroneously  reported  in  several 
publications  that  "  Bacciocchi  espoused  Marie-Anne-Eliza 
Bonai)arte  on  the  5th  of  May,  1797.  The  brother  of  the 
bride  was  at  the  time  negotiating  the  preliminaries  of 
peace  with  Austria." 

In  fact,  the  preliminaries  were  signed  in  the  month  of 
April,  and  it  was  for  tlie  definitive  peace  we  were  negotiat- 
ing in  May.  But  the  reader  will  find  by  the  subjoined 
letter  that  Christine  applied  to  her  brother  to  stand  god- 
father to  her  third  child.  Three  children  in  three  months 
would  be  rather  quick  work. 

Ajaccio,  14th  Thermidor,  year  V.  (1st  August,  1797). 
General,  —  Suffer  me  to  write  to  you  and  call  you  by  the 
name  of  brother.  My  first  child  was  born  at  a  time  when  you 
were  much  incensed  against  us.  I  trust  she  may  soon  caress 
you,  and  so  make  you  forget  tlic  pain  my  marriage  lias  occa- 
sioned you.  ^ly  second  child  was  still-boru.  Obliged  to  quit 
Paris  by  your  order,^  I  miscarried  in  Germany.  In  a  month's 
time  I  hope  to  present  you  with  a  nephew.     A  favourable  time, 

1  Napoleon  had  written  in  Aup;ust,  1796.  to  Carnot,  to  request  that 
Lucieu  might  be  ordered  to  quit  Paris  ;  see  luug,  tome  iii.  p.  222. 


1797.  THE   AUSTRIxVN   PROPOSALS.  109 

and  otlier  circumstances,  incline  me  to  hope  my  next  will  be 
a  boy,  and  I  promise  you  I  will  make  a  soldier  of  him  ;  but  I 
wish  hira  to  bear  your  name,  and  that  you  should  be  his  god- 
father.    I  trust  you  will  not  refuse  your  sister's  request. 

Will  you  send,  for  this  purpose,  your  power  of  attorney  to 
Bacciocchi,  or  to  whomsoever  you  think  fit  ?  I  shall  expect  with 
impatience  your  assent.  Because  we  are  poor  let  not  that  cause 
you  to  despise  us  ;  for,  after  all,  you  are  our  brother,  mine  are 
the  only  children  that  call  you  uncle,  and  we  all  love  you  more 
than  we  do  the  favours  of  fortune.  Perhaps  I  may  one  day 
succeed  in  convincing  you  of  the  love  I  bear  you.  —  Your 
affectionate  sister,  Christine  BoNArARXE.'^ 

P.  S.  —  Do  not  fail  to  remember  me  to  your  Avife,  whom  I 
strongly  desire  to  be  acquainted  witli.  They  told  me  at  Paris 
I  was  very  like  her.  If  you  recollect  my  features,  you  can 
judge.  C.  B. 

This  letter  is  in  the  handwriting  of  Lucien  Bonaparte.^ 
General  Bonaparte  had  been  near  a  month  at  Passeri- 

ano  when  he  received  the  following  autograph  letter  from 

the  Emperor  of  Austria :  — 

To  Monsieur  le  G^n^ral  Bonaparte,  General-in-Chief 
OF  THE  Army  of  Italy. 

Monsieur  le  General  Bonaparte,  —  When  I  tliought  I 
had  given  ray  plenipotentiaries  full  powers  to  terminate  the 
important  negotiation  with  which  they  were  charged,    I   learn, 

1  Madame  Bacciocchi  went  by  the  name  of  Marianne  at  St.  Cyr,  of 
Christine  while  on  her  travels,  and  of  Eliza  under  the  Cousuhite.  — 
Bourr\enne. 

2  Joseph  Bonaparte  in  liis  "  Notes  "says, "  It  is  false  that  Maihinie  Bona- 
parte ever  called  lierself  Christine ;  it  is  false  tliat  she  ever  wrote  tiie 
letter  of  which  M.  de  Bourrienne  here  gives  a  copy."  It  will  lie  observed 
that  Bourrienne  says  it  was  written  liy  lier  brother  Lucien.  Tiiis  is  an 
error.  The  letter  is  obviously  from  Christine  Boyer,  the  wife  of  Lucien 
Bonaparte,  whose  marriage  had  given  such  dis])leasure  to  Napoleon  (see 
Erreurs.  tome  i.  p.  240,  and  lung's  Lucien,  tome  i.  p.  151). 


110  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON   IJoNAl'ARTE.  1797 

with  as  imuli  pniii  as  surprise,  tliat  in  consequence  of  swerving 
continually  from  the  stipulations  of  the  preliminaries,  the  res- 
toration of  tranquillity,  willi  the  tidin^'s  of  which  I  desire  to 
gladden  the  hearts  of  my  subjects,  and  wliich  the  half  of  Europe 
devoutly  prays  for,  becomes  day  after  day  more  uncertain. 

Faithful  to  the  performance  of  my  engagements,  I  am  ready 
to  execute  what  was  agreed  to  at  Leoben,  and  require  from  you 
but  the  recipmcal  performance  of  so  sacred  a  duty.  This  is 
what  has  already  been  declared  in  my  name,  and  what  I  do 
not  now  hesitate  myself  to  declare.  If,  perhaps,  the  execution 
of  some  of  the  preliminary  articles  be  now  impossible,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  events  which  have  since  occurred,  and  in  which 
I  had  no  part,  it  may  be  necessary  to  substitute  others  in  their 
stead  equally  adapted  to  the  interests  and  equally  conformable 
to  the  dignity  of  the  two  nations.  To  such  alone  will  I  put 
my  hand.  A  frank  and  sincere  explanation,  dictated  by  the 
same  feelings  which  govern  me,  is  the  only  way  to  lead  to  so 
salutary  a  result.  In  order  to  accelerate  this  result  as  far  as 
in  me  lies,  and  to  put  an  end  at  once  to  the  state  of  uncertainty 
we  remain  in,  and  which  has  already  lasted  too  long,  I  have 
determined  to  despatch  to  the  place  of  the  present  negotiations 
Comte  de  Cobentzel.  a  man  who  possesses  my  most  unlimited  con- 
fidence, and  who  is  instructed  as  to  my  intentions  and  furnished 
with  my  most  ample  powers.  I  have  autliori.sed  him  to  receive 
and  accept  every  proposition  tending  to  the  reconciliation  of 
the  two  parties,  which  may  be  in  conformity  with  the  principles 
of  equity  and  reciprocal  fitness,  and  to  conclude  accordingly. 

After  this  fresh  assurance  of  the  spirit  of  conciliation  which 
animates  me,  I  doubt  not  you  will  perceive  that  peace  lies  in 
your  own  hands,  and  that  on  your  determination  will  depend 
the  happiness  or  misery  of  many  thousand  men.  If  I  mistake 
as  to  the  means  I  think  best  adapted  to  terminate  the  calami- 
ties which  for  a  long  time  have  desolated  Europe,  I  shall  at 
least  have  the  consolation  of  reflecting  that  I  have  done  all 
that  depended  on  me.  With  the  consequences  which  may  re- 
sult I  can  never  be  reproached. 

I  have  been  particularly  determined   to  the   course  I  now 


1797.  BONAPARTE'S  PLANS.  Ill 

take  by  the  opinion  I  entertain  of  your  upright  character,  and 
by  the  personal  esteem  I  have  conceived  towards  you,  of  whicli 
I  am  very  happy,  M.  le  General  Bonaparte,  to  give  you  here  an 
assurance. 

(Signed)  Francis. 
ViEXXA,  20th  September,  1797. 

In  fact,  it  was  only  on  the  arrival  of  the  Comte  de 
Cobentzel  that  the  negotiations  were  seriously  set  on  foot. 
Bonaparte  had  all  along  clearly  perceived  that  Gallo  and 
Meerweldt  were  not  furnished  with  adequate  powers. 
He  saw  also  clearly  enough  that  if  the  month  of  Septem- 
ber were  to  be  trifled  away  in  unsatisfactory  negotiations, 
as  the  month  which  preceded  it  had  been,  it  would  be 
difficult  in  October  to  strike  a  blow  at  the  House  of  Aus- 
tria on  the  side  of  Carinthia.  The  Austrian  Ca1)inet  per- 
ceived with  satisfaction  the  approach  of  the  bad  weather, 
and  insisted  more  strongly  on  its  ultimatum,  which  was 
the  Adige,  with  Venice. 

Before  the  18th  Fructidor  the  Emperor  of  Austria 
hoped  that  the  movement  which  was  preparing  in  Paris 
would  operate  badly  for  France  and  favourably  to  the 
European  cause.  The  Austrian  plenipotentiaries,  in  con- 
sequence, raised  their  pretensions,  and  sent  notes  and  an 
ultimatum  which  gave  the  proceedings  more  an  air  of 
trifling  than  of  serious  negotiation.  Bonaparte's  original 
ideas,  which  I  have  under  his  hand,  were  as  follows : 

1.  The  Emperor  to  have  Italy  as  far  as  tlie  Adda. 

2.  The  King  of  Sardinia  as  far  as  the  Adda. 

3.  The  Genoese  Republic  to  have  the  boundary  of  Tor- 
tona  as  far  as  the  Po  (Tortona  to  be  demolished),  as  also 
the  imperial  fiefs.  (Coni  to  be  ceded  to  France,  or  to  be 
demolished.) 

4.  The  Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  to  be  restored. 

5.  The  Duke  of  Parma  to  be  restored. 


CHAPTER  X. 

1797 

After  the  18th  Fructidor  Bonaparte  was  more  power- 
ful, Austria  less  haughty  and  confident.  Venice  was  the 
only  point  of  real  difficulty.  Austria  wanted  the  line  of 
theAdige,  with  Venice,  in  exchange  for  Mayence,  and  the 
boundary  of  the  Rhine  until  that  river  enters  Holland. 
The  Directory  wished  to  have  the  latter  boundary,  and  to 
add  Mantua  to  the  Italian  Republic,  without  giving  up  all 
the  line  of  the  Adige  and  Venice.  The  difficulties  were 
felt  to  be  so  irreconcilable  that  within  a])0ut  a  month  of 
the  conclusion  of  peace  the  Directory  wrote  to  Cieneral 
Bonaparte  that  a  resumption  of  hostilities  was  preferable 
to  the  state  of  uncertainty  which  was  agitating  and  ruin- 
ing France.  The  Directory,  therefore,  decdared  that  both 
the  armies  of  the  Rhine  should  take  the  field.  It  appears 
from  the  Fructidorian  correspondence,  which  has  been 
already  given,  tliat  the  majority  of  the  Directory  then 
looked  upon  a  peace  such  as  Bonaparte  afterwards  made 
as  infamous. 

But  Bonaparte,  from  the  moment  the  Venetian  insur- 
rection broke  out,  perceived  that  Venice  might  be  used 
for  the  pacification.  Bonaparte,  wlio  was  convinced  that, 
in  order  to  bring  matters  to  an  issue,  Venice  and  the  ter- 
ritory beyond  the  Adige  must  fall  beneath  the  Hapsburg 
sceptre,  wrote  to  the  Directory  that  he  could  not  com- 
mence   operations,   advantageously,   before    the   end   of 


1797.  BOTTOT  UNDER   SUSPICION.  113 

March,  1798 ;  but  that  if  the  objections  to  giving  Venice 
to  the  Emperor  of  Austria  were  persisted  in,  hostilities 
would  certainly  be  resumed  in  the  month  of  October,  for 
the  Emperor  would  not  renounce  Venice.  In  that  case 
it  would  be  necessary  to  be  ready  on  the  Ehine  for  an  ad- 
vance in  Germany,  as  the  Army  of  Italy,  if  it  could  make 
head  against  the  Archduke  Charles,  was  not  sufficiently 
strong  for  any  operations  on  a  grand  scale.  At  this  period 
the  conclusion  of  peace  was  certainly  very  doubtful ;  it 
was  even  seriously  considered  in  what  form  the  rupture 
should  be  notified. 

Towards  the  end  of  September,  Bottot,  Barras'  secre- 
tary, arrived  at  Passeriano.  He  was  despatched  by  the 
Directory.  Bonaparte  immediately  suspected  he  was  a 
new  spy,  come  on  a  secret  mission,  to  watch  him.  He 
was  therefore  received  and  treated  with  coolness  ;  but 
Bonaparte  never  had,  as  Sir  Walter  Scott  asseits,  the  idea 
of  ordering  him  to  be  shot.  That  writer  is  also  in  error 
when  he  says  that  Bottot  was  sent  to  Passeriano  to  re- 
proach Bonaparte  for  failing  to  fulfil  his  promise  of  send- 
ing money  to  the  Directory. 

Bonaparte  soon  gave  Bottot  an  opportunity  of  judging 
of  the  kind  of  spirit  which  prevailed  at  headquarters. 
He  suddenly  tendered  his  resignation,  which  he  had  al- 
ready several  times  called  upon  the  Directory  to  accept. 
He  accused  the  Government,  at  table,  in  Bottot's  presence, 
of  horrible  ingratitude.  He  recounted  all  his  subjects  of 
complaint,  in  loud  and  impassioned  language,  without  any 
restraint,  and  before  twenty  or  thirty  pers(^ns. 

Indignant  at  finding  that  his  reiterated  demands  for 
the  erasure  of  my  name  from  the  list  of  emigrants  had 
been  slighted,  and  that,  in  spite  of  his  representations, 
conveyed  to  Paris  by  General  Bernadotte,  Louis  Bona- 
parte, and  others,  I  was  still  included  in  that  fatal  list,  he 
apostrophised  M.  Bottot  at  dinner  one  day,  before  forty 

VOL.  I.  — 8 


114  MKMOIHS   OF   NAPOLEON    RONAPAUTK.  1797. 

imlividuals,  among  wliom  were  the  diiiloinatists  Gallo, 
Cobent/el,  and  Meerweldt.  The  conversation  turned  upon 
the  Directory.  "  Yes,  truly,"  cried  I'oiiiiparte,  in  a  loud 
voice,  "  I  have  good  reason  to  coiaphiiu  ;  and,  to  pass 
from  great  to  little  things,  look,  I  pray  you,  at  Bourrienne's 
case.  He  possesses  my  most  unhounded  confidence.  He 
alone  is  intrusted,  under  my  orders,  with  all  the  details 
of  the  negotiation.  This  you  well  know  ,  and  yet  your 
Directory  will  not  strike  him  off  the  list.  In  a  word,  it 
is  not  only  an  inconceivable,  but  an  extremely  stujtid 
piece  of  business  ;  for  he  has  all  my  secrets ;  he  knows 
my  ultimatum,  and  could  by  a  single  word  realise  a  hand- 
some fortune,  and  laugh  at  your  obstinacy.  Ask  M.  de 
Gallo  if  this  be  not  true." 

Bottot  wished  to  offer  some  excuse ;  but  the  general 
murmur  which  followed  this  singular  outburst  reduced 
him  to  silence. 

The  Marquis  de  Gallo  had  conversed  with  me  but 
three  days  before,  in  the  park  of  Passeriano,  on  the  sub- 
ject of  my  position  with  regard  to  France,  of  the  de- 
termination expressed  by  the  Directory  not  to  erase  my 
name,  and  of  the  risk  I  therel)y  ran.  "  We  have  no 
desire,"  continued  he,  "to  renew  the  war ;  we  wish  sin- 
cerely for  peace  ;  but  it  must  be  an  honourable  one.  The 
Kepublic  of  Venice  presents  a  large  territory  for  partition, 
which  would  be  sufficient  for  both  parties.  The  cessions 
at  present  proposed  are  not,  however,  satisfactory.  We 
want  to  know  Bonaparte's  ultimatum ;  and  I  am  author- 
ised to  offer  an  estate  in  Bohemia,  with  a  title  and 
residence,  and  an  annual  revenue  of  90,000  florins." 

I  quickly  interrupted  M.  de  Gallo,  and  assured  him 
that  both  my  conscience  and  my  duty  obliged  me  to 
reject  his  proposal ;  and  so  put  at  once  an  end  to  the 
conversation. 

I  took  care  to  let  the  General-in-Chief  know  this  story, 


1797.  BONAPARTE'S  RESIGNATION.  115 

and  he  was  not  surprised  at  my  reply.  His  conviction, 
however,  was  strong,  from  all  that  M.  de  Gallo  had  said, 
and  more  particularly  from  tlie  offer  he  had  made,  that 
Austria  was  resolved  to  avoid  war,  and  was  anxious  for 
peace. 

After  I  had  retired  to  rest,  M.  Bottot  came  to  my  bed- 
room and  asked  me,  with  a  feigned  surprise,  if  it  was  true 
that  my  name  was  still  on  the  list  of  emigrants.  On  my 
replying  in  the  affirmative,  he  requested  me  to  draw  up  a 
note  on  the  subject.  Tbis  I  declined  doing,  telling  him 
that  twenty  notes  of  the  kind  he  required  already  ex- 
isted ;  that  I  would  take  no  further  steps  :  and  that  I 
would  henceforth  await  the  decision  in  a  state  of  perfect 
inaction. 

General  Bonaparte  thought  it  quite  inexplicable  that 
the  Directory  should  express  dissatisfaction  at  the  view 
he  took  of  the  events  of  the  18th  Fructidor,  as,  with- 
out his  aid,  they  would  doubtless  have  been  overcome. 
He  wrote  a  despatch,  in  which  he  repeated  that  his  health 
and  his  spirits  were  affected  —  that  he  had  need  of  some 
years'  repose  —  that  he  could  no  longer  endure  the  fatigue 
of  riding ;  but  that  the  prosperity  and  liberty  of  his 
coiintry  would  always  command  his  warmest  interests.  In 
all  this  there  was  not  a  single  word  of  truth.  The  Direc- 
tory thought  as  much,  and  declined  to  accept  his  resig- 
nation in  the  most  flattering  terms. 

Bottot  proposed  to  him,  on  the  part  of  the  Directory,  to 
revolutionise  Italy.  The  General  inquired  whether  the 
vjhole  of  Italy  would  be  included  in  the  plan.  The  revolu- 
tionary commission  had,  however,  been  intrusted  to 
Bottot  in  so  indefinite  a  way  that  he  could  only  hesitate, 
and  give  a  vague  reply.  I)onaparte  wished  for  more  pre- 
cise orders.  In  the  interval  peace  was  concluded,  and  the 
idea  of  that  perilous  and  extravagant  undertaking  was  no 
longer  agitated.     Bottot,  soon   after  his  return  tu  Paris, 


116  MKMoIUS   OF   NATOLEOX   BONAPAKTi:.  1797. 

wrote  a  letter  to  General  Bonaparte,  in  Avhicli  he  coni- 
l»lained  that  tiie  last  moments  he  had  passed  at  Passeriano 
had  dee])ly  atllicted  his  lieart.  He  said  that  cruel  sus- 
picions had  followed  him  even  to  the  gates  of  the  Directory. 
These  cruel  suspicions  had,  however,  been  dissipated  by  the 
sentiments  of  admiration  and  affection  which  he  had  found 
the  Directory  entertained  for  the  person  of  Bonaparte. 

These  assurances,  which  were  precisely  what  Bonaparte 
had  expected,  did  not  avail  to  lessen  the  contempt  he 
entertained  for  the  heads  of  the  Government,  nor  to 
change  his  conviction  of  their  envy  and  mistrust  of  him- 
self. To  their  alleged  affection  he  made  no  return. 
Bottot  assured  the  hero  of  Italy  of  "  the  Republican 
docility"  of  the  Directory,  and  touched  upon  the  re- 
proaches Bonaparte  had  thrown  out  against  them,  and 
upon  his  demands,  which  had  not  been  granted.    He  said  t 

"  The  three  armies,  of  the  North,  of  the  Khine,  and  of 
the  Sambre-et-Meuse,  are  to  form  only  one,  the  Army  of 
Germany  Augereau  ?  —  but  you  yourself  sent  him.  The 
fault  committed  by  the  Directory  is  owing  to  yourself ! 
Bernadotte  ?  —  he  is  gone  to  join  you.  Cacault  ?  —  he  is 
recalled.  Twelve  thousand  men  for  your  army  ?  —  they 
are  on  their  march.  The  treaty  with  Sardinia  ?  —  it  is 
ratified.  Bourrienne  ?  —  he  is  erased.  The  revolution  of 
Italy  ?  —  it  is  adjourned.  Advise  the  Directory,  then  :  I 
repeat  it,  they  have  need  of  information,  and  it  is  to  you 
they  look  for  it." 

The  assertion  regarding  me  was  false.  For  six  months 
Bonaparte  demanded  my  erasure  without  being  able  to 
o1)tain  it.  I  was  not  struck  off  the  list  until  the  lltli  of 
November,  1797. 

Just  before  the  close  of  the  negotiation,  Bonaparte,  dis- 
gusted at  the  opposition  and  difficulties  with  which  he  was 
surrounded,  reiterated  again  and  again  the  offer  of  his 
resignation,  and  his  wish  to  have  a  successor  appointed. 


1797.  BONAPARTE  WATCHED.  117 

What  augmented  his  uneasiness  was  an  idea  he  enter- 
tained that  the  Directory  had  penetrated  his  secret,  and 
attributed  his  powerful  concurrence  on  the  18th  Fructi- 
dor  to  the  true  cause,  —  his  personal  views  of  ambition.  In 
spite  of  the  hypocritical  assurances  of  gratitude  made  to 
him  in  writing,  and  though  the  Directory  knew  that  his 
services  were  indispensable,  spies  were  employed  to  watch 
his  movements,  and  to  endeavour  by  means  of  the  persons 
about  him  to  discover  his  views.  Some  of  the  General's 
friends  wrote  to  him  from  Paris,  and  for  my  part  I  never 
ceased  repeating  to  him  that  the  peace,  the  power  of  mak- 
ing which  he  had  in  his  own  hands,  would  render  him  far 
more  popular  than  the  renewal  of  hostilities  undertaken 
with  all  the  chances  of  success  and  reverse.  The  signing 
of  the  peace,  according  to  his  own  ideas,  and  in  opposi- 
tion to  those  of  the  Directory,  the  way  in  which  he  just 
halted  at  Rastadt,  and  avoided  returning  to  the  Congress, 
and,  finally,  his  resolution  to  expatriate  himself  with  an 
army  in  order  to  attempt  new  enterprises,  sprung  more  than 
is  generally  believed  from  the  ruling  idea  that  he  was  dis- 
trusted, and  that  his  ruin  was  meditated.  He  often  re- 
called to  mind  what  La  Vallette  had  written  to  him  about 
his  conversation  with  Lacude  ;  and  all  he  saw  and  heard 
confirmed  the  impression  he  had  received  on  this  subject. 
The  early  appearance  of  bad  weather  precipitated  his 
determination.  On  the  13th  of  October,  at  daybreak,  on 
opening  my  window,  I  perceived  the  mountains  covered 
with  snow.  The  previous  night  had  been  superb,  and  the 
autumn  till  then  promised  to  be  fine  and  late.  I  pro- 
ceeded, as  I  always  did,  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
to  the  General's  chamber.  I  woke  him,  and  told  him 
what  I  had  seen.  He  feigned  at  first  to  disbelieve  me, 
then  leaped  from  his  bed,  ran  to  the  window,  and,  con- 
vinced of  the  sudden  change,  he  calmly  said,  "  What !  be- 
fore the  middle  of  October !      What  a  country  is    this .' 


118  MEMOIRS   OF  NArOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1797. 

Well,  we  must  make  peace!"  While  he  hastily  put  on 
his  clothes,  I  read  the  journals  to  hiui,  as  was  my  daily 
custom.     He  ]>aid  hut  little  attention  to  them. 

Shutting'  himself  up  with  me  in  his  closet,  he  reviewed 
with  the  "^Teatest  care  all  the  returns  from  the  different 
corps  of  his  army.  "  Here  are,"  said  he,  "  nearly  80,000 
effective  men.  1  feed,  I  pay  them ;  hut  I  can  bring  but 
60,000  into  the  Held  on  the  day  of  battle.  I  shall  gain  it, 
but  afterwards  my  force  will  be  reduced  20,000  men,  — 
by  killed,  wounded,  and  prisoners.  Then  how  opi^ose  all 
the  Austrian  forces  that  will  march  to  the  protection  of 
Vienna  ?  It  would  be  a  month  before  the  armies  of  the 
Khine  could  support  me,  if  they  should  be  able;  and  in  a 
fdrtniglit  all  the  roads  and  passages  will  be  covered  deep 
with  snow.  It  is  settled, —  I  will  make  peace.  Venice 
shall  pay  for  the  expense  of  the  war  and  the  boundary  of 
the  Piliine;  let  the  Directory  and  the  lawyers  say  what 
they  like." 

He  wrote  to  the  Directory  in  the  following  words :  "  The 
summits  of  the  hills  are  covered  with  snow ;  I  cannot,  on 
account  of  the  stipulations  agreed  to  for  the  recommence- 
ment of  hostilities,  begin  before  five-and-twenty  days,  and 
by  that  time  we  shall  be  overwhelmed  with  snow." 

Fourteen  years  after,  another  early  winter,  in  a  more 
severe  climate,  was  destined  to  have  a  fatal  influence  on 
his  fortunes.     Had  he  but  then  exercised  equal  foresight ! 

It  is  well  known  that,  by  the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio, 
the  two  belligerent  powers  made  peace  at  the  expense  of 
the  Republic  of  Venice,  which  had  nothing  to  do  with  the 
quarrel  in  the  first  instance,  and  which  only  interfered  at 
a  late  period,  probably  against  her  own  inclination,  and 
impelled  by  the  force  of  inevitable  circumstances.  But 
what  has  l>een  the  result  of  this  great  political  spoliation  ? 
A  portion  of  the  Venetian  territory  was  adjudged  to  the 
Cisalpine  Republic ;  it  is  now  in  the  possession  of  Austria, 


1797.  THE   DIRECTORY   DISSATISFIED.  119 

Another  considerable  portion,  and  the  capital  itself,  fell 
to  the  lot  of  Austria  in  compensation  for  the  Belgic  prov- 
inces and  Lombardy,  which  she  ceded  to  France.  Austria 
has  now  retaken  Lombardy,  and  the  additions  then  made 
to  it,  and  Belgium  is  in  the  possession  of  the  House  of 
Orange.  France  obtained  Corfu  and  some  of  the  Ionian 
isles ;  these  now  belong  to  England.^  Eomulus  never 
thought  he  was  founding  Eome  for  Goths  and  priests. 
Alexander  did  not  foresee  that  his  Egyptian  city  would 
belong  to  the  Turks  ;  nor  did  Constantine  strip  Eome  for 
the  benefit  of  Mahomet  II.  Why,  then,  fight  for  a  few 
paltry  villages  ? 

Thus  have  we  been  gloriously  conquering  for  Austria 
and  England.  An  ancient  State  is  overturned  without 
noise ;  and  its  provinces,  after  being  divided  among  dif- 
ferent bordering  States,  are  now  all  under  the  dominion 
of  Austria.  "VVe  do  not  possess  a  foot  of  ground  in  all  the 
fine  countries  we  conquered,  and  which  served  as  compen- 
sations for  the  immense  acquisitions  of  the  House  of 
Hapsburgh  in  Italy.  Thus  that  house  was  aggrandised 
by  a  war  which  was  to  itself  most  disastrous.  But  Austria 
has  often  found  other  means  of  extending  her  dominion 
than  military  triumphs,  as  is  recorded  in  the  celebrated 
distich  of  Mathias  Corvinus :  — 

*'  Bella  gerunt  alii,  tu,  felix  Austria,  nube  ; 
Nam  quae  Mars  aliis,  dat  tibi  regna  Venus."  ' 

The  Directory  was  far  from  being  satisfied  with  the 
treaty  of  Campo-Formio,  and  with  difficulty  resisted 
the  temptation   of  not  ratifying  it.     A  fortnight  before 

1  Afterwards  to  be  ceded  by  her  to  Greece.     Belgium  is  free. 

2  "  Glad  Austria  wins  by  Ilymeii's  silken  chain 

"What  otlier  States  by  doubtful  battle  gain, 
And  wliile  fierce  Mars  enriches  meaner  lands, 
Receives  possession  from  fair  Venus'  hands." 


120  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1797. 

the  signature  the  Directors  wrote  to  General  Bonaparte 
that  thoy  would  not  consent  to  give  to  the  Emperor 
Venice,  Fri<tul,  Padua,  and  tlie  terra  firiiia  witli  the 
boundary  of  the  Adige.  "Tliat,"  said  they,  "would  not 
be  to  make  peace,  but  to  adjourn  the  war.  "We  shall  be 
regarded  as  the  beaten  party,  independently  of  the  dis- 
grace of  abandoning  Venice,  which  Iionaj»arte  himself 
thought  so  worthy  of  freedom.  France  ought  not,  and 
never  will  wisli,  to  see  Italy  delivered  up  to  Austria. 
The  Directory  would  prefer  the  chances  of  a  war  to  chang- 
ing a  single  word  of  its  ultimatum,  which  is  already  too 
favourable  to  Austria." 

All  this  was  said  in  vain.  Bonaparte  made  no  scruple 
of  disregarding  his  instructions.  It  has  been  said  that 
the  Emperor  of  Austria  made  an  ofiler  of  a  very  consider- 
able sum  of  money,  and  even  of  a  principality,  to  obtain 
favourable  terms.  I  was  never  able  to  find  tlie  sliijhtest 
ground  for  this  report,  which  refers  to  a  time  when 
the  smallest  circumstance  could  not  escape  my  notice. 
The  character  of  Bonaparte  stood  too  high  for  him  to 
sacrifice  his  glory  as  a  conqueror  and  peacemaker  for  even 
the  greatest  private  advantage.  This  was  so  thoroughly 
known,  and  he  was  so  profoundly  esteemed  by  the  Aus- 
trian plenipotentiaries,  that  I  will  venture  to  say  none  of 
them  would  have  been  capable  of  making  the  slightest 
overture  to  him  of  so  debasing  a  proposition.  Besides,  it 
would  have  induced  him  to  put  an  end  to  all  intercourse 
with  the  plenipotentiaries.  Perhaps  what  I  have  just 
stated  of  M.  de  Gallo  will  throw  some  light  upon  this 
odious  accusation.  But  let  us  dismiss  this  story  with  the 
rest,  and  among  them  that  of  the  porcelain  tray,  which 
was  said  to  have  been  smashed  and  thrown  at  the  head 
of  M.  de  Cobentzel.^  I  certainly  know  nothing  of  any  such 
scene ;  our  manners  at  Passeriano  were  not  quite  so  bad ! 

1  Related  in  the  "  Memoirs  of  Scgur,"  vol.  i.  p.  375. 


1797.  BONAPARTE'S  AMBITION.  121 

The  presents  customary  on  such  occasions  were  given, 
and  the  Emperor  of  Austria  also  took  that  opportunity 
to  present  to  General  Bonaparte  six  magnificent  white 
horses. 

Bonaparte  returned  to  Milan  by  way  of  Gratz,  Laybach, 
Trieste,  Mestre,  Verona,  and  Mantua. 

At  this  period  Napoleon  was  still  swayed  by  the  im- 
pulse of  the  age.  He  thought  of  nothing  but  representa- 
tive governments.  Often  has  he  said  to  me,  "  I  should 
like  the  era  of  representative  governments  to  be  dated 
from  my  time."  His  conduct  in  Italy  and  his  proclama- 
tions ought  to  give,  and  in  fact  do  give,  weight  to  this 
account  of  his  opinion.  But  there  is  no  doubt  that  this 
idea  was  more  connected  with  lofty  views  of  ambition 
than  a  sincere  desire  for  the  benefit  of  the  human  race ; 
for,  at  a  later  period,  he  adopted  this  phrase :  "  I  should 
like  to  be  the  head  of  the  most  ancient  of  the  dynasties  of 
Europe."  What  a  difference  between  Bonaparte  —  the 
author  of  the  "  Souper  de  Beaucaire,"  the  subduer  of  royal- 
ism  at  Toulon,  the  author  of  the  remonstrance  to  Albitte 
and  Salicetti,  the  fortunate  conqueror  of  the  13th  Ven- 
ddmiaire,  the  instigator  and  supporter  of  the  revolution 
of  Fructidor,  and  the  founder  of  the  Eepublics  of  Italy, 
the  fruits  of  his  immortal  victories  —  and  Bonaparte, 
First  Consul  in  1800,  Consul  for  life  in  1802,  and,  above 
all,  Napoleon,  Emperor  of  the  French  in  1804,  and  King 
of  Italy  in  1805  ! 


CHAPTER   XI. 

1797. 

The  day  of  the  18th  Fructidor  had,  without  any 
douht,  iiiniiily  contributed  to  the  conchision  of  peace  at 
Campo-Formio.  On  the  one  hand,  the  Directory,  hitherto 
not  very  pacifically  inclined,  after  having  effected  a  coiq} 
d'Hat,  at  length  saw  the  necessity  of  appeasing  the  dis- 
contented by  giving  peace  to  France.  On  the  other  hand, 
the  Cabinet  of  Vienna,  observing  the  complete  failure  of 
all  the  Royalist  plots  in  the  interior,  thought  it  high  time 
to  conclude  with  the  French  Republic  a  treaty  whicli,  not- 
withstanding all  the  defeats  Austria  had  sustained,  still 
left  her  a  preponderating  influence  over  Italy. 

Besides,  the  campaign  of  Italy,  so  fertile  in  glorious 
achievements  of  arms,  had  not  been  productive  of  glory 
alone.  Something  of  greater  importance  followed  these 
conquests.  Public  affairs  had  assumed  a  somewhat  un- 
usual aspect,  and  a  grand  moral  influence,  the  effect  of 
victories  and  of  peace,  had  begun  to  extend  all  over 
France.  Republicanism  was  no  longer  so  sanguinary  and 
fierce  as  it  had  been  some  years  before.  Bonaparte, 
negotiating  with  princes  and  their  ministers  on  a  footing 
of  equality,  but  still  with  all  that  superiority  to  whicli 
victory  and  his  genius  entitled  him,  gradually  tauglit 
foreign  courts  to  be  familiar  with  Republican  France,  and 
the  Republic  to  cease  regarding  all  States  governed  by 
Kings  as  of  necessity  enemies. 

In  these  circumstances  the  General-in-Chief's  departure 
and  his  expected  visit  to  Paris  excited  general  attention. 


1797.  STANDARD  OF   THE  ARMY  OF   ITALY.  123 

The  feeble  Directory  was  prepared  to  submit  to  the  pres- 
ence of  the  conqueror  of  Italy  in  the  capital. 

It  was  for  the  purpose  of  acting  as  head  of  the  French 
legation  at  the  Congress  of  Rastadt  tliat  Bonaparte  quitted 
Milan  on  the  17th  of  November.  But  before  his  depar- 
ture he  sent  to  the  Directory  one  of  those  monuments,  the 
inscriptions  on  which  may  generally  be  considered  as 
fabulous,  but  which,  in  this  case,  were  nothing  but  the 
truth.  This  monument  was  the  "flag  of  the  Army  of 
Italy,"  and  to  General  Joubert  was  assigned  the  honour- 
able duty  of  presenting  it  to  the  members  of  the  Executive 
Government. 

On  one  side  of  the  flag  were  the  words  "  To  the  Army 
of  Italy,  the  grateful  country."  The  other  contained  an 
enumeration  of  the  battles  fought  and  places  taken,  and 
presented,  in  the  following  inscriptions,  a  simple  but 
striking  abridgment  of  the  history  of  the  Italian  cam- 
paign. 


150,000  PRISONERS  ;  170  standards;  550  pieces  of  siege  artil- 
lery; 600  pieces  of  field  artillery;  five  pontoon  equipages; 
NINE  64-GUN  ships;  twelve  32-g UN  frigates;  12  corvettes;  18 

galleys  ;     ARMISTICE  WITH    THE    KiNG    OF    SARDINIA  ;     CONVENTION 

WITH  Genoa  ;  armistice  with  the  Duke  of  Parma  ;  armistice 
WITH  THE  King  of  Naples;  armistice  with  the  Pope  ;  prelimi- 
naries of  Leoben  :  convention  OF  Montebello  WITH  the  re- 
public OF  Genoa  ;  treaty  of  peace  with  the  Emperor  of 
Germany  at  Campo-Formio. 

Liberty  given  to  the  people  of  Bologna,  Ferrara,  iNIodena, 
Massa-Carrara,  La  Romagna,  Lomhardv,  Brescia,  Bergamo, 
Mantua,  Cremona,  part  of  the  Veronese,  Chiavena,  Bormio, 
the  Valteline,  the  Genoese,  the  Imperial  Fiefs,  the  people 
OF  the  departments  of  Corcvra,  of  the  iEcEAN  Sea,  and  of 
Ithaca. 

Sent  to  Paris  all  the  masterpieces  of  Michael  Angelo,  of 
GuERCiNO,  of  Titian,  of  Paul  Veronese,  of  Correggio,  of 
Albana,  of  the  Carracci,  of  Raphael,  and  of  Leonardo  da 
Vinci. 


124  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPAUTE.  1797. 

Thus  were  recapitulated  on  a  flag,  destined  to  decorate 
the  Hall  of  the  Public  Sittiugs  of  the  Directory,  the  mili- 
tary deeds  of  the  campaign  in  Italy,  its  i)olitical  results, 
and  the  conquest  of  the  monuments  of  art. 

Most  of  the  Italian  cities  looked  upon  their  conciueror 
as  a  liberator,  —  such  was  the  magic  of  the  word  iibcrti/, 
which  rebounded  from  the  Alps  to  the  Apennines.  On 
his  way  to  Mantua,  the  General  took  up  his  residence  in 
the  palace  of  the  ancient  dukes.  Bonaparte  promised 
the  authorities  of  Mantua  that  their  department  should  be 
one  of  the  most  extensive  ;  impressed  on  them  the  necessity 
of  promptly  organising  a  local  militia,  and  of  putting  in 
execution  the  jilans  of  Mari,  the  mathematician,  for  the 
navigation  of  the  Mincio  from  Mantua  to  Peschiera. 

He  stopped  two  days  at  Mantua  ;  and  the  morrow  of  his 
arrival  was  devoted  to  the  celebration  of  a  military  funeral 
solemnity,  in  honour  of  General  Hoclie,  who  had  just  died. 
His  next  object  was  to  hasten  the  execution  of  the  monu- 
ment which  was  erecting  to  the  memory  of  VirgiL  Thus, 
in  one  day,  he  paid  honour  to  France  and  Italy,  to  modern 
and  to  ancient  glory,  to  the  laurels  of  war  and  to  the 
laurels  of  poetry. 

A  person  who  saw  Bonaparte  on  this  occasion  for  the 
first  time  thus  described  him  in  a  letter  he  wrote  to 
Paris :  "  "With  lively  interest  and  extreme  attention  I 
have  observed  this  extraordinary  man,  who  has  performed 
such  great  deeds,  and  about  whom  there  is  something 
which  seems  to  indicate  that  his  career  is  not  yet  termi- 
nated. I  found  him  very  like  his  portraits,  —  little,  thin, 
pale,  with  an  air  of  fatigue,  but  not  of  ill-health,  as  lias 
been  reported  of  him.  He  appears  to  me  to  listen  with 
more  abstraction  than  interest,  and  that  he  was  more 
occupied  with  what  he  was  thinking  of  than  with  what 
was  said  to  him.  Tliere  is  great  intelligence  in  his 
countenance,  along  with  which  may  be  marked  an  air  of 


1797.  BONAPARTE   AT  FIELD   OF   MORAT.  125 

habitual  meditation,  which  reveals  nothing  of  what  is 
passing  within.  In  that  thinking  head,  in  that  bold 
mind,  it  is  impossible  not  to  believe  that  some  daring 
designs  are  engendering  which  will  have  their  influence  on 
the  destinies  of  Eui-ope." 

From  the  last  phrase,  in  particular,  of  this  letter,  one 
might  suspect  that  it  was  written  after  Bonaparte  had 
made  his  name  feared  throughout  Europe ;  but  it  really- 
appeared  in  a  journal  in  the  month  of  December,  1797,  a 
little  before  his  arrival  in  Paris. 

There  exists  a  sort  of  analogy  between  celebrated  men 
and  celebrated  places  ;  it  was  not,  therefore,  an  uninter- 
esting spectacle  to  see  Bonaparte  surveying  the  field  of 
Morat,  where,  in  1476,  Charles  the  Bold,  Duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, daring  like  himself,  fell  with  his  powerful  army 
under  the  effects  of  Helvetian  valour  Bonaparte  slept 
during  the  night  at  Moudon,  where,  as  in  every  place 
through  which  he  passed,  the  greatest  honours  were  paid 
him.  In  the  morning,  his  carriage  having  broken  down, 
we  continued  our  journey  on  foot,  accompanied  only  by 
some  officers  and  an  escort  of  dragoons  of  the  country. 
Bonaparte  stopped  near  the  Ossuary,  and  desired  to  be 
shown  the  spot  where  the  battle  of  Morat  was  fought. 
A  plain  in  front  of  the  chapel  was  pointed  out  to  him. 
An  officer  who  had  served  in  France  was  present,  and 
explained  to  him  how  the  Swiss,  descending  from  the 
neighbouring  mountains,  were  enabled,  under  cover  of  a 
wood,  to  turn  the  Burgundian  army  and  put  it  to  the 
rout.  "  What  was  the  force  of  that  army  ?  "  asked  Bona- 
parte.— "Sixty  thousand  men."  —  "Sixty  thousand  men!" 
he  exclaimed:  "they  ought  to  have  completely  covered 
these  mountains!" — "The  French  fight  better  now,"  said 
Lannes,  who  was  one  of  the  officers  of  his  suite.  "  At 
that  time,"  observed  Bonaparte,  interrupting  him,  "  the 
Burgundians  were  not  Frenchmen." 


12G  MKMomS   OF    NAPOLEON   EOXArAKTE.  1797. 

Bonaparte's  jduriK'V  through  Switzerland  was  not  with- 
out utility;  and  his  presence  served  to  calm  more  than 
one  inquietude.  He  proceeded  ou  his  journey  to  IJastadt 
by  AL\  in  Savoy,  Berne,  and  Bale.  On  arriving  at  Berne 
during  night,  we  passed  through  a  doulde  file  of  well- 
lighted  e»|uiiiages,  hlleil  with  beautiful  women,  all  of 
whom  raised  the  cry  of  "Long  live  Bonaparte!  —  long 
live  the  raciticator!"  To  have  a  proper  idea  of  this 
genuine  enthusiasm,  it  is  necessary  to  have  seen  it. 

The  position  in  society  to  which  his  services  had  raised 
him  rendered  it  unfit  to  address  him  in  the  second  per- 
son singular  and  the  familiar  manner  sometimes  used 
by  his  old  schoolfellows  of  Brienne.  I  thought  this  very 
natural. 

M.  de  Cominges,  one  of  those  who  went  with  him  to 
the  military  school  at  Paris,  and  wlio  had  emigrated,  was 
at  Bale.  Having  learned  our  arrival,  he  presented  him- 
self without  ceremony,  with  great  indecorum,  and  with 
a  complete  disregard  of  the  respect  due  to  a  man  who 
had  rendered  himself  so  illustrious.  General  Bonaparte, 
offended  at  this  behaviour,  refused  to  receive  him  again, 
and  expressed  himself  to  me  with  much  warmth  on  the 
occasion  of  this  visit.  All  my  efforts  to  remove  his  dis- 
pleasure were  unavailing :  this  impression  always  con- 
tinued, and  he  never  did  for  M.  de  Cominges  what  his 
means  and  the  old  ties  of  boyhood  might  well  have 
warranted. 

On  arriving  at  Rastadt  ^  Bonaparte  found  a  letter  from 
the  Directory  summoning  him  to  Paris.  He  eagerly 
obeyed  this  invitation,  which  drew  him  from  a  place 
where  he  could  act  only  an  insignificant  part,  and  which 
he  had  determined  to  leave  soon,  never  again  to  return. 
Some  time  after  his  arrival  in  Paris,  on  the  ground  that 

1  The  conference  for  the  formal  peace  with  the  Empire  of  Germany 
was  lielil  there.     The  peace  of  J>coben  was  only  one  made  with  Austria- 


1797.  ARRIVAL  AT  RASTADT  127 

his  presence  was  necessary  for  tlie  execution  of  different 
orders,  and  the  general  despatch  of  business,  he  required 
that  authority  shouhl  be  given  to  a  part  of  his  household, 
which  he  had  left  at  Rastadt,  to  return. 

How  could  it  ever  be  said  that  the  Directory  "  kept 
General  Bonaparte  away  from  the  great  interests  which 
were  under  discussion  at  Rastadt "  ?  Quite  the  contrary  ! 
The  Directory  would  have  been  deliglited  to  see  him  re- 
turn there,  as  they  would  then  have  been  relieved  from 
his  presence  in  Paris ;  but  nothing  was  so  disagreeable 
to  Bonaparte  as  long  and  seemingly  interminable  nego- 
tiations. Such  tedious  work  did  not  suit  his  character, 
and  he  had  been  sufficiently  disgusted  with  similar  pro- 
ceedings at  Campo-Formio. 

On  our  arrival  at  Rastadt  I  soon  found  that  General 
Bonaparte  was  determined  to  stay  there  only  a  short 
time.  I  therefore  expi%ssed  to  him  my  decided  desire  to 
remain  in  Germany.  I  was  then  ignorant  that  my  era- 
sure from  the  emigrant  list  had  been  ordered  on  the  11th 
of  November,  as  the  decree  did  not  reach  the  commissary 
of  the  Executive  Du-ectory  at  Auxerre  until  the  17th  of 
November,  the  day  of  our  departure  from  ]\Iilan. 

The  silly  pretext  of  difficulties  by  which  my  erasure, 
notwithstanding  the  reiterated  solicitations  of  the  victo- 
rious General,  was  so  long  delayed,  made  me  apprehen- 
sive of  a  renewal,  under  a  weak  and  jealous  pentarchy, 
of  the  horrible  scenes  of  1796.  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  in 
a  tone  of  indignation,  "Come,  pass  the  Rhine;  they  will 
not  dare  to  seize  you  while  near  me.  I  answer  for  your 
safety."  On  reaching  Paris,  I  found  that  my  erasure  had 
taken  place.  It  was  at  this  period  only  that  General 
Bonaparte's  applications  in  my  favour  were  tardily 
crowned  with  success.  Sotin,  the  Minister  of  General 
Police,  notified  the  fact  to  Bonaparte  ;  but  his  letter  gave 
a  reason  for  my  erasure  very   diflerent  from  that  stated 


128  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   IJONArARTE.  1797. 

in  tlie  decree.  The  Minister  said  that  tlie  Government 
did  not  wish  to  leave  anionfr  tlie  names  of  traitors  to  their 
country  the  name  of  a  citizen  wlio  was  attached  to  the 
person  of  the  conqueror  of  Italy ;  while  the  decree  itself 
stated  as  the  motive  for  removing  my  name  from  the 
list  that  I  never  had  emigrated. 

At  St.  Helena  it  seems  Bonaparte  said  tliat  he  did  not 
return  from  Italy  with  more  than  300,000  francs ;  but 
I  assert  that  he  had  at  that  time  in  his  possession  some- 
thing more  than  3,000, 000.^  How  could  lie  with  300,000 
francs  have  been  able  to  provide  for  the  extensive  repairs, 
the  embellishment,  and  the  furnLshing  of  his  house  in  the 
Rue  Cliantereine  ?  How  could  he  have  supported  the 
establishment  he  did  with  only  15,000  francs  of  income 
and  the  emoluments  of  his  rank  ?  The  excursion  which 
he  made  along  the  coast  of  wliicli  I  have  yet  to  speak,  of 
itself  cost  near  12,000  francs  in'gold,  which  he  trans- 
ferred to  me  to  defray  the  expense  of  the  journey ;  and  I 
do  not  think  that  this  sum  was  ever  repaid  him.  Besides, 
what  did  it  signify,  for  any  object  he  miglit  have  in  dis- 
guising liis  fortune,  whether  he  brought  3,000,000  or 
300,000  francs  with  him  from  Italy  ?  No  one  will  accuse 
him  of  peculation.  He  was  an  inflexible  administrator. 
He  was  always  irritated  at  the  discovery  of  fraud,  and 
pursued  those  guilty  of  it  with  all  the  vigour  of  his  char- 
acter. He  wished  to  be  independent,  which  he  well  knew 
that  no  one  could  be  without  fortune.  He  has  often  said 
to  me,  "I  am  no  Capuchin,  not  I."  But  after  having  been 
allf)wed  only  300,000  francs  on  his  arrival  from  the  rich 
Italy,  where  fortune  never  abandoned  him,  it  has  been 
printed  that  he  had  20,000,000  (some  have  even  doubled 
the  amount)  on  his  return  from  Egypt,  which  is  a  very 

1  Joseph  says  that  Napoleon,  when  he  sailed  for  Ejjypt,  left  with  him 
all  his  fortune,  and  that  it  was  nmcli  nearer  300,000  francs  than  3,000,000 
(see  Erreurs,  tome  i-  pp.  243,  259). 


1797.  INTRIGUES  AGAINST  JOSEPHINE.  129 

poor  country,  where  money  is  scarce,  and  where  reverses 
followed  close  upon  his  victories.  All  these  reports  are 
false.  What  he  brought  from  Italy  has  just  been  stated, 
and  it  will  be  seen  when  we  come  to  Egypt  what  treasure 
he  carried  away  from  the  country  of  the  Pharaohs. 

Bonaparte's  brothers,  desirous  of  obtaining  complete 
dominion  over  his  mind,  strenuously  endeavoured  to  les- 
sen the  influence  which  Josephine  possessed  from  the  love 
of  her  husband.  They  tried  to  excite  his  jealousy,  and  took 
advantage  of  her  stay  at  INIilan  after  our  departure,  which 
had  been  authorised  by  Bonaparte  himself.  My  intimacy 
with  both  the  husband  and  the  wife  fortunately  afforded 
me  an  opportunity  of  averting  or  lessening  a  good  deal  of 
mischief.  If  Josephine  still  lived,  she  would  allow  me 
this  merit.  I  never  took  part  against  her  but  once,  and 
that  unwillingly.  It  was  on  the  subject  of  the  marriage 
of  her  daughter  Hortense.  Josephine  had  never  as  yet 
spoken  to  me  on  the  subject.  Bonaparte  wished  to  give 
his  step-daughter  to  Duroc,  and  his  brothers  were  eager 
to  promote  the  marriage,  because  they  wished  to  separate 
Josephine  from  Hortense,  for  whom  Bonaparte  felt  the 
tenderest  affection.  Josephine,  on  the  other  hand,  wished 
Hortense  to  marry  Louis  Bonaparte.  Her  motives,  as 
may  easily  be  divined,  were  to  gain  support  in  a  family 
where  she  experienced  nothing  but  enmity,  and  she  car- 
ried her  point.^ 

1  Previous  to  her  marriage  with  Loais,  Hortense  cherished  an  attach- 
ment for  Duroc,  who  was  at  that  time  a  handsome  man  aliout  thirty,  and 
a  great  favourite  of  Bonaparte.  However,  the  indifference  witli  which 
Duroc  regarded  the  marriage  of  Louis  Bonajjarte  sufficiently  ])roves  that 
the  regard  with  which  he  had  inspired  Hortense  was  not  very  ardently 
returned.  It  is  certain  that  Duroc  might  have  become  tlie  husband  of 
Mademoiselle  de  Beauharnais  had  he  liecn  willing  to  accede  to  the  con- 
ditions on  which  the  First  Consul  offered  Iiini  liis  .step-dauglitor's  hand. 
But  Duroc  looked  forward  to  sometliing  better,  and  his  ordinary  prudence 
forsook  him  at  a  moment  when  he  might  easily  have  beheld  a  i)crsi)ective 
calculated  to  gratify  even  a  more  towering  ambition  than  his.  lie  declined 
VOL.  I.  —  9 


130  MK.MOIUS   (^F   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1797. 

On  liis  arrival  from  IJastadt  the  most  ma^milicont  prep- 
arations were  made  at  the  Luxembourg  for  tlie  reception 
of  Btinaparte.  Tlie  grand  court  of  tlie  Palace  was  ele- 
gantly ornamented ;  and  at  its  farther  end,  close  to  tlie 
I'alace,  a  large  amphitheatre  was  erected  for  the  accom- 
modation of  official  jjcrsons.  Curiosity,  as  on  all  like 
occasions,  attracted  multitudes,  and  the  court  w\as  iilled. 
Opposite  to  the  ]irincipal  vestibule  stood  the  altar  of  tlie 
country,  surrounded  by  the  statues  of  Liberty,  E([uality, 
and  Peace.  When  Bonajjarte  entered,  every  liead  was 
uncovered.  The  windows  were  full  of  young  and  beauti- 
ful females.  But  notwithstanding  this  great  preparation, 
an  icy  coldness  characterised  the  ceremony.  Every  one 
seemed  to  be  present  only  for  the  purpose  of  beliolding  a 
sight,  and  curiosity  was  the  prevailing  expression  rather 
than  joy  or  gratitude.  It  is  but  right  to  say,  however, 
that  an  unfortunate  event  contributed  to  the  general  in- 
difference. The  right  wing  of  the  Palace  was  not  occu- 
pied, but  great  preparations  had  been  making  there,  and 
an  officer  had  been  directed  to  prevent  any  one  from 
ascending.  One  of  the  clerks  of  the  Directory,  however, 
contrived  to  get  upon  the  scaffolding,  but  had  scarcely 
placed  his  foot  on  the  first  plank  wlien  it  tilted  up,  and 
the  imprudent  man  fell  the  whole  height  into  the  court. 
This  accident  created  a  general  stupor.  Ladies  fainted, 
and  the  windows  were  nearly  deserted. 

the  proposed  marriage;  and  the  union  of  Ilortense  ami  Lonis,  which 
Madame  Bonaparte,  to  coiiciliate  the  favour  of  her  brothers-in-law,  had 
endeavoured  to  bring  about,  was  immediately  determined  on  (Memoires 
de  Constant). 

In  allusion  to  the  alleged  unfriendly  feeling  of  Napoleon's  brothers 
towarils  .Josopbine,  the  following  observation  occurs  in  Joseph  Bonaparte's 
"  Notes  on  Bourrienne  "  :  — 

"None  of  Najxdeon's  brothers,"  he  says,  "were  near  him  from  the 
time  of  his  departure  for  Italy  except  Louis,  who  cannot  be  suspected  of 
having  intrigued  against  .r<ise]>hine,  whose  dangliter  he  married.  These 
calumnies  are  without  foundation"  {Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  244). 


1797.  GRAND  RECEPTION  IN  PARIS.  131 

However,  the  Directory  displayed  all  tlie  Pitj]iulj]ican 
splendour  of  which  they  were  so  prodigal  on  similar 
occasions.  Speeches  were  far  from  being  scarce.  Tal- 
leyrand, who  was  tlien  Minister  for  Foreign  Afifairs,  on 
introducing  Bonaparte  to  the  Directory,  made  a  lon^ 
oration,  in  the  course  of  which  he  hinted  that  the  per- 
sonal greatness  of  the  General  ought  not  to  excite 
uneasiness,  even  in  a  rising  republic.  "Far  from  ap- 
prehending anything  from  his  ambition,  I  believe  that 
we  shall  one  day  be  obliged  to  solicit  him  to  tear  him- 
self from  the  pleasures  of  studious  retirement.  All 
France  will  be  free,  but  perhaps  he  never  will ;  such 
is  his  destiny." 

Talleyrand  was  listened  to  with  impatience,  so  anxious 
was  every  one  to  hear  Bonaparte.  The  conqueror  of 
Italy  then  rose,  and  pronounced  with  a  modest  air,  but  in 
a  firm  voice,  a  short  address  of  congratulation  on  the 
improved  position  of  the  nation. 

Barras,  at  that  time  President  of  the  Directory,  replied 
to  Bonaparte  with  so  much  prolixity  as  to  weary  every  one  ; 
and  as  soon  as  he  had  finished  speaking  he  threw  himself 
into  the  arms  of  the  General,  who  was  not  much  pleased 
with  such  affected  displays,  and  gave  him  what  was  then 
called  the  fraternal  embrace.  The  other  members  of  the 
Directory,  following  the  example  of  the  President,  sur- 
rounded Bonaparte  and  pressed  him  in  their  arms  ;  each 
acted,  to  the  best  of  his  ability,  his  part  in  the  sentinu-ntal 
comedy. 

Ch^nier  composed  for  this  occasion  a  hymn,  which 
Mdhul  set  to  music.  A  few  days  after  an  opera  was  pro- 
duced, bearing  the  title  of  the  "  Fall  of  Carthage, "  wliich 
was  meant  as  an  allusion  to  the  anticipated  exploits  of 
the  conqueror  of  Italy,  recently  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  "  Army  of  England."  The  poets  were  all  em])loyed 
in  praising  him  ;   and  Lebrun,  with  but  little  of   the  Pin- 


1:52  MKMOIHS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPAKTE.  1797. 

daric  Hre  in   his  soul,  composed  the    following    distich, 
which  certainly  is  not  worth  much  :  — 

"  Heros,  cher  h.  la  paix,  aux  arts,  h  la  victoirc  — 
II  con(|uit  en  deux  aiis  niille  siecles  de  ^'loire." 

The  two  councils  were  not  disposed  to  he  hehind  the 
Directory  in  the  manifestation  of  joy.  A  few  days  after, 
they  gave  a  banquet  to  the  General  in  the  gallery  of  the 
Louvre,  which  had  recently  been  enriched  by  the  master- 
pieces of  painting  conquered  in  Italy. 

At  this  time  Bonaparte  displayed  great  modesty  in  all 
his  transactions  in  Paris.  The  administrators  of  the  De- 
partment of  the  Seine  having  sent  a  deputation  to  him  to 
inquire  what  hour  and  day  he  would  allow  them  to  wait 
on  him,  he  carried  himself  his  answer  to  the  department, 
accompanied  by  General  Berthier.  It  was  also  remarked 
that  the  judge  of  the  peace  of  the  arrondissement  where 
the  General  lived  having  called  on  him  on  the  6th  of 
December,  the  evening  of  his  arrival,  he  returned  the  visit 
next  morning.  These  attentions,  trifling  as  they  may 
appear,  were  not  without  their  effect  on  the  minds  of  the 
Parisians. 

In  consequence  of  General  Bonaparte's  victories,  the 
peace  he  had  effected,  and  the  brilliant  reception  of  which 
he  had  been  the  object,  the  business  of  Vend^miaire  was 
in  some  measure  forgotten.  Every  one  was  eager  to  get 
a  sight  of  the  young  hero  whose  career  had  commenced 
with  so  much  eclat.  He  lived  very  retiredly,  yet  went 
often  to  the  theatre.  He  desirel  me,  one  day,  to  go  and 
request  the  representation  of  two  of  the  best  pieces  of  the 
time,  in  which  Elleviou,  Mesdames  St.  Aubin,  Phillis,  and 
otlier  distinguished  performers  played.  His  message  was, 
that  he  only  wished  these  two  pieces  on  the  same  night, 
if  that  were  possilde.  The  manager  told  me  that  nothing 
that  the  conqueror  of  Italy  wished  for  was  impossible,  for 


1797.  BONAPARTE   AT   THE   THEATRES.  133 

he  had  long  ago  erased  that  word  from  the  dictionary. 
Bonaparte  laughed  heartily  at  the  manager's  answer. 
When  we  went  to  the  theatre  he  seated  himself,  as  usual, 
in  the  back  of  the  box,  behind  Madame  Bonaparte,  mak- 
ing me  sit  by  her  side.  The  pit  and  boxes,  however,  soon 
found  out  that  he  was  in  the  house,  and  loudly  called  for 
him.  Several  times  an  earnest  desire  to  see  him  was  mani- 
fested, but  all  in  vain,  for  he  never  showed  himself. 

Some  days  after,  being  at  the  Theatre  des  Arts,  at  the 
second  representation  of  "Horatius  Coclfes,"  although  he 
was  sitting  at  the  back  of  a  box  in  the  second  tier,  the  audi- 
ence discovered  that  he  was  in  the  house.  Immediately 
acclamations  arose  from  all  quarters;  but  he  kept  himself 
concealed  as  much  as  possible,  and  said  to  a  person  in  the 
next  box,  "  Had  I  known  that  the  boxes  were  so  exposed, 
I  should  not  have  come." 

During  Bonaparte's  stay  at  Paris  a  woman  sent  a  mes- 
senger to  warn  him  that  his  life  would  be  attempted,  and 
that  poison  was  to  be  employed  for  that  purpose.  Bona- 
parte had  the  bearer  of  this  information  arrested,  who 
went,  accompanied  by  the  judge  of  the  peace,  to  the  wo- 
man's house,  where  she  was  found  extended  on  the  floor, 
and  bathed  in  her  blood.  The  men  whose  plot  she  had 
overheard,  having  discovered  that  she  had  revealed  their 
secret,  murdered  her.  The  poor  woman  was  dreadfully 
mangled:  her  tliroat  was  cut;  and,  not  satisfied  with 
that,  the  assassins  had  also  hacked  her  body  with  sharp 
instruments. 

On  the  night  of  the  10th  of  Xivose,  the  Rue  Chantereine, 
in  which  Bonaparte  had  a  small  house  (No.  6),  received, 
in  pursuance  of  a  decree  of  the  department,  the  name  of 
Eue  de  la  Victoire.  The  cries  of  "  Vive  Bonaparte  ! "  and 
the  incense  prodigally  offered  up  to  him,  did  not,  however, 
seduce  him  from  his  retired  habits.  Lately  the  con- 
queror and  ruler  of  Italy,  and  now  under  men  for  whom 


134  MEMOIIJS   or   NAToLKON   nONAPARTE.  1797. 

he  liail  11(1  respect,  and  who  saw  in  him  a  formidable  rival, 
he  said  to  me  one  day,  "The  peoi)le  of  Paris  do  not  re- 
member anything.  Were  I  to  remain  here  long,  doing 
nothing,  I  should  be  lost.  In  this  great  Babylon  one 
re])ntation  dis]»laees  anotlier.  Let  me  bo  seen  but  tliree 
times  at  tlie  theatre,  and  I  shall  no  hmger  excite  attention  ; 
so  1  shall  go  there  but  seldom."  When  he  went  he  occu- 
pied a  box  shaded  with  curtains.  The  manager  of  the 
opera  wished  to  get  up  a  s])ecial  ])erformauce  in  his 
honour ;  but  he  declined  tlie  oiler  When  I  observed  that 
it  must  be  agreeable  to  him  to  see  iiis  fellow-citizens  so 
eagerly  running  after  him,  he  replied,  "  Bah  !  the  people 
would  crowd  as  fast  to  see  me  if  I  were  going  to  the 
scatlbld."  1 

On  the  28th  of  December  Bonaparte  was  named  a 
member  of  the  Institute,  in  the  class  of  the  Sciences  and 
Arts.^  He  showed  a  deep  sense  of  this  honour,  and 
wrote  the  following  letter  to  Camus,  the  president  of  the 
class :  — 

Citizen  President,  —  The  s\ifrraj:fe  of  the  distinguished  men 
who  conipo.se  the  Institute  confers  a  high  honour  on  lue.  I  feel 
well  assured  that,  before  I  can  be  their  equal,  I  must  long  be 
their  scholar.  If  there  were  any  way  more  expressive  than 
another  of  making  known  my  esteem  for  you,  I  sliould  be  glad 
to  employ  it.  True  conquests — the  only  ones  which  leave  no 
regret  behind  them  —  are  those  which  are  made  over  ignorance. 
The  most  honourable,  as  well  as  the  most  useful,  occupation  for 
nations  is  the  contributing  to  the  extension  of  human  knowledge. 
The  true  power  of  the  French  Republic  should  lienceforth  be 

1  A  similar  remark  made  to  William  III.  on  his  lamiiug  at  Ihixliam 
elicited  the  comment,  "Like  the  Jews,  who  cried  oue  day,  'llosauua!' 
and  the  next,  'Cnuify  Him!    crucify  Him!'" 

■^  Napoleon  seems  to  have  really  considered  this  nomination  as  a  great 
honour.  He  wa.s  fond  of  using  the  title  in  hi.s  proclamati(jn.s  ;  and  to  the 
last  the  allowance  attached  to  tlie  apiiointment  figured  in  the  Imperial 
accounts.     He  replaced  Carnot,  the  exiled  Director. 


1797.  BONAPARTE'S   CHARACTER.  135 

made  to  consist  in  not  allowing  a  single  new  idea  to  exist 
without  making  it  part  of  its  property. 

Bonaparte. 

The  General  now  renewed,  though  unsuccessfully,  the 
attempt  he  had  made  before  the  18th  Fructidor  to  obtain 
a  dispensation  of  the  age  necessary  for  becoming  a  Di- 
rector. Perceiving  that  the  time  was  not  yet  favourable 
for  such  a  purpose,  he  said  to  me,  on  the  29th  of  January, 

1798,  "  Bourrienne,  I  do  not  wish  to  remain  here ;  there 
is  nothing  to  do.  They  are  unwilling  to  listen  to  any- 
thing. I  see  that  if  I  linger  here,  I  shall  soon  lose  myself. 
Everything  wears  out  here;  my  glory  has  already  disap- 
peared. This  little  Europe  does  not  supply  enough  of  it 
for  me.  I  must  seek  it  in  the  East,  the  fountain  of  glory. 
However,  I  wish  first  to  make  a  tour  along  the  coast,  to 
ascertain  by  my  own  observation  what  may  be  attempted. 
I  will  take  you,  Lannes,  and  Sulkowsky,  with  me.  If  the 
success  of  a  descent  on  England  appear  doubtful,  as  I 
suspect  it  will,  the  Army  of  England  shall  become  the 
Army  of  the  East,  and  I  will  go  to  Egypt." 

This  and  other  conversations  give  a  correct  insight  into 
his  character.  He  always  considered  war  and  conquest  as 
the  most  noble  and  inexhaustible  source  of  that  glory 
which  was  the  constant  object  of  his  desire.  He  revolted 
at  the  idea  of  languishing  in  idleness  at  Paris,  while  fresh 
laurels  were  growing  for  him  in  distant  climes.  His  im- 
agination inscribed,  in  anticipation,  his  name  on  those 
gigantic  monuments  which  alone,  perhaps,  of  all  the  crea- 
tions of  man,  have  the  character  of  eternity.  Already 
proclaimed  the  most  illustrious  of  living  generals,  he 
sought  to  efface  the  rival  names  of  antiquity  by  his  own. 
If  Caesar  fought  fifty  battles,  he  longed  to  fight  a  hun- 
dred: if  Alexander  left  Macedon  to  penetrate  to  the 
Temple  of  Ammon,  he  wished  to  leave  Paris  to  travel  to 


136  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1797. 

the  Cataracts  of  the  Nile.  While  he  was  thus  to  run  a 
race  with  fame,  events  would,  in  his  opinion,  so  proceed 
in  France  a.s  tn  render  his  return  necessary  and  opportune. 
His  place  would  be  ready  for  him,  and  he  shuuld  not  come 
to  claim  it  a  forjiotten  or  unknown  man. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

1798. 

Bonaparte  left  Paris  for  the  north  on  the  10th  of  Febru- 
ary, 1798,  —  but  he  received  no  order,  though  I  have  seen 
it  everywhere  so  stated,  to  go  there,  —  "  for  the  purpose  of 
preparing  the  operations  connected  with  the  intended  in- 
vasion of  England."  He  occupied  himself  with  no  such 
business,  for  which  a  few  days  certainly  would  not  have 
been  sufficient.  His  journey  to  the  coast  was  nothing  but 
a  rapid  excursion,  and  its  sole  object  was  to  enable  him 
to  form  an  opinion  on  the  main  point  of  the  question. 
Neither  did  he  remain  absent  several  weeks,  for  the  jour- 
ney occupied  only  one.  There  were  four  of  us  in  his 
carriage,  —  himself,  Lannes,  Sulkowsky,  and  I.  Moustache 
was  our  courier.  Bonaparte  was  not  a  little  surprised 
on  reading,  in  the  "Moniteur"  of  the  10th  February,  an 
article  giving  greater  importance  to  his  little  excursion 
than  it  deserved. 

*'  General  Bonaparte,"  said  the  "  Moniteur,"  "  has  departed  for 
Dunkirk  witli  some  naval  and  engineer  officers.  Tliey  have 
gone  to  visit  the  coasts  and  prepare  the  prehmiuary  operations 
for  the  descent  [upon  England].  It  may  be  stated  that  he  will 
not  return  to  Rastadt,  and  that  the  close  of  the  session  of  tlie 
Congress  there  is  approaching." 

Now  for  the  facts.  Bonaparte  visited  Etaples,  Amble- 
teuse,  Boulogne,  Calais,  Dunkirk,  Furnes,  Niewport, 
Ostend,  and  the  Isle  of  Walchereu.     He  collected  at  the 


138  MEMOIRS   OK   XATOLEOX   BONArARTE.  1798. 

different  ports  all  the  necessary  information  with  that  in- 
telligence and  tact  fur  which  he  was  so  eminently  dis- 
tinguished. He  questioned  the  sailors,  smugglers,  and 
fishermen,  and  listened  attentively  to  the  answers  he 
received. 

We  returned  to  I'aris  by  Antwerp,  Brussels,  Lille,  and 
St.  Quentin.  The  object  of  our  journey  was  accomplished 
when  we  reached  the  first  of  these  towns.  "  Well,  Gen- 
eral," said  I,  "  what  think  you  of  our  journey  ?  Are  you 
satisfied  ?  For  my  part,  I  confess  I  entertain  no  great 
hopes  from  anything  I  have  seen  and  heard."  Bonaparte 
immediately  answered,  "  It  is  too  great  a  chance.  I  will 
not  hazard  it.  I  would  not  thus  sport  with  the  fate  of 
my  beloved  France."  On  hearing  this,  I  already  fancied 
myself  in  Cairo ! 

On  his  return  to  Paris,  Bonaparte  lost  no  time  in  set- 
ting on  foot  the  military  and  scientihc  preparations  for 
the  projected  expedition  to  the  banks  of  the  Nile,  re- 
specting which  such  incorrect  statements  have  appeared. 
It  had  long  occupied  his  thoughts,  as  the  following  facts 
will  prove. 

In  the  month  of  August,  1797,  he  wrote  "  that  the  time 
was  not  far  distant  when  we  should  see  that,  to  destroy 
the  power  of  England  effectually,  it  woukl  be  necessary 
to  attack  Egypt."  In  the  same  month  he  wrote  to  Talley- 
rand, who  had  just  succeeded  Charles  de  Lacroix  as  j\Iin- 
ister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  "  that  it  would  l)e  necessary  to 
attack  Egypt,  which  did  not  belong  to  the  Grand  Seignior." 
Talleyrand  replied  "  that  his  ideas  respecting  Egypt  were 
certainly  grand,  and  that  their  utility  could  not  fail  to  be 
fully  appreciated."  He  concluded  l)y  saying  he  would 
write  to  him  at  length  on  the  subject. 

History  will  speak  as  favourably  of  ]\I.  de  Talleyrand 
as  his  contemporaries  have  spoken  ill  of  liim.  When  a 
statesman,  throughout  a  great,  long,  and  difficult  career, 


1798.  EXPEDITION   AGAINST   MALTA.  139 

makes  and  preserves  a  number  of  faithfnl  friends,  and 
provokes  but  few  enemies,  it  must  be  acknowledged  that 
his  character  is  honourable  and  his  talent  profound,  and 
that  his  political  conduct  has  been  wise  and  moderate. 
It  is  impossible  to  know  M,  de  Talleyrand  without  admir- 
ing him.  All  who  have  that  advantage,  no  doubt  judge 
him  as  I  do. 

In  the  month  of  November  of  the  same  year,  Bonaparte 
sent  Poussielgue,  under  the  pretence  of  inspecting  the 
ports  of  the  Levant,  to  give  the  finishing  stroke  to  the 
meditated  expedition  against  Malta. 

General  Desaix,  whom  Bonaparte  had  made  the  confi- 
dant of  all  his  plans  at  their  interview  in  Italy  after  the 
preliminaries  of  Leoben,  wrote  to  him  from  Affenbourg, 
on  his  return  to  Germany,  that  he  regarded  the  fleet  of 
Corfu  with  great  interest.  "  If  ever,"  said  he,  "  it  should 
be  engaged  in  the  grand  enterprises  of  which  I  have 
heard  you  speak,  do  not,  I  beseech  you,  forget  me." 
Bonaparte  was  far  from  forgetting  him. 

The  Directory  at  first  disapproved  of  the  expedition 
against  Malta,  which  Bonaparte  had  proposed  long  before 
the  treaty  of  Campo-Formio  was  signed.  The  expedi- 
tion was  decided  to  be  impossible,  for  Malta  had  ob- 
served strict  neutrality,  and  had  on  several  occasions 
even  assisted  our  ships  and  seamen.  Thus  we  had  no 
pretext  for  going  to  war  with  her.  It  was  said,  too, 
that  the  legislative  body  would  certainly  not  look  with  a 
favourable  eye  on  such  a  measure.  This  opinion,  wliich, 
however,  did  not  last  long,  vexed  Bonaparte.  It  was  one 
of  the  disappointments  wliich  made  him  give  a  rough 
welcome  to  Bottot,  Barras'  agent,  at  the  commencement 
of  October,  1797. 

In  the  course  of  an  animated  conversation,  lie  said  to 
Bottot,  shrugging  liis  shoulders,  "  Mon  Dieu  !  ]\Ialta  is 
for  sale ! "     Some  time  after  he   himself  was   told  that 


140  MEMOIRS  OF   NAPOLEON    BoNArAUTE.  1798. 

"great  importance  was  attached  to  the  acquisilinn  of 
Malta,  and  that  he  must  not  sull'cr  it  to  escape."  At  the 
latter  end  of  Sejitember,  1797,  Talleyrand,  then  Minister 
of  Foreign  Allairs,  wrote  to  him  that  the  Directory 
authorised  him  to  give  the  necessary  orders  to  Admiral 
Brueys  for  taking  Malta.  He  sent  Bonaparte  some  let- 
ters for  the  island,  because  Bonajjarte  had  said  it  was 
necessary  to  prepare  the  i)ublic  mind  for  the  event. 

Bonaparte  exerted  himself  night  and  day  in  the  execu- 
tion of  his  projects.  I  never  saw  him  so  active.  He 
made  himself  acquainted  with  the  abilities  of  the  respec- 
tive generals,  and  the  force  of  all  the  army  corps.  Orders 
and  instructions  succeeded  each  other  with  extraordinary 
rapidity.  If  he  wanted  an  order  of  the  Directory,  he  ran 
to  the  Luxembourg  to  get  it  signed  by  one  of  the  Direc- 
tors. Merlin  de  Douai  was  generally  the  person  who  did 
him  this  ser\'ice,  for  he  was  the  most  constant  at  his  post. 
Lagarde,  the  Secretary-General,  did  not  countersign  any 
document  relative  to  this  expedition,  Bonaparte  not  wish- 
ing him  to  be  informed  of  the  business.  He  transmitted 
to  Toulon  the  money  taken  at  Berne,  whicli  the  Directory 
had  placed  at  his  disposal.  It  amounted  to  something 
above  3,000,000  francs.  In  those  times  of  disorder  and 
negligence,  the  finances  were  very  badly  managed.  The 
revenues  were  anticipated  and  squandered  away,  so  that 
the  treasury  never  possessed  so  large  a  sum  as  that  just 
mentioned. 

It  was  determined  that  Bonaparte  should  undertake  an 
expedition  of  an  unusual  character  to  the  East.  I  must 
confess  that  two  things  cheered  me  in  tliis  very  painful 
interval :  my  friendship  and  admiration  for  the  talents 
of  the  conqueror  of  Italy,  and  the  pleasing  ho})e  of 
traversing  those  ancient  regions,  the  historical  and  relig- 
ious accounts  of  which  had  engaged  the  attention  of  my 
youth. 


1798.  THE   ARMY   OF   THE   EAST.  141 

It  was  at  Passeriano  that,  seeing  the  approaching  ter- 
mination of  his  labours  in  Europe,  he  first  began  to  turn 
serious  attention  to  the  East.  During  his  long  strolls  in 
the  evening  in  the  magnificent  park  there,  he  delighted  to 
converse  about  the  celebrated  events  of  that  part  of  the 
world,  and  the  many  famous  empires  it  once  possessed. 
He  used  to  say,  "  Europe  is  a  mole-hill.  There  have  never 
been  great  empires  and  revolutions  except  in  the  East, 
where  there  are  600,000,000  men."  He  considered  that 
part  of  the  world  as  the  cradle  of  all  religions,  of  all 
metaphysical  extravagances.  This  subject  was  no  less 
interesting  than  inexhaustible,  and  he  daily  introduced  it 
when  conversing  with  the  generals  with  whom  he  was 
intimate,  with  jMonge,  and  with  me. 

Monge  entirely  concurred  in  the  General-in-Chief's 
opinions  on  this  point ;  and  his  scientific  ardour  was  in- 
creased by  Bonaparte's  enthusiasm.  In  short,  all  were 
unanimously  of  one  opinion.  The  Directory  had  no  share 
in  renewing  the  project  of  this  memorable  expedition, 
the  result  of  which  did  not  correspond  w^ith  the  grand 
views  in  which  it  had  been  conceived.  Neither  had  the 
Directory  any  positive  control  over  Bonaparte's  departure 
or  return.  It  was  merely  the  passive  instrument  of  the 
General's  wishes,  which  it  converted  into  decrees,  as  the 
law  required.  He  was  no  more  ordered  to  undertake 
the  conquest  of  Egypt  than  he  was  instructed  as  to  the 
plan  of  its  execution.  Bonaparte  organised  the  army  of 
the  East,  raised  money,  and  collected  ships ;  and  it  was 
he  who  conceived  the  happy  idea  of  joining  to  the  expedi- 
tion men  distinguished  in  science  and  art,  and  whose 
labours  have  made  known,  in  its  present  and  past  state, 
a  country,  the  very  name  of  which  is  never  pronounced 
without  exciting  grand  recollections. 

Bonaparte's  orders  flew  like  lightning  from  Toulon  to 
Civita  Vecchia.     With  admirable  precision  he  appointed 


142  MEMOIRS   OK   NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798 

some  forces  to  asseml)le  before  Malta,  and  others  before 
Alexandria.  He  dictated  all  the.se  orders  to  nie  in  his 
Cabinet. 

In  the  yiosition  in  which  France  stood  with  respect  to 
Europe,  after  the  treaty  of  Cain]io-Furniio,  the  Directory, 
far  from  pressing  or  even  facilitating  this  expedition, 
ought  to  have  opposed  it.  A  victory  on  the  Adige  would 
have  been  far  better  for  France  than  one  on  the  Nile. 
From  all  I  saw,  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  wish  to  get  rid 
of  an  ambitious  and  rising  man,  whose  popularity  excited 
envy,  triumphed  over  the  evident  danger  of  removing,  for 
an  indefinite  period,  an  excellent  army,  and  the  possible 
loss  of  the  French  fleet.  As  to  Bonaparte,  he  was  well 
assured  that  nothing  remained  for  him  but  to  choose 
between  that  hazardous  enterprise  and  his  certain  ruin. 
Egypt  was,  he  thought,  the  right  place  to  maintain  his 
rei»utation,  and  to  add  fresh  glory  to  his  name. 

On  the  12th  of  April,  1798,  he  was  appointed  General- 
in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  East. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  ]\Iarmont  was  married  to 
Mademoiselle  Perregaux  ;  and  Bonaparte's  aide-de-camp, 
La  Vallette,  to  ^lademoi-selle  Beauharnais.^ 

Shortly  before  our  departure  I  asked  Bonaparte  how 
long  he  intended  to  remain  in  Egypt.  He  replied,  "A 
few  months,  or  six  years  :  all  depends  on  circumstances. 
I  will  colonise  the  country.  I  will  bring  them  artists  and 
artisans  of  every  description  ;  women,  actors,  etc.  We 
are  but  nine-ftnd-twenty  now,  and  we  shall  then  be  five- 
and-thirty.  That  is  not  an  old  nge.  Those  six  years  will 
enable  me,  if  all  goes  well,  to  get  to  India.  Give  out  that 
you  are  going  to  Brest.  Say  so  even  to  your  family."  I 
obeyed,  to  prove  my  discretion  and  real  attachment  to  him. 

^  Sir  Walter  Scott  informs  us  that  Josephine,  when  she  became  Em- 
press, hroui^ht  aliuut  tlie  marriage  between  iier  niece  and  La  Vallette. 
This  is  auuther  fictitious  incident  of  his  historical  romance.  —  Bouinenne. 


1798.  PROVISIOX  OF    BOOKS.  143 

Bonaparte  wished  to  form  a  camp  library  of  cabinet 

editions,  and  lie  gave  me  a  list  of  the  books  which  I  was 

to  purchase.  This  list  is  in  his  own  writing,  and  is  as 
follows  :  — 

CAMP  LIBRARY. 

1.  Arts  AND  Sciexce.  —  Fontenelle's  "Worlds,  1  vol.  Letters 
to  a  German  Princess,  2  vols.  Courses  of  the  Normal  School,  6 
vols.     The  Artillery  Assistant,  1  vol.     Treatise  on  Fortifications, 

3  vols.     Treatise  on  Fireworks,  1  vol. 

2.  Geography  and  Travels.  —  Barclay's  Geography,  12  vols. 
Cook's  Voyages,  3  vols.     La  Harpe's  Travels,  24  vols. 

3.  History.  —  Plutarch,  12  vols.     Turenne,  2  vols.     Conde, 

4  vols.  Villars,  4  vols.  Luxembourg,  2  vols.  Duguesclin,  2 
vols.  Saxe,  3  vols.  Memoirs  of  the  iMarshals  of  France,  20  vols. 
President  Hainault,  4  vols.  Chronology,  2  vols.  Marlborough, 
4  vols.  Prince  Eugene,  6  vols.  Philosophical  History  of  India, 
12  vols.  Germany,  2  vols.  Charles  XII.,  1  vol.  Essay  on 
the  Manners  oi  Nations,  6  vols.  Peter  the  Great,  1  vol.  Poly- 
bius,  6  vols.  Justin,  2  vols.  Arrian,  3  vols.  Tacitus,  2  vols. 
Titus  Livy.  Thucydides,  2  vols.  Vertot,  4  vols.  Denina,  8 
vols.     Frederick  II.,  8  vols. 

4.  Poetry.  —  Ossian,  1  vol .  Tasso,  6  vols.  Ariosto,  6  vols. 
Homer,  6  vols.  Virgil,  4  vols.  The  Henriade,  1  vol.  Tele- 
machus,  2  vols.  Les  Jardins,  1  vol.  The  Chefs-d'Q^uvre  of 
the  French  Theatre,  20  vols.  Select  Light  Poetry,  10  vols. 
La  Fontaine. 

5.  Romance.  —  Voltaire,  4  vols.  Heloise,  4  vols.  Werther, 
1  vol.  Marraontel,  4  vols.  English  Novels,  40  vols.  Le  Sage, 
10  vols.     Prevost,  10  vols. 

6.  Politics  and  Morals.  —  The  Old  Testament.  The  New 
Testament.  The  Koran.  The  Vedan.  Mythology.  Montes- 
quieu.    The  Esprit  des  Lois. 

It  will  be  observed  that  he  classed  the  books  of  the 
religious  creeds  of  nations  under  the  head  of  "  politics." 

The  autograph  copy  of  the  above  list  contains  some  of 
those  orthographical  blunders  which   Bonaparte  so  fre- 


144  MEMOIRS  OF   NAl-oLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

quently  committed.  Whether  these  blunders  are  attrih- 
utalik'  to  the  limited  course  of  instruction  he  received  at 
liricnne,  to  his  hasty  writing,  tlie  rapid  How  of  his  ideas, 
or  the  little  importance  he  attached  to  that  indispensable 
condition  of  polite  education,  I  know  not.  Knowiuf^ 
so  well  as  he  did  the  authors  and  generals  whose  names 
appear  in  the  above  list,  it  is  curious  that  he  should 
have  written  Ducccling  for  Duguesclin,  and  Ocean  for 
Ossian.  The  latter  mistake  would  have  puzzled  me  not 
a  little  had  I  not  known  his  predilection  for  the  Caledo- 
nian bard. 

Before  his  departure  Bonaparte  laid  in  a  considerable 
stock  of  Burgundy.  It  was  supplied  by  a  man  named 
James,  of  Dijon.  I  may  observe  that  on  this  occasion  we 
had  an  opportunity  of  ascertaining  that  good  Burgundy, 
well  racked  off,  and  in  casks  hermetically  sealed,  does  not 
lose  its  quality  on  a  sea  voyage.  Several  cases  of  this 
Burgundy  twice  crossed  the  desert  of  the  Isthmus  of  Suez 
on  camels'  backs.  We  brought  some  of  it  back  with  us 
to  Frejus;  and  it  was  as  good  as  when  we  departed. 
James  went  with  ns  to  Egypt. 

During  the  remainder  of  our  stay  in  Paris  nothing  oc- 
curred worthy  of  mention,  with  the  exception  of  a  conver- 
sation between  Bonaparte  and  me  some  days  before  our 
departure  for  Toulon.  He  went  with  me  to  the  Luxem- 
bourg to  get  signatures  to  the  official  papers  connected 
with  his  expedition.  He  was  very  silent.  As  we  passed 
though  the  Kue  Sainte  Anne  I  asked  him,  with  no  other 
ol)ject  than  merely  to  break  a  long  pause,  whether  he  was 
still  determined  to  quit  France.  He  replied,  "  Yes ;  I 
have  tried  everything.  They  do  not  want  me  "  (probably 
alluding  to  the  office  of  Director).  "  I  ought  to  overthrow 
them,  and  make  myself  King ;  but  it  will  not  do  yet. 
The  nobles  will  never  consent  to  it.  I  have  tried  my 
ground.     The  time  is  not  yet  come.     I  should  be  alone. 


1798.  DEPARTURE  FOR  TOULON.  145 

But  I  will  dazzle  them  again."  I  replied,  "  Well,  we  will 
go  to  Egypt ; "  and  changed  the  conversation.^ 

The  squabble  with  Bernadotte  at  Vienna  delayed  our 
departure  for  a  fortnight,  and  might  have  had  the  most 
disastrous  influence  on  the  fate  of  the  squadron,  as  Nel- 
son would  most  assuredly  have  waited  between  Malta 
and  Sicily  if  he  had  arrived  there  before  us.  ^ 

It  is  untrue  that  he  ever  entertained  the  idea  of  aban- 
doning the  expedition  in  consequence  of  Bernadotte's 
affair.  The  following  letter  to  Brueys,  dated  the  28th  of 
April,  1798,  proves  the  contrary:  — 

"  Some  disturbances  which  have  arisen  at  Vienna  render  my 
presence  in  Paris  necessary  for  a  few  days.  This  will  not 
change  any  of  the  arrangements  for  the  expedition.  I  have  sent 
orders  by  this  courier  for  the  troops  at  Marseilles  to  embark  and 
proceed  to  Toulon.  On  the  evening  of  the  30th,  I  will  send  you 
a  courier  with  orders  for  you  to  embark  and  proceed  with  the 
squadron  and  convoy  to  Genoa,  where  I  will  join  you. 

1  Lucieu  and  the  Bonapartists  of  course  deny  that  Napoleon  wished  to 
become  Director,  or  to  seize  on  power  at  this  time ;  see  "  Lucien,"  tome  i.  p. 
154.  Thiers  (vol.  v.  p.  257)  takes  the  same  view.  Lanfrey  (tome  i.  p.  363) 
believes  Napoleon  was  at  last  compelled  by  the  Directory  to  start,  and  he 
credits  the  story  told  by  Desaix  to  Mathieu  Dumas,  or  rather  to  the  wife 
of  that  officer,  that  there  was  a  ]>lot  to  upset  the  Directory,  but  tliat  when 
all  was  ready.  Napoleon  judged  that  the  time  was  not  ripe.  Lanfrey,  how- 
ever, rather  enlarges  what  Dumas  says;  see  Dumas,  tome  iii.  p.  157.  See 
also  the  very  remarkable  conversation  of  Napoleon  with  Miot  de  Melito  just 
before  leaving  Italy  for  Rastadt :  "  I  cannot  obey  any  longer.  I  have 
tasted  the  plea.sures  of  command,  and  I  cannot  renounce  it.  My  decision 
is  taken.    If  I  cannot  be  master,  I  shall  quit  France  "  ( Miot,  tome  i.  p.  1 84). 

2  Sir  Walter  Scott,  without  any  authority,  states  that,  at  the  moment 
of  his  departure,  Bonaparte  seemed  disposed  to  abandon  the  comniand  of 
an  expedition  so  doubtful  and  hazardous,  and  that  for  tliis  purpose  he 
endeavoured  to  take  advantage  of  what  had  occurred  at  Vienna.  This 
must  be  ranked  in  the  class  of  inventions,  togetlier  with  Barras'  mysteri- 
ous visit  to  cominunicate  the  change  of  destination,  and  also  the  ostracism 
and  honourable  exile  which  the  Directory  wished  to  impose  on  Bonaparte. 
—  Bourrienne. 

VOL.  I. 10 


146  MEMOIUS   OF   NAI'OLEON    BONA T ARTE.  1798. 

"Tlie 'U'liiy  which  this  frosli  event  has  occasioned  will,  ] 
imagine,  have  enabled  you  to  complete  every  prt'paration." 

Wo  loft  Taris  on  tlie  od  of  May,  1798.  Ten  days  hefore 
Bonaparte's  departure  for  Kgypt  a  prisoner  (Sir  Sidney 
Smith)  escaped  from  the  Temple,  who  was  ilestined  to 
contriliute  materially  to  his  reverses.  An  escape  so  un- 
imititrtaut  in  itself  afterwards  caused  the  failure  of  the 
most  ^'igantic  projects  and  daring  conceptions.  This  escape 
was  pregnant  with  future  events ;  a  false  order  of  the 
Minister  of  Police  prevented  the  revolution  of  the  East ! 

We  were  at  Toulon  on  the  Sth.  Bonaparte  knew  by 
the  movements  of  the  p]nglish  that  not  a  moment  was  to 
be  lost ;  but  adverse  winds  detained  us  ten  days,  which 
he  occupied  in  attending  to  the  most  minute  details  con- 
nected with  the  fleet. 

Bonaparte,  whose  attention  was  constantly  occupied 
with  his  army,  made  a  si)eech  to  the  soldiers,  which  I 
wrote  to  his  dictation,  and  which  appeared  in  the  public 
papers  at  the  time.  This  address  was  followed  by  cries 
of  "  The  Immortal  Republic  for  ever  !  "  and  the  singing  of 
national  hymns. 

Those  who  knew  Madame  Bonaparte  are  aware  that 
few  women  were  more  amiable  and  fascinating.  Bona- 
parte was  passionately  fond  of  her,  and  to  enjoy  the  pleas- 
ure of  her  society  as  long  as  possible  he  brought  her  with 
him  to  Toulon.  Nothing  could  l)e  more  ah'ecting  than 
their  parting.  On  leaving  Toulon,  Josephine  went  to  the 
waters  of  Plonibiferes.  I  recollect  that  during  her  stay  at 
Plombit^res  she  incurred  great  danger  from  a  serious  acci- 
dent. Whilst  she  was  one  day  sitting  at  the  balcony  of  the 
hotel,  with  her  suite,  the  balcony  suddenly  gave  way,  and 
all  the  persons  in  it  fell  into  the  street.  Madame  Bona- 
parte was  much  hurt,  but  no  serious  consequences  ensued.^ 

^  "  Madame  Bonaparte  had  been  but  a  short  time  at  I'lombiferes,  when 
one  morning,  as  she  was  sitting  in  her  drawing-room  engaged  at  needle- 


1798.  HUMANITY   OF   BONAPARTE.  147 

Bonaparte  had  scarcely  arrived  at  Toulon  when  he 
heard  that  the  law  for  the  death  of  emigrants  was  en- 
forced with  frightful  rigour ;  and  that  but  recently  an 
old  man,  upwards  of  eighty,  had  been  shot.  Indignant 
at  this  barbarity,  he  dictated  to  me,  in  a  tone  of  anger, 
the  following  letter  : — 

IlEAnQUARTERS,  TOULOX, 

27th  Floreal,  year  IV.  (16th  May,  1798). 
Bonaparte,    Member    of   the    National    Institute,    to  the 
Military  Commissioners  of  the  Ninth  Division,    estab- 
lished BY  the  Law  of  the  19th  Fructidor. 

I  have  learneJ,  citizens,  with  deep  regret,  that  an  old  man, 
between  seventy  and  eighty  years  of  age,  and  some  unfortunate 
women,  in  a  state  of  pregnancy,  or  surrounded  with  children 
of  tender  age,  liave  been  shot  on  the  charge  of  emigration. 

Have  the  soldiers  of  liberty  become  executioners  1  Can  the 
mercy  which  they  liave  exercised  even  in  the  fury  of  battle  be 
extinct  in  their  hearts  1 

The  law  of  the  19th  Fructidor  was  a  measure  of  public  safety. 
Its  object  was  to  reach  conspirators,  not  women  and  aged  men. 

I  therefore  exhort  you,  citizens,  whenever  the  law  briuo's  to 
your  tribunals  women  or  old  men,  to  declare  that  in  the  field 
of  battle  you  have  respected  the  women  and  old  men  of  your 
enemies. 

work  and  conversing  with  some  ladies,  Madame  de  Camhis,  who  was  in 
the  balcony,  called  her  to  look  at  a  beautiful  little  dog  that  was  passing 
through  the  street.  All  the  ladies  who  were  in  the  room  immediately 
rose,  and,  following  Madame  Bonaparte,  rushed  to  the  balcony,  which  in- 
stantly gave  way,  and  fell  with  a  tremendous  crash.  It  fortunately  hap- 
pened that  nobody  was  killed  ;  liut  Madame  doCambis  had  her  lej^  broken 
and  Madame  Bonaparte  was  dreadfully  hurt,  thontrh  she  escaped  without 
broken  bones.  M.  Charvet,  who  was  in  an  adjoinino;  room,  ])eing  alarmed 
by  the  noise,  ran  out,  and,  on  learniiif^  what  had  liappened,  he  ordered  a 
sheep  to  be  immediately  killed  ;  and  the  skin  of  the  animal  being  taken 
off,  Madame  Bona])arte  was  wrapped  in  it.  She  suffered  from  the  effects 
of  this  accident  for  a  considerable  time.  Her  hands  and  arms  were  so 
severely  bruised  that  she  was  long  unable  to  use  them"  (Mifmoires  de 
Constant). 


1-^9,  MEM(^IRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

Tho  ofRcer  who  signs  a  .sentence  against  a  person  incapable 
of  bearing  arms  is  a  coward. 

(Signed)     Bonapaute. 

This  letter  saved  the  life  of  an  unfortunate  man  who 
came  under  the  description  of  persons  to  whom  Bona- 
parte referred.  The  tone  of  this  note  shows  wliat  an  idea 
he  ah-eady  entertained  of  his  power.  He  took  upon  him, 
doubtless  from  the  noblest  motives,  to  step  out  of  his  way 
to  interpret  and  interdict  the  execution  of  a  law,  atro- 
cious, it  is  true,  but  which  even  in  those  times  of  weak- 
ness, disorder,  and  anarchy  was  still  a  law.  In  this 
instance,  at  least,  the  power  of  his  name  was  nobly  em- 
ployed. The  letter  gave  great  satisfaction  to  the  army 
destined  for  the  expedition. 

A  man  named  Simon,  wlio  had  followed  his  master  in 
emigration,  and  dreaded  the  application  of  the  law,  heard 
that  I  wanted  a  servant.  He  came  to  me,  and  acknowl- 
edged liis  situation.  He  suited  me,  and  I  hired  liim. 
He  then  told  me  he  feared  he  should  be  arrested  whilst 
going  to  the  port  to  embark.  Bonaparte,  to  whom  I 
mentioned  the  circumstance,  and  who  had  just  given  a 
striking  proof  of  his  aversion  to  these  acts  of  barbarity, 
said  to  me  in  a  tone  of  kindness,  "  Give  him  my  portfolio 
to  carry,  and  let  him  remain  with  you."  The  words 
"  Bonaparte,  General-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of  the  East," 
were  inscribed  in  large  gold  letters  on  the  green  morocco. 
Whether  it  was  the  portfolio  or  his  connection  with  us 
tliat  prevented  Simon  from  being  arrested,  I  know  not ; 
but  he  passed  on  without  interruption.  T  reprimanded 
him  for  having  smiled  derisively  at  the  ill-humour  of  the 
persons  appointed  to  arrest  him.  He  served  me  faith- 
fully, and  was  even  sometimes  useful  to  Bonaparte. 


CHAPTEK  XIII. 

1798. 

The  squadron  sailed  on  the  19th  of  May.  The  Orient, 
whicli,  owing  to  her  heavy  lading,  drew  too  much  water, 
touched  the  ground  ;  but  she  was  got  off  without  much 
difficulty. 

We  arrived  off  Malta  on  the  10th  of  June.  We  had 
lost  two  days  in  waiting  for  some  convoys  which  joined 
us  at  Malta. 

The  mtrigues  throughout  Europe  had  not  succeeded  in 
causing  the  ports  of  that  island  to  be  opened  to  us  imme- 
diately on  our  arrival.  Bonaparte  expressed  much  dis- 
pleasure against  the  persons  sent  from  Europe  to  arrange 
measures  for  that  purpose.  One  of  them,  however,  M. 
Dolomieu,  had  cause  to  repent  his  mission,  which  occa- 
sioned him  to  be  badly  treated  by  the  Sicilians.  M. 
Poussielgue  had  done  all  he  could  in  the  way  of  seduc- 
tion, but  he  had  not  completely  succeeded.  There  was 
some  misunderstanding,  and,  in  consequence,  some  shots 
were  intei'changed.  Bonaparte  was  very  much  pleased 
with  General  Baraguay  d'Hilliers'  services  m  Italy.  He 
could  not  but  praise  his  military  and  political  conduct  at 
Venice  when,  scarcely  a  year  before,  he  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  that  city  by  his  orders.  General  Baraguay  d'Hil- 
liers joined  us  with  his  division,  which  had  embarked  in 
the  convoy  that  sailed  from  Genoa.  The  General-in-Chief 
ordered  him  to  land  and  attack  the  western  part  of  the 
island.     He  executed  this  order  with  equal  prudence  and 


150  MEMOIRS   OF   NArOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1798. 

ability,  ami  hi^^'lily  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  General-in- 
Chii'f.  A.s  every  person  in  the  secret  knew  that  all  this 
was  a  mere  form,  these  hostile  demonstrations  pnKluced 
no  nnpleasaut  consequences.  We  wished  to  save  the 
honour  of  the  knights,  —  that  was  all ;  for  no  one  who  has 
seen  Malta  can  imagine  that  an  island  surrounded  with 
such  formidable  and  perfect  fortifications  would  have  sur- 
rendered in  two  days  to  a  Heet  which  was  pursued  by  an 
enemy.  The  impregnable  fortress  of  Malta  is  so  secure 
against  a  coup  de  main  that  General  Cal!'arelli,  after 
examining  its  fortifications,  said  to  the  General-in-Chief, 
in  my  presence,  "  Upon  my  word.  General,  it  is  lucky 
there  is  some  one  in  the  town  to  open  the  gates  for  us." 

By  comparing  the  observation  of  General  Caffarelli 
with  what  has  been  previously  stated  respecting  the  pro- 
ject of  the  expedition  to  Egypt  and  Malta,  an  idea  may 
be  formed  of  the  value  of  IJonaparte's  assertion  at  St. 
Helena :  "  The  capture  of  Malta  was  not  owing  to  private 
intrigues,  Init  to  the  sagacity  of  the  Commander-in-Chief. 
I  took  Malta  when  I  was  in  ^lantua  !  "  It  is  not  the  less 
true,  however,  that  I  wrote,  by  his  dictation,  a  mass  of 
instructions  for  private  intrigues.  Napoleon  also  said  to 
another  noble  companion  of  his  exile  at  St.  Helena,  "  Malta 
Certainly  possessed  vast  physical  means  of  resistance,  l)ut 
no  moral  means.  The  knights  did  nothing  dishonourable  : 
nobody  is  obliged  to  do  impossibilities.  No ;  but  they 
were  sold :  the  capture  of  Malta  was  assured  before  we 
left  Toulon." 

The  General-in-Chief  proceeded  to  that  part  of  the  port 
where  the  Turks  made  prisoners  by  the  knights  were  kept. 
The  disgusting  galleys  were  emptied  of  their  occupants. 
The  same  principles  which,  a  few  days  after,  formed  the 
basis  of  Bonaparte's  proclamation  to  the  Egyptians,  guided 
him  in  this  act  of  reason  and  humanity. 

He  walked  several  times  in  the  gardens  of  the  grand- 


1798.  NELSON'S  PURSUIT  OF  THE  FREXCH.  151 

master.  They  were  in  beautiful  order,  and  filled  with 
magnificent  orange-trees.  We  regaled  ourselves  with 
their  fruit,  which  the  great  heat  rendered  most  delicious. 

On  the  19th  of  June,  after  having  settled  the  govern- 
ment and  defence  of  the  island,  the  General  left  Malta, 
which  he  little  dreamed  he  had  taken  for  the  English, 
who  have  very  badly  requited  the  obligation.  ]\Iany  of 
the  knights  followed  Bonaparte,  and  took  civil  and  mili- 
tary appointments. 

During  the  night  of  the  22d  of  June,  the  English  squad- 
ron was  almost  close  upon  us.  It  passed  at  about  six 
leagues  from  the  French  fleet.  Nelson,  who  learned  the 
capture  of  Malta  at  Messina  on  the  day  we  left  the  island, 
sailed  direct  for  Alexandria,  without  proceeding  into  the 
north.  He  considered  that  city  to  be  the  place  of  our 
destination.  By  taking  the  shortest  course,  with  every 
sail  set,  and  unembarrassed  by  any  convoy,  he  arrived 
before  Alexandria  on  the  28th  of  June,  three  days  before 
the  French  fleet,  which,  nevertheless,  had  sailed  before 
him  from  the  shores  of  Malta.  The  French  squadron 
took  the  direction  of  Candia,  which  we  perceived  on  the 
25th  of  June,  and  afterwards  stood  to  the  south,  favoured 
by  the  Etesian  winds,  which  regularly  prevail  at  that 
season.  The  French  fleet  did  not  reach  Alexandria  till 
the  30th  of  June. 

When  on  board  the  Orient  he  took  pleasure  in  convers- 
ing frequently  with  Monge  and  Berthollet.  The  subjects 
on  which  they  usually  talked  were  chemistry,  mathemat- 
ics, and  religion.  General  Caffarelli,  whose  conversation, 
supplied  by  knowledge,  was  at  once  energetic,  witty,  and 
lively,  was  one  of  those  with  whom  he  most  willingly  dis- 
coursed. Whatever  friendship  he  might  entertain  for 
Berthollet,  it  was  easy  to  perceive  that  he  preferred 
Monge,  and  that  he  was  led  to  that  preference  because 
Monge,  endowed  with  an  ardent  imagination,  without  ex- 


152  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

actly  possessing  religious  principles,  had  a  kind  of  pre- 
dis]>osition  for  religious  ideas  which  liarnionised  with  the 
notions  of  Bonaparte.  On  this  subject  BerthoUet  some- 
times rallied  his  inseparable  friend  Monge.  Besides, 
BerthoUet  was,  with  his  cold  imagination,  constantly  de- 
voted to  analysis  and  abstractions,  inclined  towards  ma- 
terialism,—  an  opinion  with  which  the  General  was 
always  much  dissatisfied. 

l)onaparte  sometimes  conversed  with  Admiral  Brueys. 
His  object  was  always  to  gain  information  resjjecting  the 
different  manoeuvres,  and  nothing  astonished  the  Admiral 
more  than  the  sagacity  of  his  questions.  I  recollect  that 
one  day,  Bonaparte  having  asked  Brueys  in  what  manner 
the  hammocks  were  disposed  of  wlien  clearing  for  action, 
he  declared,  after  he  had  received  an  answer,  that  if  the 
case  should  occur,  he  would  order  every  one  to  throw  his 
bagjrarre  overboard. 

He  passed  a  great  part  of  his  time  in  his  cabin,  lying 
on  a  bed,  which,  swinging  on  a  kind  of  castors,  alleviated 
the  severity  of  the  sea-sickness  from  which  he  frequently 
suffered  much  when  the  ship  rolled. 

I  was  almost  always  with  him  in  his  cabin,  where  I 
read  to  him  some  of  the  favourite  works  which  he  had 
selected  for  his  camp  library.  He  also  frequently  con- 
versed, for  hours  together,  with  the  captains  of  the  vessels 
which  he  hailed.  He  never  failed  to  ask  whence  they 
came  ?  what  was  their  destination  ?  what  ships  they  had 
met?  what  course  they  had  sailed?  His  curiosity  being 
thus  satisfied,  he  allowed  them  to  continue  their  voyage, 
after  making  them  promise  to  say  nothing  of  having  seen 
the  French  squadron. 

"Whilst  we  were  at  sea,  he  seldom  rose  before  ten  o'clock 
in  the  morning.  The  Orient  had  the  appearance  of  a 
populous  town  from  which  women  had  been  excluded ; 
and  this  floating  city  was  inhabited  by  2,000  individuals, 


1798.  LIFE   ON  BOARD  THE   ORIENT.  153 

amongst  whom  were  a  great  number  of  distinguished  men. 
Bonaparte  every  day  invited  several  persons  to  dine  with 
him,  besides  Brueys,  Berthier,  the  colonels,  and  his  ordi- 
nary household,  who  were  always  present  at  the  table  of 
the  General-in-Chief.  When  the  weather  was  fine,  he 
went  up  to  the  quarter-deck,  which,  from  its  extent, 
formed  a  grand  promenade. 

I  recollect  once  that  when  walkmg  the  quarter-deck 
with  him  whilst  we  were  in  Sicilian  waters  I  thought  I 
could  see  the  summits  of  the  Alps,  beautifully  lighted  by 
the  rays  of  the  setting  sun.  Bonaparte  laughed  much, 
and  joked  me  about  it.  He  called  Admiral  Brueys,  who 
took  his  telescope  and  soon  confirmed  my  conjecture. 
The  Alps  !  At  the  mention  of  that  word  by  the  Admiral 
I  tliink  I  can  see  Bonaparte  still.  He  stood  for  a  long 
time  motionless ;  then,  suddenly  bursting  from  his  trance, 
exclaimed,  "  No !  I  cannot  behold  the  land  of  Italy  with- 
out emotion  !  There  is  the  East :  and  there  I  go ;  a  peril- 
ous enterprise  invites  me.  Those  mountains  command 
the  plains  where  I  so  often  had  the  good  fortune  to  lead 
the  French  to  victory.  With  them  we  will  conquer 
again." 

One  of  Bonaparte's  greatest  pleasures  during  the  voyage 
was,  after  dinner,  to  fix  upon  three  or  four  persons  to 
support  a  proposition  and  as  many  to  oppose  it.  He  had 
an  object  in  view  by  this.  These  discussions  afforded  him 
an  opportunity  of  studying  the  minds  of  those  whom  he 
had  an  interest  in  knowing  well,  in  order  that  he  might 
afterwards  confide  to  each  the  functions  for  which  he 
possessed  the  greatest  aptitude.  It  will  not  appear  singu- 
lar to  those  who  have  been  intimate  with  Bonaparte,  that 
in  these  intellectual  contests  he  gave  the  preference  to 
those  who  had  supported  an  absurd  proposition  with 
ability  over  those  who  had  maintained  the  cause  of  reason; 
and  it  was  not  superiority  of  mind  which  determined  his 


154  MEMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

juiluMiR'ut,  for  lu'  really  iin'ferred  the  iiiau  nvIio  arj^ued 
well  in  favour  of  an  absurdity  to  the  man  who  argued 
e(|ually  well  in  support  of  a  reasonable  proposition.  He 
always  gave  out  the  subjects  which  were  to  be  discussed; 
and  they  most  frequently  turned  upon  questions  of  religion, 
the  dilVerent  kinds  of  government,  and  the  art  of  war. 
One  day  he  asked  whether  the  planets  were  inhaliited  ; 
on  another,  what  was  the  age  of  the  world ;  then  he  pro- 
posed to  consider  the  probability  of  the  destruction  of  our 
globe,  either  by  water  or  tire ;  at  another  time,  the  truth 
or  fallacy  of  presentiments  and  the  interjtretation  of 
dreams.  I  remember  the  circumstance  which  gave  rise 
to  the  last  })roposition  was  an  allusion  to  Joseph,  of  whom 
he  happened  to  speak,  as  he  did  of  almost  everything  con- 
nected with  the  country  to  which  we  were  bound,  and 
which  that  able  administrator  had  governed.  No  country 
came  under  Bonaparte's  observation  without  recalling  his- 
torical recollections  to  his  mind.  On  passing  the  island 
of  Candia,  his  imagination  was  excited,  and  he  spoke  with 
enthusiasm  of  ancient  Crete  and  the  Colossus,  whose 
fabulous  renown  has  surpassed  all  human  glories.  He 
spoke  much  of  the  fall  of  the  empire  of  the  East,  which 
bore  so  little  resemblance  to  what  history  has  preserved  of 
those  fine  countries,  so  often  moistened  with  the  blood  of 
man.  The  ingenious  fables  of  mythology  likewise  occurred 
to  his  mind,  and  imparted  to  his  language  something  of  a 
poetical,  and,  T  may  say,  of  an  inspired  character.  The 
sight  of  the  kingdom  of  Minos  led  him  to  reason  on  the 
laws  best  calculated  for  the  government  of  nations  ;  and 
the  birthplace  of  .Jupiter  suggested  to  him  the  necessity 
of  a  relierion  for  the  mass  of  mankind.  This  animated 
conversation  lasted  \nitil  the  favourable  north  winds, 
which  drove  the  clouds  into  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  caused 
us  to  lose  sight  of  the  island  of  Candia. 

The  musicians  on  board  the  Orient  sometimes  played 


1798.  BONAPARTE'S   RESPECT  FOR   LIFE.  155 

serenades ;  but  only  between  decks,  for  Bonaparte  was 
not  yet  sufficiently  fond  of  music  to  wish  to  hear  it  in  liis 
cabin.  It  may  be  said  that  his  taste  for  this  art  increased 
in  the  direct  ratio  of  his  power;  and  so  it, was  with  his 
taste  for  hunting,  of  which  he  gave  no  indication  until 
after  his  elevation  to  the  empire;  as  though  he  had 
wished  to  prove  that  he  possessed  within  himself  not 
only  the  genius  of  sovereignty  for  commanding  men,  but 
also  the  instinct  for  those  aristocratical  pleasures  the 
enjoyment  of  which  is  considered  by  mankind  to  be 
amongst  the  attributes  of  kings. 

It  is  scarcely  possible  that  some  accidents  should  not 
occur  during  a  long  voyage  in  a  crowded  vessel,  —  that 
some  persons  should  not  fall  overboard.  Accidents  of 
this  kind  frequently  liappened  on  board  the  Orient.  On 
those  occasions  nothing  was  more  remarkalile  than  the 
great  humanity  of  the  man  who  has  since  been  so  prodi- 
gal of  the  blood  of  his  fellow-creatures  on  the  field  of 
battle,  and  who  was  about  to  shed  rivers  of  it  even  in 
Egypt,  whither  we  w^ere  bound.  AVhen  a  man  fell  into 
the  sea,  the  General-in-Chief  was  in  a  state  of  agitation 
till  he  was  saved.  He  instantly  had  the  ship  hove-to, 
and  exhibited  the  greatest  uneasiness  until  the  unfor- 
tunate individual  was  recovered.  He  ordered  me  to  re- 
ward those  who  ventured  their  lives  in  this  service. 
Amongst  these  was  a  sailor  who  had  incurred  punish- 
ment for  some  fault.  He  not  only  exempted  him  from 
the  punishment,  Ijut  also  gave  him  some  money.  I  rec- 
ollect that  one  dark  night  we  heard  a  noise  like  that 
occasioned  by  a  man  falling  into  the  sea.  Bonaparte 
instantly  caused  the  ship  to  be  hove-to  until  the  sup- 
posed victim  was  rescued  from  certain  death.  The  men 
hastened  from  all  sides,  and  at  length  they  picked  up  — 
what  ?  —  the  quarter  of  a  bullock,  wliich  had  fallen  from 
the  hook  to  which  it  was  hung.     What  was  Bonaparte's 


156  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1798. 

cimdiict  ?  He  ordered  me  to  reward  the  sailors  who  had 
exerted  theinsidves  on  this  occasion  even  more  ^'enerously 
than  usual,  saying,  "It  might  have  heen  a  sailor;  and 
these  brave  fellows  have  shown  as  much  activity  and 
courajie  as  if  it  had." 

After  the  lapse  of  thirty  years  all  these  things  are  as 
fresh  in  my  recollection  as  if  they  were  i)assing  at  the 
present  moment.  In  this  manner  Bonaparte  employed 
his  time  on  board  the  Orient  during  the  voyage,  and  it 
was  also  at  this  time  that  he  dictated  to  me  the  following 
proclamation  :  — 

HEADyiAKTKRS  ON  ISOAHD  THE  OllIENT, 

the  4th  Messidor,  year  VI. 

Bonaparte,  Member  of  the  National  Institute, 
General-in-Cuief. 

Soldiers,  —  Yuu  are  about  to  undertake  a  conquest  the  effects 
of  which  on  civilisation  and  commerce  are  incalculable.  The 
blow  you  are  about  to  give  to  Eugland  will  be  the  best  aimed, 
and  the  most  sensibly  felt,  she  can  receive  until  the  time  arrive 
when  you  can  give  her  her  death-blow. 

"We  must  make  some  fatiguing  marches ;  we  must  fight  sev- 
eral battles  ;  we  shall  succeed  in  all  we  undertake.  The  des- 
tinies are  with  us.  The  Mameluke  Beys,  who  favour  exclusively 
English  conmierce,  whose  extortions  oppress  our  mercliants,  and 
who  tyrannise  over  the  unfortunate  iidiabitants  of  tlie  Nile,  a 
few  days  after  our  arrival  will  no  longer  exist. 

The  people  amongst  whom  we  are  going  to  live  are  Mahome- 
tans. The  first  article  of  their  faith  is  this :  "There  is  no 
God  but  God,  and  Mahomet  is  His  propliet."  Do  not  con- 
tradict them.  Behave  to  tliem  as  you  have  behaved  to  the 
Jews — to  the  Itahans.  Pay  respect  to  their  muftis,  and  their 
Imaums,  as  you  did  to  the  rabbis  and  tlie  bisliops.  Extend  to 
the  ceremonies  prescribed  by  the  Koran  and  to  the  mosques  the 
same  toleration  which  you  showed  to  the  synagogues,  to  the 
relif'ion  of  Moses  and  of  Jesus  Christ. 


1798.  FOREBODINGS   OF  ADMIRAL   BRUEYS.  157 

The  Eoman  legions  protected  all  religions.  You  will  find 
here  customs  different  from  those  of  Europe.  You  must  accom- 
modate yourselves  to  them.  The  people  amongst  whom  we  are 
to  mix  differ  from  ua  in  the  treatment  of  women  ;  but  in  all 
countries  he  who  violates  is  a  monster.  Pillage  enriches  only 
a  small  number  of  men ;  it  dishonours  us  ;  it  destroys  our  re- 
sources ;  it  converts  into  enemies  the  people  whom  it  is  our 
interest  to  have   for   friends. 

The  first  town  we  shall  come  to  was  built  by  Alexander.  At 
every  step  we  shall  meet  with  grand  recollections,  worthy  of 
exciting  the  emulation  of  Frenchmen.  Bonaparte. 

During  the  voyage,  and  particularly  between  Malta  and 
Alexandria,  I  often  conversed  with  the  brave  and  unfortu- 
nate A(Jmiral  Brueys.  The  intelligence  we  heard  from 
time  to  time  augmented  his  uneasiness.  I  had  the  good 
foruune  to  obtain  the  confidence  of  this  worthy  man.  He 
complained  bitterly  of  the  imperfect  manner  in  which  the 
fleet  had  been  prepared  for  sea ;  of  the  encumbered  state 
of  the  ships  of  the  line  and  frigates,  and  especially  of  the 
Orient ;  of  the  great  number  of  transports  ;  of  the  bad 
outfit  of  all  the  ships  and  the  weakness  of  their  crews. 
He  assured  me  that  it  required  no  little  courage  to  under- 
take the  command  of  a  fleet  so  badly  equipped ;  and  he 
often  declared  that,  in  the  event  of  our  falling  in  with  the 
enemy,  he  could  not  answer  for  the  consequences.  The 
encumbered  state  of  the  vessels,  the  immense  quantity  of 
civil  and  military  baggage  which  each  person  had  brought, 
and  would  wish  to  save,  would  render  proper  manoeuvres 
impracticable.  In  case  of  an  attack,  added  Brueys,  even 
by  an  inferior  squadron,  the  confusion  and  disorder 
amongst  so  great  a  number  of  persons  would  produce  an 
inevitable  catastrophe.  Finally,  if  the  English  had  ap- 
peared with  ten  vessels  only,  the  Admiral  could  not  have 
guaranteed  a  fortunate  result.  He  considered  victory  to 
be  a  thing  that  was  impossible,  and  even  with  a  victory, 


158  MEMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

^vll;lt  would  liave  become  of  the  expedition  ?  "  God  send," 
lie  said,  with  a  si^di,  "  that  we  may  pass  tlu*  En,u;lish  with- 
out meeting  them!"  He  appeared  to  foresee  what  did 
afterwards  happen  to  liini,  not  in  the  open  sea,  hut  in  a 
situation  which  he  considered  much  more  favouralde  to 
his  defence. 

On  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  July  the  expedition  ar- 
rived ofl'  the  coast  of  Africa,  and  the  column  of  Septimus 
Severus  pointed  out  to  us  the  city  of  Alexandria.  Our 
situation  and  frame  of  mind  hardly  permitted  us  to  reflect 
that  in  the  distant  point  we  beheld  the  city  of  the  Ptole- 
mies and  Csesars,  with  its  double  port,  its  pharos,  and  the 
gigantic  monuments  of  its  ancient  grandeur.  Our  imagina- 
tions did  not  rise  to  this  pitch. 

Admiral  Brueys  had  sent  on  before  the  frigate  Juno  to 
fetch  M.  Magallon,  the  French  Consul.  It  was  near  four 
o'clock  when  he  arrived,  and  the  sea  was  very  rough. 
He  informed  the  General-in-Chief  that  Xelson  had  been 
off  Alexandria  on  the  28th,  —  that  he  immediately  des- 
patched a  brig  to  obtain  intelligence  from  the  English 
agent.  On  the  return  of  the  brig  Xelson  instantly  stood 
away  with  his  squadron  towards  the  north-east.  But  for 
a  delay  which  our  convoy  from  Civita  Vecchia  occasioned, 
we  should  have  been  on  this  coast  at  the  same  time  as 
Xelson. 

It  appeared  that  Xelson  supposed  us  to  be  already  at 
Alexandria  when  he  arrived  thore.  He  had  reason  to 
suppose  so,  seeing  that  we  left  ]\lalta  on  the  19th  of  June, 
whilst  he  did  not  sail  from  Messina  till  the  21st.  Xot 
finding  us  where  he  expected,  and  being  persuaded  we 
ought  to  have  arrived  there  had  Alexandria  been  the 
place  of  our  destination,  he  sailed  for  Alexandretta  in 
Syria,  whither  he  imagined  we  had  gone  to  effect  a  land- 
ing.    This  error  saved  the  expedition  a  second  time. 

Bonaparte,  on  hearing  the  details   which  the  French 


1798.  CAPTURE   OF  ALEXAXDRIA.  159 

Consul  communicp.ted,  resolved  to  disembark  immedi- 
ately. Admiral  Brueys  represented  the  difficulties  and 
dangers  of  a  disembarkation :  the  violence  of  the  surge, 
the  distance  from  the  coast,  —  a  coast,  too,  lined  with  reefs 
of  rocks,  —  the  approaching  night,  and  our  perfect  ignor- 
ance of  the  points  suitable  for  landing.  The  Admiral, 
therefore,  urged  the  necessity  of  waiting  till  next  morning  j 
that  is  to  say,  to  delay  the  landing  twelve  hours.  He 
observed  that  Nelson  could  not  return  from  Syria  for  sev- 
eral days.  Bonaparte  listened  to  these  representations 
with  impatience  and  ill-humour.  He  replied  perempto- 
rily, "  Admiral,  we  have  no  time  to  lose.  Fortune  gives 
me  but  three  days  ;  if  I  do  not  profit  by  them  we  are  lost." 
He  relied  much  on  fortune;  this  chimerical  idea  con- 
stantly influenced  his  resolutions. 

Bonaparte  having  the  command  of  the  naval  as  well  as 
the  military  force,  the  Admiral  was  obliged  to  yield  to  his 
wishes. 

I  attest  these  facts,  which  passed  in  my  presence,  and 
no  part  of  which  could  escape  my  observation.  It  is 
quite  false  that  it  was  owing  to  the  appearance  of  a  sail 
which,  it  is  pretended,  was  descried,  but  of  which,  for  my 
part,  I  saw  nothing,  that  Bonaparte  exclaimed,  "  Fortune, 
have  you  abandoned  me  ?  I  ask  only  five  days  ! "  No 
such  thing  occurred. 

It  was  one  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  July 
when  we  landed  on  the  soil  of  Egypt,  at  ]\Iarabou,  three 
leagues  to  the  west  of  Alexandria.  AYe  had  to  regret  the 
loss  of  some  lives  ;  but  we  had  every  reason  to  expect 
that  our  losses  would  have  been  greater. 

At  three  o'clock  the  same  morning,  the  General-in- 
Chief  marched  on  Alexandria  with  the  divisions  of  Kldber, 
Bon,  and  Menou.  The  Bedouin  Arabs,  who  kept  hover- 
ing about  our  right  flank  and  our  rear,  picked  up  the 
stragglers. 


inO  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

Havinjj;  nnived  within  gunshot  of  Alexandria,  we 
scaled  tlie  ranijiaits,  and  French  valour  soon  triumphed 
over  all  oltslacles. 

The  first  blood  I  saw  shed  in  war  was  General  Kldber's. 
He  was  struck  in  the  head  by  a  ball,  not  in  storming  the 
walls,  but  whilst  heading  the  attack.  He  came  to 
Pompey's  Pillar,  where  many  members  of  the  stafi"  were 
assembled,  and  where  the  General-in-Cliief  was  watching 
the  attack.  I  then  spoke  to  Kl^ber  for  the  first  time, 
and  from  that  day  our  friendship  commenced.  I  had  the 
fi[ood  fortune  to  contribute  somewhat  towards  the 
assistance  of  which  he  stood  in  need,  and  which,  as  we 
were  situated,  could  not  be  procured  very  easily. 

It  has  been  endeavoured  to  represent  the  capture  of 
Alexandria,  which  surrendered  after  a  few  hours,  as  a 
brilliant  exploit.  The  General-in-Chief  himself  wrote 
that  the  city  had  been  taken  after  a  few  discharges  of 
cannon ;  the  walls,  badly  fortified,  were  soon  scaled. 
Alexandria  was  not  delivered  up  to  pillage,  as  has  been 
asserted,  and  often  repeated.  Tliis  would  have  been  a 
most  impolitic  mode  of  commencing  tlie  conquest  of 
Egypt,  which  had  no  strong  places  requiring  to  be  intimi- 
dated by  a  great  example. 

Bonaparte,  with  some  others,  entered  the  city  by  a 
narrow  street  which  scarcely  allowed  two  persons  to  walk 
abreast;  I  was  with  him.  We  were  stopped  by  some 
musket-shots  fired  from  a  low  window  by  a  man  and  a 
woman.  They  repeated  their  fire  several  times.  Tlie 
guides  who  preceded  their  General  kept  up  a  heavy  fire 
on  the  window.  The  man  and  woman  fell  dead,  and  we 
passed  on  in  safety,  for  the  place  had  surrendered. 

Bonaparte  employed  the  six  days  during  which  he 
remained  in  Alexandria  in  establishing  order  in  the  city 
and  province,  with  that  activity  and  superior  talent 
which  I  could  never  sufficiently  admire,  and  in  directing 


1798.  COMPLAINTS   OF   THE   FRENCH  TROOPS.  161 

the  march  of  the  army  across  the  province  of  Bohahire'h. 
He  sent  Desaix  with  4,500  infantry  and  60  cavalry  to 
Beda,  on  the  road  to  Damanhour.  This  general  was  the 
first  to  experience  the  privations  and  sufferings  wliich 
the  whole  army  had  soon  to  endure.  His  great  mmd,  his 
attachment  to  Bonaparte,  seemed  for  a  moment  about  to 
yield  to  the  obstacles  wliich  presented  themselves.  On 
the  15th  of  July  he  wrote  from  Bohahire'h  as  follows  : 
"  I  beseech  you,  do  not  let  us  stop  longer  in  this  position. 
My  men  are  discouraged  and  murmur.  Make  us  advance 
or  fall  back  without  delay.  The  villages  consist  merely 
of  huts,  absolutely  without  resources." 

In  these  immense  plains,  scorched  by  the  vertical  rays 
of  a  burning  .sun,  water,  everywhere  else  so  common, 
becomes  an  object  of  contest.  The  wells  and  springs, 
those  secret  treasures  of  the  desert,  are  carefully  concealed 
from  the  travellers ;  and  frequently,  after  our  most 
oppressive  marches,  nothing  could  be  found  to  allay  the 
urgent  cravings  of  thirst  but  a  little  brackish  water  of 
tlie  most  disgusting  description.^ 

1  Some  idea  of  the  misery  endured  by  the  French  troops  on  tliis  occa- 
sion may  ))e  gathered  from  the  following  description  in  Napoleon's  "  Me- 
moirs," dictated  at  St.  Helena  :  — 

"  As  the  Hebrews,  wandering  in  the  wilderness,  complained,  and  angrily 
asked  Closes  for  the  onions  and  flesh-pots  of  Egypt,  the  French  soldiers 
constantly  regretted  the  luxuries  of  Italy.  In  vain  were  they  assured 
that  the  country  wa.s  the  most  fertile  in  tlie  world,  that  it  was  even  supe- 
rior to  Lombardy ;  how  were  tliey  to  be  persuaded  of  this  when  they 
could  get  neither  bread  nor  wine  ?  We  encamped  on  immense  quantities 
of  wheat,  but  there  was  neither  mill  nor  oven  in  the  country.  The  bis- 
cuit br<night  from  Alexandria  had  long  been  exhausted ;  the  soldiers 
were  even  reduced  to  bruise  the  wheat  between  two  stones  and  to  make 
cakes,  wliich  they  baked  under  the  ashes.  Many  parched  the  wheat  in  a 
pan,  after  which  they  boiled  it.  This  was  the  best  way  to  use  tiie  grain  ; 
but,  after  all,  it  was  not  brea<l.  The  appreiiensions  ol  the  soldiers  in- 
crea.sed  daily,  and  rose  to  such  a  pitch  that  a  great  number  of  tiiem  said 
there  was  no  great  city  of  Cairo ;  and  that  the  place  bearing  that  name 
was,  like  Damanhour,  a  vast  a.ssemblage  of  mere  huts,  destitute  of  every- 
thing that  could  render  life  comfortable  or  agreeable.  To  such  a  melan- 
VOL.  1. — 11 


162  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

cholv  stjite  of  mind  hail  tliov  l)rt)Uf;jht  tlicniselves  tliat  t\vt>  drafifoons  tliri-w 
thoinselves,  ci)m])li't('ly  clcithed,  into  tlie  Nile,  where  they  were  drowned. 
It  is  nevertliele.s.s  true  that,  though  there  wivs  neither  l)read  nor  wine,  the 
resource!*  whieh  were  j)roiuro.l  with  wiieat,  lentils,  meat,  and  sometimes 
pigeons,  furnished  the  army  with  food  of  some  kind.  Hut  the  evil  was  in 
the  ferment  of  the  mind.  The  oflieei-s  eomjdaiiied  more  loudly  than  the 
soldiers,  heeause  the  comparison  was  proj)ortionately  more  disadvanta- 
geous to  them.  In  Egypt  they  found  neither  the  quarters,  the  good 
table,  nor  the  lu.vury  of  Italy.  The  Geueral-iu-Chief,  wisliing  to  set 
an  exanij)le,  used  to  bivouac  in  the  midst  of  the  army,  and  in  the 
least  commodious  spots.  No  one  had  either  tent  or  provisions;  the  din- 
ner of  Napoleon  and  liis  staff  consisted  of  a  dish  of  lentils.  The  stddiers 
passed  the  evenings  in  political  conversations,  arguments,  and  comjdaints. 
'For  what  pnrjK)seare  we  come  here  ?'  said  some  of  them;  'the  Directory 
has  transported  us.'  '  Caffarelli,'  said  others,  'is  the  agent  that  has  been 
made  use  of  to  deceive  the  General-iu-Cliief.'  Many  of  them,  liaving  <jb- 
served  that  wiierever  there  were  vestiges  of  antiiiuity  tliey  were  carefully 
searched,  vented  tiieir  spite  in  invective  against  the  saranis,  or  scientific 
men,  wlio,  ,f:hey  said,  hcid  sturtcil  the  idra  of  the  expedition  in  order  to  uuike 
these  searches.  Jests  were  showered  upon  them,  even  in  their  presence. 
The  men  called  an  ass  a  saiumt,  and  said  of  Caffarelli  Dufalga,  alluding 
to  his  wooden  leg,  '  He  laughs  at  all  these  troubles ;  he  has  cue  foot  in 
France.' " 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

1798. 

On  the  7th  of  July  General  Bonaparte  left  Alexandria 
for  Damanhour.  In  the  vast  plams  of  Bohahire'h  the 
mirage  every  moment  presented  to  the  eye  wide  sheets  of 
water;  while,  as  we  advanced,  we  found  nothing  but 
barren  ground  full  of  deep  cracks.  Villages,  which  at  a 
distance  appear  to  be  surrounded  with  water,  are,  on  a 
nearer  approach,  discovered  to  be  situated  on  heights, 
mostly  artificial,  by  which  they  are  raised  above  the  in- 
undations of  the  Xile.  This  illusion  continually  recurs  ; 
and  it  is  the  more  treacherous,  inasmuch  as  it  presents  to 
the  eye  the  perfect  representation  of  water,  at  the  time 
when  the  want  of  that  article  is  most  felt.  This  mirage 
is  so  considerable  in  the  plain  of  Pelusium  that  shortly 
after  sunrise  no  object  is  recognisable.  The  same  phe- 
nomenon has  been  observed  in  other  countries.  Quintus 
Curtius  says  that  in  the  deserts  of  Sogdiana,  a  fog  rising 
from  the  earth  obscures  the  light,  and  the  surrounding 
country  seems  like  a  vast  sea.  The  cause  of  this  singular 
illusion  is  now  fully  explained ;  and,  from  the  observa- 
tions of  the  learned  Monge,  it  appears  that  the  mirage 
will  be  found  in  almost  every  country  situated  between 
the  tropics  where  the  local  circumstances  are  similar. 

The  Arabs  harassed  the  army  without  intermission. 
The  few  wells  met  with  in  the  desert  were  either  filled  up, 
or  the  water  was  rendered  unfit  for  use.  The  intolerable 
thirst  with  which  the  troops  were  tormented,  even  on  this 


164  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1798. 

first  inanh,  wa~;  luit  ill  allayed  by  brackisli  and  unwlude- 
souie  water.  The  army  crossed  the  desert  with  the 
rapidity  of  li<,'htiiin<,',  scarcely  tasting  a  drop  of  water. 
The  suflerings  of  the  troops  were  frequently  expressed  by 
discouraging  niurniurs. 

Ou  the  first  night  a  mistake  occurred  which  might  have 
proved  fatal.  We  were  advancing  in  the  dark,  under  feeble 
escort,  almost  sleeping  on  our  horses,  when  suddenly  we 
were  assailed  l)y  two  successive  discharges  of  musketry. 
We  aroused  ourselves  and  reconnoitred,  and  to  our  great 
satisfaction  discovered  that  the  only  mischief  was  a  slight 
wound  received  by  one  of  our  guides.  Our  assailants  were 
the  division  of  (ieneral  Desaix,  who,  forming  the  advanced 
guard  of  the  army,  mistook  us  for  a  party  of  the  enemy, 
and  fired  upon  us.  It  was  speedily  ascertained  that  the 
little  advanced  guard  of  the  head(|uarters  had  not  heard 
the  "  Qui  vive  ?  "  of  Desaix's  advanced  posts. 

On  reaching  Damanhour,  our  headquarters  were  estab- 
lished at  the  residence  of  a  sheik.  The  house  had  been 
new  whitened,  and  looked  well  enough  outside,  but  the 
interior  was  inconceivably  wretched.  Every  domestic 
utensil  was  broken,  and  the  only  seats  were  a  few  dirty 
tattered  mats.  Bonaparte  knew  that  the  sheik  was  rich  ; 
and,  having  somewhat  w^on  his  confidence,  he  asked  him, 
through  the  medium  of  the  interpreter,  why,  being  in  easy 
circumstances,  he  thus  deprived  himself  of  all  comfort. 
"  Some  years  ago,"  replied  the  sheik,  "  I  repaired  and 
furnished  my  house.  When  this  became  known  at  Cairo, 
a  demand  was  made  upon  me  for  nnincy,  because  it  was 
said  my  expenses  proved  me  to  be  rich.  1  refused  to  pay 
the  money,  and  in  consequence  I  was  ill-treated,  and  at 
length  forced  to  pay  it.  From  that  time  I  have  allowed 
myself  only  the  bare  necessaries  of  life,  and  I  shall  buy  no 
furniture  for  my  house."  The  old  man  was  lame  in  con- 
sequence of  the  treatment  he  had  suflered.     Woe  to  him 


1798.  CROISIER   REPULSED.  165 

who  in  this  country  is  suspected  of  ha^^ng  a  competency, 
—  a  hundred  spies  are  always  ready  to  denounce  him. 
The  appearance  of  poverty  is  the  only  security  against  tlie 
rapine  of  power  and  the  cupidity  of  barbarism. 

A  little  troop  of  Arabs  on  horseback  assailed  our  head- 
quarters. Bonaparte,  who  was  at  the  window  of  the 
slieik's  house,  indignant  at  this  insolence,  turned  to  one  of 
his  aides-de-camp,  who  happened  to  be  on  duty,  and  said, 
"  Croisier,  take  a  few  guides  and  drive  those  fellows  away  ! " 
In  an  instant  Croisier  was  in  the  plain  with  fifteen  guides. 
A  little  skirmish  ensued,  and  we  looked  on  from  the  win- 
dow. In  the  movement  and  in  the  attack  of  Croisier  and 
his  party  there  was  a  sort  of  hesitation  which  the  Gen- 
eral-in-Chief could  not  comprehend.  "  Forward,  I  say ! 
Charge ! "  he  exclaimed  from  the  window,  as  if  he  could 
have  been  heard.  Our  horsemen  seemed  to  fall  back  as 
the  Arabs  returned  to  the  attack  ;  and  after  a  little  con- 
test, maintained  with  tolerable  spirit,  the  Arabs  retired 
without  loss,  and  without  being  molested  in  their  retreat. 
Bonaparte  could  no  longer  repress  his  rage  ;  and  when 
Croisier  returned,  he  experienced  such  a  harsh  reception 
that  the  poor  fellow  withdrew  deeply  mortified  and  dis- 
tressed. Bonaparte  desired  me  to  follow  him  and  say 
something  to  console  him  ;  but  all  was  in  vam.  "  I  can- 
not survive  this,"  he  said.  "  I  will  sacrifice  my  life  on 
the  first  occasion  that  offers  itself.  I  will  not  live  dishon- 
oured." The  word  coward  had  escaped  the  General's  lips. 
Poor  Croisier  died  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre. 

On  the  10th  of  July  our  headquarters  were  established  at 
Rahmahanie'h,  where  they  remained  during  the  11th  and 
12th.  At  this  place  commences  the  canal  which  was 
cut  by  Alexander  to  convey  water  to  his  new  city,  and  to 
facilitate  commercial  intercourse  between  Europe  and  the 
East. 

The  flotilla,  commanded  by  the  brave  chief  of  division 


166  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

Perrt^e,  had  just  arrived  from  Kosetta.  Perree  was  on 
board  the  xebec  Cerf.^  Bonaparte  phiced  on  board  tlie 
Cerf  and  the  other  vessels  of  the  Hotilla  those  individuals 
who,  not  being  military,  could  not  be  serviceable  in 
enj,'a^'euient.s,  and  whose  horses  served  to  nidunt  a  few  of 
the  troops. 

On  the  night  of  tlie  14th  of  July  the  Greneral-in-Chief 
directed  his  march  towards  the  south,  along  the  left  bank 
of  the  Nile.  The  flotilla  sailed  up  the  river  parallel  with 
the  left  wing  of  the  army.  But  the  force  of  the  wind, 
which  at  this  season  blows  regularly  from  the  Mediter- 
ranean into  the  valley  of  the  Nile,  carried  the  flotilla  far 
in  advance  of  the  army,  and  frustrated  the  plan  of  their 
mutually  defendmg  and  supporting  each  other.  The 
flotilla  thus  unprotected  fell  in  with  seven  Turki-sh  gun- 
boats coming  from  Cairo,  and  was  exposed  simultaneously 
to  their  fire  and  to  that  of  the  Mamelukes,  fellahs,  and 
Arabs  who  lined  both  banks  of  the  river.  They  had 
small  guns  mounted  on  camels. 

Perrt^e  cast  anchor,  and  an  engagement  commenced  at 
nine  o'clock  on  the  14th  of  July,  and  continued  till  half- 
past  twelve. 

At  the  same  time  the  General-in-Chief  met  and  at- 
tacked a  corps  of  about  4,000  Mamelukes.  His  object,  as 
he  afterwards  said,  was  to  turn  the  corps  by  the  left  of 
the  village  of  Chebreisse,  and  to  drive  it  upon  the 
Nile. 

About  eleven  in  the  morning  Perrde  told  me  that  the 
Turks  were  doing  us  more  harm  than  we  were  doing 
them  ;  that  our  ammunition  would  soon  be  exhausted  ; 
that  the  army  was  far  inland,and  that  if  it  did  not  make  a 
move  to  the  left  there  would  be  no  hope  for  us.  Several 
vessels   had    already   been    boarded   and   taken   by   the 

^  Bonaparte  had  great  confidence  in  him.  He  had  commanded,  under 
the  General's  orders,  the  naval  forces  in  the  Adriatic  in  1797.  —  Bourrienne. 


1798.  ENGAGE jrENT   ON  THE   NILE.  167 

Turks,  who  massacred  the  crews  before  our  eyes,  and  with 
barbarous  ferocity  showed  us  the  heads  of  the  slaugh- 
tered men. 

Perrde,  at  considerable  risk,  despatched  several  persons 
to  inform  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  desperate  situation 
of  the  flotilla.  The  cannonade  which  Bonaparte  had 
heard  since  the  morning,  and  the  explosion  of  a  Turkish 
gunboat,  which  was  blown  up  by  the  artillery  of  the 
xebec,  led  him  to  fear  that  our  situation  was  really  peril- 
ous. He  therefore  made  a  movement  to  the  left,  in  the 
direction  of  the  Nile  and  Ohebreisse,  beat  the  Mamelukes, 
and  forced  them  to  retire  on  Cairo.  At  sight  of  the 
French  troops  the  commander  of  the  Turkish  flotilla 
weighed  anchor  and  sailed  up  the  Nile.  The  two  banks 
of  the  river  were  evacuated,  and  the  flotilla  escaped  the 
destruction  which  a  short  time  before  had  appeared  in- 
evitable. Some  writers  have  alleged  that  the  Turkish 
flotilla  was  destroyed  in  this  engagement.  The  truth  is, 
the  Turks  did  us  considerable  injury,  w^hile  on  their  part 
they  suffered  but  little.  We  had  twenty  men  killed  and 
several  wounded.  Upwards  of  1,500  cannon-shots  were 
fired  during  the  action. 

General  Berthier,  in  his  narrative  of  the  Egyptian 
expedition,  enumerates  the  individuals  who,  though  not 
in  the  military  service,  assisted  Perr^e  in  this  unerpial  and 
dangerous  engagement.  He  mentions  Monge,  Berthollet, 
Andrdossy,  the  paymaster,  Junot,  and  Bourrienne,  secre- 
tary to  the  General-in-Chief.  It  has  also  been  stated  that 
Sucy,  the  commissary-general,  was  seriously  wounded 
while  bravely  defending  a  gunboat  laden  with  provisions ; 
but  this  is  incorrect. 

We  had  no  communication  with  the  army  until  tlie  23d 
of  July.  On  the  22d  we  came  in  sight  of  the  Pyramids, 
and  were  informed  that  we  were  only  about  ten  leagues 
from  Gizeh,  where  they  are  situated.      The   cannonade 


168  MEMOIRS   OF   NAl'OLEON   BONAI'AIM'E.  1798. 

which  we  h;'av(l,  nml  whirh  augmented  in  jtiMportion  as 
the  north  wiutl  diniinishcd,  announced  a  serious  engage- 
ment ;  and  that  same  day  we  saw  the  banks  of  the  Nile 
strewed  witli  heaps  of  bodies,  wliieh  the  waves  were  every 
moment  washing  into  the  sea.  This  horrible  spectacle,  the 
silence  of  the  surrounding  villages,  which  had  hitherto 
been  armed  against  us,  and  the  cessatioii  of  the  tiring 
from  the  banks  of  the  river,  led  us  to  infer,  with  tolerable 
certainty,  that  a  battle  fatal  to  the  Mamelukes  had  been 
fought.  The  misery  we  suffered  on  our  passage  from 
Kahmahanie'h  to  Gizeh  is  indescribable.  We  lived  for 
eleven  days  on  melons  and  water,  besides  being  momen- 
tarily exposed  to  the  musketry  of  the  Arabs  and  the  fel- 
lahs. We  luckily  escaped  with  but  a  few  killed  and 
wounded.  The  rising  of  the  Nile  was  only  beginning. 
The  shallowness  of  the  river  near  Cairo  obliged  us  to  leave 
the  xebec  and  get  on  board  a  djerm.  We  reached  Gizeh 
at  three  in  the  afternoon  of  the  23d  of  July. 

When  I  saluted  the  General,  whom  I  had  not  seen  for 
twelve  days,  he  thus  addressed  me  :  "  So  you  are  here,  are 
you  ?  Do  you  know  that  you  have  all  of  you  been  the 
cause  of  my  not  following  up  tlie  battle  of  Chebreisse  ? 
It  was  to  save  you,  Monge,  Berthollet,  and  the  others  on 
board  the  Hotilla  that  I  hurried  the  movement  of  my  left 
upon  the  Nile  before  my  right  had  turned  Chebreisse. 
But  for  that,  not  a  single  Mameluke  would  have  escaped." 

"  I  thank  you  for  my  own  part,"  replied  I ;  "  but  in 
conscience  could  you  have  abandoned  us,  after  taking 
away  our  horses,  and  making  us  go  on  board  the  xebec, 
whether  we  would  or  not  ? "  He  laughed,  and  then  told 
me  how  sorry  he  was  for  the  wound  of  Sucy,  and  the 
death  of  many  useful  men,  whose  places  could  not  pos- 
sibly be  filled  up. 

He  made  me  write  a  letter  to  his  brother  Louis,  inform- 
ing him  that  he  had  gained  a  complete  victory  over  the 


1798.  TRIUMPHAL  ENTRANCE  INTO   CAIRO.  169 

Mamelukes  at  Embabeh,  opposite  Boulac,  and  that  the 
enemy's  loss  was  2,000  men  killed  and  wounded,  40  guns, 
and  a  great  number  of  horses. 

The  occupation  of  Cairo  was  the  immediate  consequence 
of  the  victory  of  Embabeh.  Bonaparte  established  his 
headquarters  in  the  house  of  Elfy  Bey,  in  the  great 
square  of  Ezbekye'h. 

The  march  of  the  French  army  to  Cairo  was  attended 
by  an  uninterrupted  succession  of  combats  and  victories. 
We  had  won  the  battles  of  Rahmahanie'h,  Chebreisse,  and 
the  Pyramids.  The  Mamelukes  were  defeated,  and  their 
chief,  Mourad  Bey,  was  obliged  to  fly  into  Upper  Egypt. 
Bonaparte  found  no  obstacle  to  oppose  his  entrance  into 
the  capital  of  Egypt,  after  a  campaign  of  only  twenty 
days. 

No  conqueror,  perhaps,  ever  enjoyed  a  victory  so  much 
as  Bonaparte,  and  yet  no  one  was  ever  less  inclined  to 
abuse  his  triumphs. 

We  entered  Cairo  on  the  24th  of  July,  and  the  General- 
in-Chief  immediately  directed  his  attention  to  the  civil 
and  military  organisation  of  the  country.  Only  those 
who  saw  him  in  the  vigour  of  his  youth  can  form  an  idea 
of  his  extraordinary  intelligence  and  activity.  Nothing 
escaped  his  observation.  Egypt  had  long  been  the  object 
of  his  study;  and  in  a  few  weeks  he  was  as  well  acquainted 
with  the  country  as  if  he  had  lived  in  it  ten  years.  He 
issued  orders  for  observing  the  strictest  discipline,  and 
these  orders  were  punctually  obeyed. 

The  mosques,  the  civil  and  religious  institutions,  the 
harems,  the  women,  the  customs  of  the  country,  —  all  were 
scrupulously  respected.  A  few  days  after  they  entered 
Cairo,  the  French  were  freely  admitted  into  the  shops, 
and  were  seen  sociably  smoking  their  pipes  with  the 
inhabitants,  assisting  them  in  their  occupations,  and 
playing  with  their  children. 


170  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1798. 

The  day  after  his  arrival  in  Cairo,  l')()iiaparte  addressed 
to  his  brother  Joseph  the  following  letter,  which  was  in- 
tercepted and  printed.  Its  authenticity  has  been  doubted, 
but  I  saw  Napoleon  write  it,  and  he  read  it  to  me  before 
he  sent  it  oil". 

Cairo, 
7th  Thermidur  (•i.'ith  July,  1798). 

You  will  see  in  tlie  public  papers  the  bulletins  of  tlie  battles 
and  conquest  of  EL,'yi)t,  which  were  sufficiently  contested  to  add 
another  wreath  to  the  laurels  of  this  army.  Egypt  is  richer  than 
any  country  in  the  world  in  corn,  rice,  vegetables,  and  cattle. 
But  the  people  are  in  a  state  of  utter  barbarism.  We  cannot 
procure  money,  even  to  pay  the  troops.  I  may  be  in  France  in 
two  months. 

Engage  a  country-house,  to  be  ready  for  nie  on  my  arrival, 
either  near  Paris  or  in  Burgundy,  where  I  mean  to  pass  the 
winter. 1  (Signed)     Boxa  parte. 

This  announcement  of  his  departure  to  his  brother  is 
corroborated  liy  a  note  which  he  despatched  some  days 
after,  enumerating  the  supplies  and  individuals  which  he 
wished  to  have  sent  to  Egypt.  His  note  proves,  more 
convincingly  than  any  arguments,  that  Bonaparte  earn- 
estly wished  to  preserve  his  conquest,  and  to  make  it 
a  French  colony.  It  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  note 
here  alluded  to,  as  well  as  the  letter  above  quoted,  was 
written  long  before  the  destruction  of  the  fleet. 

^  Bonaparte's  autograph  note,  after  eiiunieratinc;  the  troops  and  warlike 
stores  he  wished  to  lie  sent,  concluded  witli  tiie  following  list:  — 

1st,  a  company  of  actors  ;  2d,  a  company  of  ilancers  ;  3d,  some  dealers 
in  marionettes,  at  least  three  or  four;  4th, a  hundred  French  women  ;  ath, 
the  wives  of  all  the  men  employed  in  the  corps ;  6th,  twenty  surgeons, 
tliirty  apothecaries,  and  tea  ])hysicians  ;  7th,  some  founders;  8th,  some  dis- 
tillers and  dealers  in  liijuor  ;  9tli,  fifty  gardeners  with  their  families,  and 
the  seeds  of  every  kind  of  vegetable  ;  10th,  each  party  to  liriiig  with  tliem 
200,000  pints  of  brandy;  11th,  30,000  ells  of  blue  and  scarlet  cloth;  12th, 
a  supply  of  soap  and  oil. —  Bourrienne. 


CHAPTEE   XV. 

1798. 

Feom  the  details  I  have  already  given  respecting  Bona- 
parte's plans  for  colonising  Egypt,  it  will  be  seen  that  his 
energy  of  mind  urged  him  to  adopt  anticipatory  measures 
for  the  accomplishment  of  objects  which  were  never  real- 
ised. During  the  short  interval  in  which  he  sheathed  his 
sword  he  planned  provisional  governments  for  the  towns 
and  provinces  occupied  by  the  French  troops,  and  he 
adroitly  contrived  to  serve  the  interests  of  his  army  with- 
out appearing,  to  violate  those  of  the  country.  After  he 
had  been  four  days  at  Cairo,  during  which  time  he  em- 
ployed himself  in  examining  everything,  and  consulting 
every  individual  from  whom  he  could  obtain  useful  infor- 
mation, he  published  the  following  order,  — 

Hb.adquarters,  Cairo, 
9th  Thermidor,  year  VI. 

Bonaparte,  Member  of  the  National  Institute,  and 
General-in-Chief,  orders, — 

Art.  1.  There  shall  be  in  each  province  of  Egypt  a  divan,  con- 
posed  of  seven  individuals,  whose  duty  will  be  to  superintend  the 
interests  of  the  province  ;  to  communicate  to  me  any  complaints 
that  may  be  made ;  to  prevent  warfiire  among  the  different  vil- 
lages ;  to  apprehend  and  punish  criminals  (for  which  purpose  they 
may  demand  assistance  from  the  French  commandant)  ;  and  to 
take  every  opportunity  of  enlightening  the  people. 

Art.  2.  There  shall  be  in  each  province  an  aga  of  the  Janizaries, 
maintaining  constant  communication  with  the  French  command- 


172  MEMOIRS   OF   XAIMLKON    1J(  »XAPARTE.  1798. 

nut.  Ill'  sli;ill  liavo  with  liim  a  company  of  sixty  armed  natives, 
whom  he  may  take  wherever  lie  pleases,  for  the  maintenance  of 
good  order,  suhordiiialion,  and  tranquillity. 

Art.  3.  Tliere  shall  be  in  each  ]trovince  an  intendant,  whose 
business  will  be  to  levy  the  miri,  tlie  fe<ldani,  and  the  other  con- 
tributions which  formerly  belonged  to  the  Mamelukes,  l)ut  which 
now  belong  to  the  French  IJepublic.  The  intendants  shall  have 
as  many  agents  as  may  be  necessary. 

Art.  4.  The  said  intendant  shall  have  a  French  agent  to  cor- 
respond with  the  Finance  Department,  and  to  execute  all  the 
orders  he  may  receive. 

(Signed)     Bonaparte. 

AVliile  r)(ina])arte  was  thus  actively  takinj]:  measures 
for  the  (ir^^ranisation  of  the  country,'  General  Desaix  had 
marched  into  Upper  Egypt  in  pursuit  of  Mourad  Bey.  We 
learned  that  Thrahim,  who,  next  to  Mourad,  was  the  most 
influential  of  the  beys,  had  proceeded  towards  Syria,  by 
the  way  of  Belbeis  and  Salehye'h.  The  General-in-Chief 
immediately  determined  to  march  in  person  against  that 
formidable  enemy,  and  he  left  Cairo  about  fifteen  days 
after  he  had  entered  it.  It  is  unnecessary  to  describe  the 
well-known  engagement  in  which  Bonaparte  drove  Ibra- 
him back  upon  El-Arish  ;  besides,  I  do  not  enter  minutely 
into  the  details  of  battles,  my  chief  object  being  to  record 
events  which  I  personally  witnessed. 

At  the  battle  of  Salehye'h,  Bonaparte  thought  he  had 
lost  one  of  his  aides-de-camp,  Sulkowsky,  to  whom  he  was 
much  attached,  and  who  had  been  with  us  during  the 
whole  of  the  campaign  of  Italy.  On  the  field  of  battle  one 
object  of  regret  cannot  long  engross  the  mind ;  yet,  on  his 
return  to  Cairo,  Bonaparte  frequently  spoke  to  me  of  Sul- 
kowsky in  terms  of  unfeigned  sorrow. 

"  I  cannot,"  said  he,  one  day,  "  sufficiently  admire  the 

^  Far  more  thoroughly  and  actively  than  those  taken  by  the  English 
Government  in  1882-3-4! 


Portrait  of  Desaix  at  Marengo. 
Photo-Etching  —  From  Drawing  by  K.  Girardet. 


1798.  DISASTER  AT  ABOUKIR.  173 

noble  spirit  and  determined  courage  of  poor  Sulkowsky." 
He  often  said  that  Sulkowsky  would  have  been  a  valuable 
aid  to  whoever  might  undertake  the  resuscitation  of  Po- 
land. Fortunately  that  brave  officer  was  not  killed  on  that 
occasion,  though  seriously  wounded.  He  was,  however, 
killed  shortly  after. 

The  destruction  of  the  French  squadron  in  the  roads  of 
Aboukir  occurred  during  the  absence  of  the  General-in- 
Chief.  This  event  happened  on  the  1st  of  August.  The 
details  are  generally  known  ;  but  there  is  one  circumstance 
to  which  I  cannot  refrain  from  alluding,  and  wdiich  excited 
deep  interest  at  the  time.  This  was  the  heroic  courage  of 
the  son  of  Casabianca,  the  captain  of  the  Orient.  Casa- 
blanca was  among  the  wounded,  and  when  the  vessel  was 
blown  up,  his  son,  a  lad  of  ten  years  of  age,  preferred 
perishing  with  him  rather  than  saving  himself,  when  one 
of  the  seamen  had  secured  him  the  means  of  escape.  I 
told  the  aide-de-camp,  sent  by  General  Kldber,  who  had 
the  command  of  Alexandria,  that  the  General-in-Chief  was 
near  Salehye'h.  He  proceeded  thither  immediately,  and 
Bonaparte  hastened  back  to  Cairo,  a  distance  of  about 
thirty-three  leagues. 

In  spite  of  any  assertions  that  may  have  been  made  to 
the  contrary,  the  fact  is,  that  as  soon  as  the  French  troops 
set  foot  in  Egypt,  they  were  filled  with  dissatisfaction,  and 
ardently  longed  to  return  home.  ^     The  illusion  of  the 

1  "  Erreurs  "  objects  to  this  description  of  the  coinplaiiits  of  the  army,  hut 
Savary  (tome  i.  pp.  56,  57,  and  tome  i.  p.  89)  fully  contirnis  it,  giving  the 
reason  that  the  army  was  not  a  liomogeneous  l)ody,  but  a  mixed  force 
taken  from  Home,  Florence,  Milan,  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Marseilles ;  see 
also  Thiers,  tome  v.  p.  283.  But  the  fact  is  not  singular.  For  a  strik- 
ing instance,  in  the  days  of  the  Empire,  of  the  soldiers  in  1809,  in  Spain, 
actu.ally  threatening  Napoleon  in  his  own  hearing,  see  De  Gonnoville 
(tome  i.  ])p.  190-19.'}) :  "  The  S(ddiers  of  Lapisse's  division  g.ive  loud  ex- 
pression to  the  most  sinister  designs  against  the  Emperor's  ])er.son,  stirring 
up  each  other  to  fire  a  shot  at  him,  and  haiulying  accusations  of  cowardice 
for  nut  doing  it.     lie  heard  it  all  as  jilaiuly  as  we  did,  and  seemed  ;is  if  he 


174  MKMoIKS   OF   NATULLUN   BONAPARTE.  1798. 

expedition  had  disa}i])eared,  and  only  its  reality  remained. 
What  bitter  miuiuuring  liave  I  not  heard  from  Murat, 
Lannes,  lierthier,  BessiJires,  and  others  !  Their  coniplaints 
were,  indeed,  often  so  unmeasured  as  almost  to  amount  to 
sedition.  Tiiis  greatly  vexed  Bonaparte,  and  drew  from 
liim  severe  reprnaches  and  violent  language.^  "When  the 
news  arrived  of  the  loss  of  the  fleet,  discontent  increased. 
All  who  had  acquired  fortunes  under  Napoleon  now  began 
to  fear  that  they  would  never  enjoy  them.  All  turned 
their  thoughts  to  Paris,  and  its  amusements,  and  were 
utterly  disheartened  at  the  idea  of  being  separated  from 
their  homes  and  their  friends  for  a  period,  the  termination 
of  which  it  was  impossible  to  foresee. 

The  catastrophe  of  Aboukir  came  like  a  thunderbolt 
upon  the  General-in-Cliief.  In  spite  of  all  his  energy  and 
fortitude,  he  was  deeply  distressed  by  the  disasters  which 
now  assailed  him.  To  the  painful  feelings  e.Kcited  by  the 
complaints  and  dejection  of  his  companions  in  arms  was 
now  added  the  irreparable  misfortune  of  the  burning  of 
our  fleet.  He  measured  the  fatal  consequences  of  this 
event  at  a  single  glance.  We  were  now  cut  off"  from  all 
communication  with  France,  and  all  hope  of  returning 
thither,  except  by  a  degrading  capitulation  with  an  im- 
placaljle  and  hated  enemy.  Bonaparte  had  lost  all  chance 
of  preservhig  his  conquest,  and  to  him  this  was  indeed  a 
bitter  reflection.     And  at  what  a  time   did  this  disaster 

did  not  care  a  bit  for  it.  but"  sent  the  division  into  good  quarters, 
when  the  men  were  a.«  enthu-iia-stic  as  tiiey  were  formerly  mutinous.  In 
1796  D'Kntraifrues.  the  Bourlion  spy,  reports,  "  As  a  general  rule,  the 
French  soldier  grumbles  and  is  discontented.  He  accuses  Bonaparte  of 
being  a  thief  and  a  rascal.  But  to-morrow  the  very  same  soldier  will 
obey  him  blindly  "  (lung's /?'>'i«/i«/7e,  tome  iii.  p.  152). 

1  Napoleon  related  at  St.  Helena  tliat  in  a  fit  of  irritation  he  rushed 
among  a  group  of  dissatisfied  generals,  and  said  to  one  of  them,  who  was 
remarkal)lc  for  his  stature,  "  You  have  held  seilitious  language  ;  Imt  take 
care  I  do  not  perform  my  duty.  Though  you  are  five  feet  ten  inches  high, 
that  shall  not  save  you  from  being  shot.'  —  Bourrienne. 


1798.  EGYPTIAN  PLANS.  176 

befall  him  ?  At  tlie  very  moment  when  he  was  about 
to  apply  for  the  aid  of  the  mother-country. 

From  what  General  Bonaparte  communicated  to  me 
previously  to  the  1st  of  August,  his  object  was,  having 
once  secured  the  possession  of  Egypt,  to  return  to  Toulon 
with  the  fleet ;  then  to  send  troops  and  provisions  of  every 
kind  to  Egypt ;  and  next  to  combine  with  the  fleet  all 
the  forces  that  could  be  supplied,  not  only  by  France, 
but  by  her  allies,  for  the  purpose  of  attackmg  England. 
It  is  certain  that  previously  to  his  departure  for  Egypt  he 
had  laid  before  the  Dii'ectory  a  note  relative  to  his  plans. 
He  always  regarded  a  descent  upon  England  as  possible, 
though  in  its  result  fatal,  so  long  as  we  should  be  in- 
ferior in  naval  strength ;  but  he  hoped  by  various  ma- 
noeuvres to  secure  a  superiority  on  one  point. 

His  intention  was  to  return  to  France.  Availing  him- 
self of  the  departure  of  the  English  fleet  for  the  Mediter- 
ranean, the  alarm  excited  by  his  Egyptian  expedition,  the 
panic  that  would  be  inspired  by  his  sudden  appearance  at 
Boulogne,  and  his  preparations  against  England,  he  hoped 
to  oblige  that  power  to  withdraw  her  naval  force  from  the 
Mediterranean,  and  to  prevent  her  sending  out  troops  to 
Egypt.  This  project  was  often  in  his  head.  He  would 
have  thought  it  sublime  to  date  an  order  of  the  day  from 
the  ruins  of  Memphis,  and  three  months  later,  one  from 
London.  The  loss  of  the  fleet  converted  all  these  bold 
conceptions  into  mere  romantic  visions. 

When  alone  with  me  he  gave  free  vent  to  his  emotion. 
I  observed  to  him  that  the  disaster  was  doubtless  great, 
but  that  it  would  have  been  infinitely  more  irreparable 
had  Nelson  fallen  in  with  us  at  IMalta,  or  had  he  waited 
for  us  four-and-twenty  hours  before  Alexandria,  or  in  the 
open  sea.  "Any  one  of  these  events,"  said  I,  "  wliich 
were  not  only  possible,  but  probable,  would  have  deprived 
us  of  every  resource.     We  are  blockaded  here,  but  we 


176  MK.MoIliS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPAIM'i:.  1798. 

have  provisions  aiul  im>iioy.  Let  us  then  wail  patiently 
to  see  what  the  Directory  will  do  for  us."  —  "  The  Direc- 
tory !"  exclaimed  he,  angrily,  "the  Directory  is  composed 
of  a  set  of  scoundrels  !  they  envy  and  hate  me,  and  would 
gladly  let  me  perish  here.  Besides,  you  see  how  dissatis- 
tied  the  whole  army  is :  not  a  man  is  willing  to  stay." 

The  pleasing  illusions  which  were  cherished  at  the  out- 
set of  the  exi)edition  vanislied  long  l)efore  our  arrival  in 
Cairo.  Egypt  was  no  longer  the  empire  of  the  Ptolemies, 
covered  with  populous  and  wealthy  cities  ;  it  now  pre- 
sented one  unvaried  scene  of  devastation  and  misery. 
Instead  of  being  aided  by  the  inhabitants,  whom  we  had 
ruined,  for  the  sake  of  delivering  them  from  the  yoke  of 
the  beys,  we  found  all  against  us  :  Mamelukes,  Arabs,  and 
fellahs.  No  Frenchman  was  secure  of  his  life  who  hap- 
pened to  stray  half  a  mile  from  any  inhabited  place,  or 
the  corps  to  which  he  belonged.  The  hostility  which 
prevailed  against  us  and  the  discontent  of  the  army  were 
clearly  developed  in  the  numerous  letters  which  w^ere 
written  to  France  at  the  time,  and- intercepted. 

The  gloomy  reflections  which  at  first  assailed  Bona- 
parte were  s])eedily  banished  ;  and  he  soon  recovered  the 
fortitude  and  presence  of  mind  which  had  been  for  a 
moment  shaken  by  the  overwhelming  news  from  Aboukir. 
He,  however,  sometimes  repeated,  in  a  tone  which  it 
would  be  difficult  to  describe,  "  Unfortunate  Brueys,  what 
have  you  done  ! " 

I  have  remarked  that  in  some  chance  observations 
which  escaped  Napoleon  at  St.  Helena  he  endeavoured 
to  throw  all  the  blame  of  the  affair  on  Admiral  Brueys. 
Persons  wlio  are  determined  to  make  Bonaparte  an  ex- 
ception to  human  nature  have  unjustly  reproached  the 
Admiral  for  the  loss  of  the  fleet. 


CHAPTER   XVI. 

1798. 

The  loss  of  the  fleet  convinced  General  Bonaparte  of 
the  necessity  of  speedily  and  effectively  organising  Egypt, 
where  everything  denoted  that  we  should  stay  for  a  con- 
siderable time,  except  in  the  event  of  a  forced  evacuation, 
which  the  General  was  far  from  foreseeing  or  fearing. 
The  distance  of  Ibrahim  Bey  and  Mourad  Bey  now  left 
him  a  little  at  rest.  War,  fortifications,  taxation,  govern- 
ment, the  organisation  of  the  divans,  trade,  art,  and 
science,  all  occupied  his  attention.  Orders  and  instruc- 
tions were  immediately  despatched,  if  not  to  repair  the 
defeat,  at  least  to  avert  the  first  danger  that  might  ensue 
from  it.  On  the  21st  of  August,  Bonaparte  established  at 
Cairo  an  institute  of  the  arts  and  sciences,  of  which  he 
subsequently  appointed  me  a  member  in  the  room  of  M. 
de  Sucy,  who  was  obliged  to  return  to  France,  in  conse- 
quence of  the  wound  he  received  on  board  the  flotilla  in 
the  Nile.i 

1  The  Institute  of  Egypt  was  composed  of  members  of  the  French 
Institute,  and  of  the  men  of  science  and  artists  of  the  commission  who 
did  not  helong  to  that  body.  Tliey  assembled  and  acUled  to  their  number 
several  officers  of  the  artillery  and  staff,  and  others  wlio  had  cultivated 
the  sciences  and  literature. 

The  Institute  was  (•stal)lished  in  one  of  tlie  palaces  of  the  beys.  A 
great  number  of  machines,  and  physical,  chemical,  and  astronomical  in- 
struments had  been  lirought  from  t'rance.  They  were  distrilnited  in  the 
different  rooms,  wliich  were  also  successively  filled  with  all  tlie  curiosities 
of  tiie  country,  whether  of  the  animal,  vegetable,  or  mineral  kingdom. 

The  garden  of  the  palace   became  a  botanical  garden.     A   chemical 

VOL.  I.  — 12 


178  MKMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON  BONArARTE.  1798 

111  fouiuling  this  Institute,  Bonajiarte  wished  to  aii'ord 
an  example  of  his  itleas  of  civilisation.  The  minutes  of  the 
sittinj^'s  <»f  that  learned  body,  which  have  heen  printed, 
bear  evidence  of  its  utility,  and  of  Napoleon's  extended 
views.  The  objects  of  the  Institute  were  the  advance- 
ment and  propagation  of  information  in  Egypt,  and  the 
study  and  publication  of  all  facts  relating  to  the  natural 
history,  trade,  and  anti([uities  of  that  ancient  country. 

On  the  18th,  Bonaparte  was  present  at  the  ceremony  of 
opening  the  dike  of  the  canal  of  Cairo,  which  receives 
the  water  of  the  Nile  when  it  reaches  the  height  fixed  by 
the  Mequyas. 

Two  days  after  came  the  anniversary  festival  of  the 
birth  of  Malic imet.  At  this  Napoleon  was  also  pres- 
ent, in  comi)aiiy  with   the  sheik  El  Bekri,^  who  at  his 

laboratory  was  formed  at  headcjuarters ;  Berthollet  performed  oxperi- 
meuts  there  several  times  every  week,  at  which  Napoleon  and  a  great 
number  of  officers  attended  {Memoirs  of' Napoleon). 

^  Tlie  (Jeneral-iii-Chief  went  to  celebrate  the  feast  of  the  Prophet  at  the 
house  of  the  sheik  El  Bekri.  The  ceremony  was  begun  by  the  recital  of  a 
kind  of  litany,  containing  the  life  of  Mahomet  from  his  birth  to  his  death. 
About  a  hundreil  sheiks,  sitting  in  a  circle,  on  carpets,  with  their  legs 
crossed,  recited  all  the  verses,  swinging  their  bodies  violently  backwards 
and  forwards,  and  all  together. 

A  grand  dinner  was  afterwards  served  up,  at  which  the  guests  .sat  on 
carpets,  witii  their  legs  across.  There  were  twenty  tables,  and  five  or  six 
people  at  each  table.  That  of  the  General-in-Chief  and  the  sheik  El  Bekri 
was  in  tlie  middle;  a  little  .slab  of  a  precious  kind  of  wood  ornamented 
with  mo.saic-work  was  placed  eighteen  inches  above  the  floor  and  covered 
with  a  great  number  of  dishes  in  succession.  'I'hey  were  pillaws  of  rice,  a 
particular  kind  of  roa.st,  cntnes,  and  pastry,  all  very  highly  sj)iced.  The 
sheiks  picked  everything  with  their  fingers.  Accordingly,  water  was 
brought  to  wash  the  hamls  three  times  during  dinner,  (iooseberry -water, 
lemonade,  and  otlier  sorts  of  sherbets  were  served  to  drink,  and  abun- 
dance of  ])re.serves  and  confectionery  with  the  dessert.  On  the  whole,  the 
dinner  was  not  disagreeable ;  it  was  only  the  manner  of  eating  it  that 
seemed  strange  to  us. 

In  the  evening  the  whole  city  was  illnmiiiated.  After  dinner  the  party 
went  into  the  .sfjuare  of  El  Bekri,  the  illumination  of  which,  in  coloured 
lamjjs,  was  very  beautiful.     An  immense  concourse  of  people  attended 


1798.  INDIFFERENCE   TO   MAHOMETANISM.  179 

request  gave  him  two  young  Mamelukes,  Ibrahim  and 
Roustan.^ 

It  has  been  alleged  that  Bonaparte,  when  in  Egypt, 
took  part  in  the  religious  ceremonies  and  worship  of  the 
Mussulmans ;  but  it  cannot  be  said  that  he  celebrated  the 
festivals  of  the  overflowing  of  the  Nile  and  the  anniver- 
sary of  the  Prophet.  The  Turks  invited  him  to  these 
merely  as  a  spectator ;  and  the  presence  of  their  new 
master  was  gratifying  to  the  people.  But  he  never  com- 
mitted the  folly  of  ordering  any  solemnity.  He  neither 
learned  nor  repeated  any  prayer  of  the  Koran,  as  many 
persons  have  asserted ;  neither  did  he  advocate  fatalism, 
polygamy,  or  any  other  doctrine  of  the  Koran.  Bona- 
parte employed  himself  better  than  in  discussing  with 
the  Imaums  the  theology  of  the  children  of  Ismael.  The 
ceremonies,  at  which  policy  induced  him  to  be  present, 
were  to  him,  and  to  all  who  accompanied  him,  mere  mat- 
ters of  curiosity.  He  never  set  foot  in  a  mosque ;  and 
only  on  one  occasion,  which  I  shall  hereafter  mention, 
dressed  himself  in  the  Mahometan  costume.  He  attended 
the  festivals  to  which  the  green  turbans  invited  him.^ 

They  were  all  placed  in  order,  in  ranks  of  from  twenty  to  a  hundred  per- 
sons, who,  standing  close  together,  recited  tlie  prayers  and  litanies  of  the 
Prophet  with  movements  which  kept  increasing,  until  at  length  they 
seemed  to  be  convulsive,  and  some  of  the  most  zealous  fainted  away 
{Memoirs  of  Napoleon). 

1  Roustan  or  Rustan,  a  Mameluke,  was  always  with  Napoleon  from  the 
time  of  the  return  from  Egypt  till  1814,  when  he  abandoned  his  master. 
He  slept  at  or  near  the  door  of  Napoleon.  See  Re'musat,  tome  i.  p.  209, 
for  an  amusing  description  of  the  alarm  of  Josephine,  and  the  precipitate 
flight  of  Madame  de  Remusat,  at  the  idea  of  being  met  and  killed  by  this 
man  in  one  of  Josephine's  nocturnal  attacks  on  the  privacy  of  her  husband 
when  closeted  with  his  mistress. 

2  From  this  Sir  Walter  Scott  infers  that  he  did  not  scru])le  to  join  the 
Mussulmans  in  the  external  ceremonies  of  their  religion.  He  emliellishes 
his  romance  with  the  ridiculous  farce  of  the  sepulchral  chamber  of  the 
grand  pyramid,  and  the  speeches  which  were  ad<lrossed  to  the  General  as 
well  as  to  the  muftis  and  Imaums ;  and  he  adds  that  I3iina])arte  was  on 


ISO  MEMOIRS  OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1798. 

His  reli<^ioiis  tolerance  \va.s  ilic  natural  consequence  of  his 
pliilosoj)luc  sjiirit. 

Doubtless  lionaparte  did,  as  he  was  bound  to  do,  show 
respect  for  the  reli|,'ion  of  the  country ;  and  he  found  it 
necessary  to  act  more  like  a  Mussulman  than  a  Catholic. 
A  wise  conqueror  supports  his  triumphs  by  protecting 
and  even  elevating  the  religion  of  the  conquered  people. 
Bonaparte's  principle  was,  as  he  himself  has  often  told 
uie,  to  look  upon  religions  as  the  work  of  men,  but  to 
respect  them  everywhere  as  a  powerful  engine  of  govern- 
ment. However,  I  will  not  go  so  far  as  to  say  that  he 
would  not  have  changed  his  religion  had  the  conijuest  of 
the  East  been  the  price  of  that  change.  All  that  he  said 
about  Mahomet,  Islamism,  and  the  Koran  to  the  great 
men  of  the  country  he  laughed  at  himself.  He  enjoyed 
the  gratification  of  having  all  his  fine  sayings  on  the 
subject  of  religion  translated  into  Arabic  poetry,  and 
repeated  from  mouth  to  mouth.  This  of  course  tended 
to  conciliate  the  people. 

I  confess  that  Bonaparte  frequently  conversed  with  the 
chiefs  of  the  Mussulman  religion  on  the  subject  of  his 
conversion ;  but  only  for  the  sake  of  amusement.  The 
priests  of  the  Koran,  who  would  probably  have  been 
delighted  to  convert  us,  offered  us  the  most  ample  con- 
cessions. But  these  conversations  were  merely  started 
by  way  of  entertainment,  and  never  could  have  warranted 
a  suppo.sfttion  of  their  leading  to  any  serious  result.  If 
Bonaparte  spoke  as  a  Mussulman,  it  was  merely  in  his 
character  of  a  military  and  political  chief  in  a  Mussulman 
country.  To  do  so  was  essential  to  his  success,  to  the 
safety  of  his  army,  and,  consequently,  to  his  glory.     In 

the  point  of  embracing  Islamism.  All  that  Sir  Walter  says  on  this  subject 
i.s  the  hf'if^ht  of  iil).surility,  and  does  not  even  deserve  to  be  seriously  refuted. 
Bonaparte  never  entereil  a  mosque  excei)t  from  motives  of  curiosity,  and 
be  never  for  one  moment  afforded  any  ground  for  supposing  that  ho 
believed  in  the  mission  of  Mahomet.  —  Buumenne. 


1798.  ALLEGED  CONVERSION  TO  ISLAMISM.  181 

every  country  he  would  have  drawn  up  proclamations  and 
delivered  addresses  on  the  same  principle.  In  India  he 
would  have  been  for  All,  at  Thibet  for  the  Dalai-lama,  and 
m  China  for  Confucius.^ 

The  General-in-Chief  had  a  Turkish  dress  made,  which 
he  ODce  put  on,  merely  m  joke.  One  day  he  desired  me 
to  go  to  breakfast  without  waiting  for  him,  and  tliat  he 
would  follow  me.  In  about  a  quarter  of  an  hour  he  made 
his  appearance  in  his  new  costume.     As  soon  as  he  was 

1  On  the  subject  of  his  alleged  conversion  to  Mahometanism,  Bonaparte 
expressed  himself  at  St.  Helena  as  follows:  — 

"  I  never  followed  any  of  the  tenets  of  that  religion.  I  never  prayed 
in  the  mosfjiies.  I  never  abstained  from  wine,  or  was  circumcised,  neither 
did  I  ever  profess  it.  I  said  merely  that  we  were  the  friends  of  the  Mussul- 
mans, and  that  I  respected  Mahomet  their  Prophet,  which  was  true ;  I 
respect  him  now.  I  wanted  to  make  the  Imaums  cause  prayers  to  be 
offered  up  in  the  mosques  for  me,  in  order  to  make  the  people  respect  me 
still  more  than  they  actually  did,  and  obey  me  more  readily.  The  Imaums 
replied  that  there  was  a  great  obstacle,  because  their  Prophet  in  the  Koran 
had  inculcated  to  them  that  they  were  not  to  obey,  respect,  or  hold  faith 
with  infidels,  and  that  I  came  under  tliat  denomination.  I  then  desired 
them  to  hold  a  consultation,  and  see  what  was  necessary  to  be  done  in 
order  to  become  a  Mussulman,  as  some  of  tlieir  tenets  could  not  be  prac- 
tised by  us.  That,  as  to  circumcision,  God  had  made  us  unfit  for  that. 
That,  with  respect  to  drinking  wine,  we  were  poor  cold  people,  inhabitants 
of  the  north,  who  could  not  exist  without  it.  They  consulted  together 
accordingly,  and  in  about  tliree  weeks  issued  a  fetliara,  declaring  that  cir- 
cumcision might  be  omitted,  because  it  was  merely  a  j)rofession ;  that  as 
to  drinking  wine,  it  miglit  be  drunk  by  Mussulmans,  but  tliat  tliose  who 
drank  it  would  not  go  to  paradise,  but  to  hell.  I  replied  tliat  this  would 
not  do;  that  we  had  no  occasion  to  make  ourselves  ilussulmans  in  order 
to  go  to  hell,  that  there  were  many  ways  of  getting  there  without  coming 
to  Kgypt,  and  desired  them  to  hold  another  consultation.  After  deliiierat- 
ing  and  battling  together  for  I  believe  three  months,  they  finally  decided 
that  a  man  might  become  a  Mus.sulman,  and  neither  circumcise  nor  abstain 
from  wine;  but  that,  in  proportion  to  the  wine  drunk,  some  good  works 
must  lie  done.  I  then  told  tliem  that  we  were  all  Mussulmans  and  friends 
of  the  Prophet,  which  they  really  believed,  as  the  French  soldiers  never 
went  to  church,  and  had  no  priests  with  them.  For  you  must  know  that 
during  the  Uevolution  there  was  no  religion  whatever  in  the  French 
army.  Menou,"  continued  Napoleon,  "  really  turned  Mahometan,  which 
was  the  reason  I  left  him  behind." —  Voice  from  St.  Helena. 


182  MKMDIKS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONArAKTF,.  1798. 

reconrnised,  lie  was  received  with  a  Laid  burst  <>f  laughter. 
He  sat  down  very  coolly  ;  but  he  found  himself  so  encum- 
bered and  ill  at  ease  in  his  turban  and  Oriental  robe  that 
he  spi'edily  threw  them  off,  and  was  never  tempted  to  a 
second  performance  of  the  masquerade. 

About  the  end  of  August  Bonai)arte  wished  to  open 
negotiations  with  the  Pasha  of  Acre,  nicknamed  the 
Butcher.  He  ollered  ])jez/.ar  his  friendship,  sought  his 
in  return,  and  gave  him  the  most  consolatory  assurances 
of  the  safety  of  his  dominions.  He  promised  to  support 
him  against  the  Grand  Seignior,  at  the  very  moment  when 
he  was  assuring  the  Egy})tians  that  he  would  support  the 
Grand  Seignior  against  the  beys.  But  Djezzar,  confiding 
in  his  own  strength  and  in  the  protection  of  the  English, 
who  had  anticipated  Bonaparte,  was  deaf  to  every  over- 
ture, and  would  not  even  receive  Beauvoisin,  who  was 
sent  to  him  on  the  22d  of  August.  A  second  envoy  was 
beheaded  at  Acre.  The  occupations  of  Bonaparte  and  the 
necessity  of  obtaining  a  more  solid  footing  in  Egyi)t  re- 
tarded for  the  moment  the  invasion  of  that  pashalic, 
which  provoked  vengeance  by  its  barbarities,  besides 
beinj:'  a  dangerous  neighbour. 

From  the  time  he  received  the  accounts  of  the  disaster 
of  Aboukir  until  the  revolt  of  Cairo  on  the  22d  of  Octo- 
ber, Bona'parte  sometimes  found  the  time  hang  heavily  on 
his  hands.  Though  he  devoted  attention  to  everything, 
yet  there  was  not  sufficient  occupation  for  his  singularly 
active  mind.  When  the  heat  was  not  too  great,  he  rode  on 
horseback ;  and  on  his  return,  if  he  found  no  despatches 
to  read  (which  often  happened),  no  orders  to  send  off,  or 
no  letters  to  answer,  he  was  immediately  absorbed  in 
reverie,  and  would  sometimes  converse  very  strangely. 
One  day,  after  a  long  pause,  he  said  to  me  — 

"Do  you  know  wiiat  I  am  thinking  of?" —  "Upon  my 
word,  that  would  be  very  difficult ;  you  think  of  such  ex- 


1798.  PLAN  OF  CAMPAIGN  IN  GERMANY.  183 

traordinary  things."  —  "I  don't  know,"  continued  he, "  that 
I  shall  ever  see  France  again ;  but  if  I  do,  my  only  ambi- 
tion is  to  make  a  glorious  campaign  in  Germany  —  in  the 
plains  of  Bavaria;  there  to  gain  a  great  battle,  and  to 
avenge  France  for  the  defeat  of  Hochstadt.  After  that  I 
would  retire  into  the  country,  and  live  quietly." 

He  then  entered  upon  a  long  dissertation  on  the  prefer- 
ence he  would  give  to  Germany  as  the  theatre  of  war ;  ^ 
the  fine  character  of  the  people,  and  the  prosperity  and 
wealth  of  the  country,  and  its  power  of  supporting  an 
army.  His  conversations  were  sometimes  very  long,  but 
always  replete  with  interest. 

In  these  intervals  of  leisure  Bonaparte  was  accustomed 
to  retire  to  bed  early.  I  used  to  read  to  him  every  even- 
ing. When  I  read  poetry,  he  would  fall  asleep ;  but  when 
he  asked  for  the  "  Life  of  Cromwell,"  I  counted  on  sitting 
up  pretty  late.  In  the  course  of  the  day  he  used  to  read 
and  make  notes.  He  often  expressed  regret  at  not  receiv- 
ing news  from  France ;  for  correspondence  was  rendered 
impracticable  by  the  numerous  English  and  Turkish 
cruisers.  Many  letters  were  intercepted  and  scandalously 
published.  Not  even  family  secrets  and  communications 
of  the  most  confidential  nature  were  respected. 

About  the  middle  of  September  in  this  year  (1798), 
Bonaparte  ordered  to  be  brought  to  the  house  of-  Elfy  Bey 
half  a  dozen  Asiatic  women  whose  beauty  he  had  heard 
highly  extolled.  But  their  ungraceful  obesity  displeased 
him,  and  they  were  immediately  dismissed.     A  few  days 

1  So  early  as  1794  Napoleon  had  suggested  that  Austria  should  always 
be  attacked  in  Germany,  not  in  Italy.  "  It  is  Germany  that  sliould  ite 
overwhelmed ;  that  done,  Italy  and  Spain  fall  of  themselves.  .  .  .  Ger- 
many should  he  attackeil,  not  Spain  or  Italy.  If  we  obtain  great  success, 
advantage  should  never  be  taken  of  it  to  jjonetrate  into  Italy  while  Ger- 
many, unweakcned,  offers  a  formidalde  front"  (lung's />'o»«/*(j/7e,  tome 
ii.  p.  4.'J6).  Hewa.s  always  opposed  to  the  wild  plans  which  had  ruined  so 
many  French  armies  in  Italy,  and  which  tlie  Directory  tried  to  force  on 
him,  of  marcliiug  on  Rome  and  Naples  after  every  success  in  the  north. 


184  MEMOIKS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

after  he  fell  violently  in  love  with  Madame  Fourds,  the 
wife  of  a  lieutenant  of  infantry.'  She  was  very  pretty, 
and  her  eharms  were  enhanced  hy  the  rarity  of  seeing  a 
woman  iu  Egypt  who  was  calculated  to  please  the  eye  of 
a  European.  Bonaparte  engaged  for  her  a  house  adjoin- 
ing the  palace  of  J^lfy  Bey,  which  we  occui)ied.  He  fre- 
quently ordered  dinner  to  he  prepared  there,  and  I  used 
to  go  there  with  him  at  seven  o'clock,  and  leave  him  at 
nine. 

This  connection  soon  became  the  general  sul)ject  of  gos- 
sip at  headquarters.  Through  a  feeling  of  delicacy  to  M. 
Four^s,  the  General-in-Chief  gave  him  a  mission  to  the 
Directory.  He  embarked  at  Alexandria,  and  the  ship  was 
captured  by  the  English,  who,  being  informed  of  the  cause 
of  his  mission,  were  malicious  enough  to  send  him  back 
to  Egypt,  instead  of  keeping  him  prisoner.  Bonaparte 
wished  to  have  a  child  by  Madame  Eourds,  but  this  wish 
was  not  realised. 

A  celebrated  soothsayer  was  recommended  to  Bonaparte 
by  the  inhabitants  of  Cairo,  who  confidentially  vouched 
for  the  accuracy  with  which  he  could  foretell  future 
events.  He  was  sent  for,  and  when  he  arrived,  I,  ^^entu^e, 
and  a  sheik  were  with  the  General.  The  prophet  wished 
first  to  exercise  his  skill  upon  Bonaparte,  who,  however, 
proposed  that  I  should  have  my  fortune  told  first,  to 
which  I  acceded  without  hesitation.  To  afford  an  idea  of 
his  prophetic  skill  I  must  mention  that  since  my  arrival 
in  Cairo  I  had  been  in  a  very  weak  state.  The  passage  of 
the  Nile  and  the  bad  food  we  had  had  for  twelve  days  had 
greatly  reduced  me,  so  that  I  was  miseraldy  pale  and  thin. 

After  examining  my  hands,  feeling  my  pulse,  my  fore- 
head, and  the  nape  of  my  neck,  the  fortune-teller  shrugged 
his  shoulders,  and,  in  a  melancholy  tone,  told  Venture 

1  See  "  Memoirs  of  the  Ducliesse  d'Abrantes  "  (Madame  Junot),  English 
edition  of  188.3,  vol.  i.  p.  458. 


1798.  AN  EGYPTIAN   SOOTHSAYER.  185 

that  he  did  not  think  it  right  to  inform  me  of  my  fate. 
I  gave  him  to  understand  that  he  might  say  what  he 
pleased,  as  it  was  a  matter  of  indifference  to  me.  After 
considerable  hesitation  on  his  part  and  pressing  on  mine, 
he  announced  to  me  that  the  earth  of  Egypt  ivould  receive 
me  in  two  months. 

I  thanked  him,  and  he  was  dismissed.  When  we  were 
alone,  the  General  said  to  me,  "  Well,  what  do  you  think 
of  that?"  I  observed  that  the  fortune-teller  did  not  run 
any  great  risk  in  foretelling  my  death,  which  was  a  very 
probable  circumstance  in  the  state  in  which  I  was  ;  "  but," 
added  I,  "  if  I  procure  the  wines  which  I  have  ordered 
from  France,  you  will  soon  see  me  get  round  again." 

The  art  of  imposing  on  mankind  has  at  all  times  been 
an  important  part  of  the  art  of  governing  ;  and  it  was  not 
that  portion  of  the  science  of  government  which  Bona- 
parte was  the  least  acquainted  with.  He  neglected  no 
opportunity  of  showing  off  to  the  Egyptians  the  superi- 
ority of  France  in  arts  and  sciences ;  but  it  happened, 
oftener  than  once,  that  the  simple  instinct  of  the  Egyp- 
tians thwarted  his  endeavours  in  this  way.  Some  days 
after  the  visit  of  the  pretended  fortune-teller  he  wished, 
if  I  may  so  express  myself,  to  oppose  conjuror  to  conjuror. 
For  this  purpose  he  invited  the  principal  sheiks  to  be  pre- 
sent at  some  chemical  experiments  performed  by  M.  Ber- 
thollet.  The  General  expected  to  be  much  amused  at 
their  astonishment ;  but  the  miracles  of  the  transformation 
of  liquids,  electrical  commotions,  and  galvanism,  did  not 
elicit  from  them  any  symptom  of  surprise.  They  wit- 
nessed the  operations  of  our  able  chemist  with  the  most 
imperturbable  indifference.  When  they  were  ended,  the 
sheik  El  Bekri  desired  the  interpreter  to  tell  M.  Berthollet 
that  it  was  all  very  fine;  "but,"  said  he,  "ask  him 
whether  he  can  make  me  be  in  Morocco  and  here  at  one 
and  the  same  moment."     M.   Berthollet  replied  in  the 


186  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

negative,  with  a  shrug  of  liis  shoulders.     "  Oh,  then,"  said 
the  slieik,  "  he  is  not  half  a  sorcerer." 

Our  music  jtroduced  no  {^a'eater  effect  upon  them.  They 
listened  with  insensibility  to  all  the  airs  that  were  played 
to  tlu'ui,  with  the  exce])tion  of  "  Marllirook."  When  that 
was  played,  they  1  lecame  animated,  and  were  all  in  motion, 
as  if  ready  to  dance. 

An  order  which  had  been  issued  on  our  arrival  in  Cairo 
for  watching  the  criers  of  the  mosques  had  for  some  weeks 
been  neglected.  At  certain  hours  of  the  night  these  criers 
address  prayers  to  the  Prophet.  As  it  was  merely  a  repe- 
tition of  the  same  ceremony  over  and  over  again,  in  a 
short  time  no  notice  was  taken  of  it.  The  Turks,  perceiv- 
ing this  negligence,  substituted  for  their  prayers  and 
hymns  cries  of  revolt ;  and  by  this  sort  of  verbal  telegraph, 
insurrectionary  excitement  was  transmitted  to  the  north- 
ern and  southern  extremities  of  Egypt.  J)y  this  means, 
and  by  the  aid  of  secret  emissaries,  who  eluded  our 
feeble  police,  and  circulated  real  or  forged  firmans  of 
the  Sultan  disavowing  the  concord  between  France  and 
the  Porte,  and  provoking  war,  the  plan  of  a  revolution 
was  organised  throughout  the  country. 

The  signal  for  the  execution  of  this  plan  was  given  from 
the  minarets  on  the  night  of  the  20th  of  October,  and  on 
the  morning  of  the  21st  it  was  announced  at  headquarters 
that  the  city  of  Cairo  was  in  open  insurrection.  The 
General-in-Cliief  was  not,  as  has  been  stated,  in  the  isle 
of  Raouddah  :  he  did  not  hear  the  firing  of  the  alarm-guns. 
He  rose  when  the  news  arrived  ;  it  was  then  five  o'clock. 
He  was  informed  that  all  the  shops  were  closed,  and  that 
the  French  were  attacked.  A  moment  after  he  heard  of 
the  death  of  General  Dupuis,  commandant  of  the  garri- 
son, who  was  killed  by  a  lance  in  the  street.  Bonaparte 
immediately  mounted  his  horse,  and,  accompanied  by  only 
tliirty  guides,  visited  all  the  threatened   points,  restored 


1798.  INSUERECTION  IN  CAIRO.  187 

confidence,  and,  with  great  presence  of  mind,  adopted 
measures  of  defence. 

He  left  me  at  headquarters  with  only  one  sentinel ; 
but  he  had  been  accurately  informed  of  the  situation  of  the 
insurgents  ;  and  such  was  my  confidence  in  his  activity 
and  foresight  that  I  had  no  apprehension,  and  awaited  his 
return  with  perfect  composure.  This  composure  was  not 
disturbed  even  when  I  saw  a  party  of  insurgents  attack 
the  house  of  M.  Est^ve,  our  paymaster-general,  which  was 
situated  on  the  opposite  side  of  Ezbekye'h  Place.  M. 
Est^ve  was,  fortunately,  able  to  resist  the  attack  until 
troops  from  Boulac  came  up  to  his  assistance. 

After  visiting  all  the  posts,  and  adopting  every  precau- 
tionary measure,  Bonaparte  returned  to  headquarters. 
Einding  me  still  alone  with  the  sentinel,  he  asked  me, 
smiling,  "  whether  I  had  not  been  frightened  ?  "  — "  Not 
at  all,  General,  I  assure  you,"  replied  I. 

It  was  about  half-past  eight  in  the  morning  when  Bona- 
parte returned  to  headquarters,  and  while  at  breakfast  he 
was  informed  that  some  Bedouin  Arabs,  on  horseback, 
were  trying  to  force  their  entrance  into  Cairo.  He 
ordered  his  aide-de-camp,  Sulkowsky,  to  mount  his  liorse, 
to  take  with  him  fifteen  guides,  and  proceed  to  the  point 
where  the  assailants  were  most  numerous.  This  was  the 
Bab-el-Nasser,  or  the  gate  of  victory.  Croisier  observed 
to  the  General-in-Chief  that  Sulkowsky  had  scarcely  re- 
covered from  the  wounds  at  Salehye'h,  and  he  offered  to 
take  his  place.  He  had  his  motives  for  this.  Bonaparte 
consented  ;  but  Sulkowsky  had  already  set  out.  Within 
an  hour  after,  one  of  the  fifteen  guides  returned,  covered 
with  blood,  to  announce  that  Sulkowsky  and  the  remain- 
der of  his  party  had  been  cut  to  pieces.  This  was  speedy 
work,  for  we  were  still  at  table  when  the  sad  news 
arrived. 

Mortars  were  planted  on  Mount  Mokatam,  which  com- 


188  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1798. 

Diamls  Cairo.  Tlie  populace,  expelled  from  all  tlie  princi- 
pal streets  by  the  troops,  assembled  in  the  square  of  the 
Great  Mo.sque,  and  in  tlie  little  streets  running  into  it, 
which  they  barricaded.  The  tiring  of  the  arlillery  on  the 
heights  was  kept  up  with  vigour  for  two  days. 

About  twelve  of  the  principal  chiefs  of  Cairo  were 
arrested  and  confined  in  an  apartment  at  headquarters. 
They  awaited  with  the  calmest  resignation  the  death  they 
knew  they  merited;  but  Bonaiiarte  merely  detained  them 
as  hostages.  The  aga  in  the  service  of  Bonaparte  was 
astonished  that  sentence  of  deatli  w^as  not  prontninced 
upon  them  ;  and  he  said,  shrugL^ing  his  shoulders,  and  with 
a  gesture  apparently  intended  to  provoke  severity,  "  You 
see  they  expect  it." 

On  the  third  the  insurrection  was  at  an  end,  and  tran- 
quillity restored.  Numerous  prisoners  were  conducted  to 
the  citadel.  In  obedience  to  an  order  which  I  wrote  every 
evening,  twelve  were  put  to  death  nightly.  The  bodies 
were  then  put  into  sacks  and  thrown  into  the  Xile. 
There  were  many  women  included  in  these  nocturnal 
executions.  I  am  not  aware  that  the  number  of  victims 
amounted  to  thirty  per  day,  as  Bonaparte  assured  General 
Eeynier  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  him  six  days  after 
the  restoration  of  tranquillity.  "  Every  night,"  said  he, 
"  we  cut  oft'  thirty  heads.  This,  I  hope,  will  be  an  effect- 
ual example."  I  am  of  opinion  that  in  this  instance  he 
exaggerated  the  extent  of  his  just  revenge. 

Some  time  after  the  revolt  of  Cairo  the  necessity  of 
insuring  our  own  safety  forced  the  commission  of  a 
terrible  act  of  cruelty.  A  tribe  of  Arabs  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Cairo  had  surprised  and  massacred  a  party  of 
French.  The  General-in-Chief  ordered  his  aide-de-camp 
Croisier  to  proceed  to  the  spot,  surround  the  tribe,  destroy 
the  huts,  kill  all  the  men,  and  conduct  the  rest  of  the 
population  to   Cairo.     The  order  was  to   decapitate  the 


1798.  MASSACRE  OF   ARABS.  189 

victims,  and  bring  their  heads  in  sacks  to  Cairo  to  be 
exhibited  to  the  people.  Eugene  Beauharnais  accompanied 
Croisier,  who  joyfully  set  out  on  this  horrible  expedition, 
in  hope  of  obliterating  all  recollection  of  the  aftair  of 
Damanhour. 

On  the  following  day  the  party  returned.  Many  of  the 
poor  Arab  women  had  been  delivered  on  the  road,  and  the 
children  had  perished  of  hunger,  heat,  and  fatigue.  About 
four  o'clock  a  troop  of  asses  arrived  in  Ezbekye'h  Place, 
laden  with  sacks.  The  sacks  were  opened,  and  the  heads 
rolled  out  before  the  assembled  populace.  I  cannot  de- 
scribe the  horror  I  experienced ;  but  I  must  nevertheless 
acknowledge  that  this  butchery  insured  for  a  considerable 
time  the  tranquillity  and  even  the  existence  of  the  little 
caravans  wliich  were  obliged  to  travel  in  all  directions  for 
the  service  of  the  army. 

Shortly  before  the  loss  of  the  fleet  the  General-in-Chief 
had  formed  the  design  of  visiting  Suez,  to  examine  the 
traces  of  the  ancient  canal  which  united  the  Nile  to  the 
Gulf  of  Arabia,  and  also  to  cross  the  latter.  The  revolt  at 
Cairo  caused  this  project  to  be  adjourned  until  the  month 
of  December. 

Before  his  departure  for  Suez  Bonaparte  granted  the 
commissary  Sucy  leave  to  return  to  France.^  He  had 
received  a  wound  in  the  right  hand  when  on  board  the 
xeliec  Cerf.  I  was  conversing  with  him  on  deck  when  he 
received  this  wound.  At  first  it  had  no  appearance  of 
being  serious ;  but  some  time  after  he  could  not  use  his 
hand.  General  Bonaparte  despatched  a  vessel  with  sick 
and  wounded,  who  were  supposed  to  be  incurable,  to  the 
number  of  about  eighty.  All  envied  their  fate,  and  were 
anxious  to  depart  with  them  ;  but  the  privilege  was  con- 

1  "  Erreurs  "  (tome  i.  p.  67)  says  that  the  expedition  to  Suez  started  in 
Nivose  (December  aud  January),  and  that  Sucy  had  gone  home  three 
months  before. 


190  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPAIME.  1798. 

ceded  to  very  few.  However,  tlu)se  wlio  were  disappointed 
had  no  cause  for  regret.  We  never  know  what  we  wish 
for.  Captain  Marengo,  who  landed  at  Augusta  in  Sicily, 
supposing  it  to  be  a  friendly  land,  was  required  to  observe 
quarantiiR'  for  twenty-two  days,  and  inforniati(tn  was  given 
of  the  arrival  of  the  vessel  to  the  court,  which  was  at 
Palermo.  On  the  25th  of  January,  1799,  all  on  board  the 
Frencli  vessel  were  massacred,  with  the  excej^tion  of 
twenty-one,  who  were  saved  by  a  Neapolitan  frigate,  and 
conducted  to  Messina,  where  they  were  detained. 

Before  he  conceived  the  resolution  of  attacking  the 
Turkish  advanced  guard  in  the  valleys  of  Syria,  lion aparte 
liad  formed  a  plan  of  invading  British  India  from  Persia. 
He  had  ascertained,  through  the  medium  of  agents,  that 
the  Shah  of  Persia  would,  for  a  sura  of  money  paid  in 
advance,  consent  to  the  establishment  of  military  maga- 
zines on  certain  points  of  his  territory.  Bonaparte  fre- 
quently told  me  that  if,  after  the  subjugation  of  Egypt,  he 
could  have  left  15,000  men  in  that  country,  and  have  had 
30,000  disposable  troops,  he  would  have  marched  on  the 
Euphrates.  He  was  frequently  speaking  about  the  deserts 
which  were  to  be  crossed  to  reach  Persia. 

How  many  times  have  I  seen  him  extended  on  the 
ground,  examining  the  beautiful  maps  which  he  had 
brought  with  him,  and  he  would  sometimes  make  me  lie 
down  in  the  same  position  to  trace  to  me  his  projected 
march.  This  reminded  him  of  the  triumphs  of  his  favour- 
ite hero,  Alexander,  with  whom  he  so  much  desired  to 
associate  his  name ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  he  felt  that 
these  projects  were  incompatible  witli  our  resources,  the 
weakness  of  the  Government,  and  the  dissatisfaction 
which  the  array  already  evinced.  Privation  and  misery 
are  inseparable  from  all  these  remote  operations. 

This  favourite  idea  still  occupied  his  mind  a  fortnight 
before  his  departure  for  Syria  was  determined  on,  and  on 


1798.  LETTER   TO   TIPPOO   SAIB.  191 

the  25tli  of  January,  1799,  he  wrote  to  Tippoo  Saib  as 
follows :  — 

"  You  are  of  course  already  informed  of  my  arrival  on  the  hanks 
of  the  Red  Sea,  with  a  numerous  and  invincible  army.  Eager  to 
deliver  you  from  the  iron  yoke  of  England,  I  hasten  to  request 
that  you  will  send  me,  by  the  way  of  jMascate  or  Mocha,  an  ac- 
count of  the  political  situation  in  which  you  are.  I  also  wish  that 
you  could  send  to  Suez,  or  Grand  Cairo,  some  able  man,  in  your 
confidence,  with  whom  I  may  confer."  ^ 

1  It  is  not  true,  as  has  often  been  stated,  that  Tippoo  Saib  wrote  to  Gen- 
eral Bonaparte.  He  could  not  reply  to  a  letter  written  on  the  25th  of 
January,  owing  to  the  great  difficulty  of  communication,  the  considerable 
distance,  and  the  short  interval  which  elapsed  between  the  25th  of  Janu- 
ary and  the  fall  of  the  empire  of  Mysore,  which  happened  on  the  20th  of 
April  following.  The  letter  addressed  to  Tippoo  Saib  commenced,  "  Citizeu- 
Sultan ! "  —  Bourrienne. 


CHAPTER    XVIL 

1798-1799. 

On  the  24tli  of  December  we  set  out  for  Suez,  where 
we  arrived  on  the  26th.  On  the  25th  we  encamped  in  the 
desert  some  leagues  before  Ad-Geroth.  The  heat  had  been 
very  great  during  the  day  ;  but  about  eleven  at  night  the 
cold  became  .«^o  severe  as  to  be  precisely  in  an  inverse  ratio 
to  the  temperature  of  the  day.  This  desert,  which  is  the 
route  of  the  caravans  from  Suez,  from  Tor,  and  the  countries 
situated  on  the  north  of  Arabia,  is  strewed  with  the  bones 
of  the  men  and  animals  who,  for  ages  past,  have  perished 
in  crossing  it.  As  there  was  no  wood  to  be  got,  we  col- 
lected a  quantity  of  these  bones  for  fuel.  Monge  himself 
was  induced  to  sacrifice  some  of  the  curious  skulls  of 
animals  which  he  had  picked  up  on  the  way  and  deposited 
in  the  berlin  of  the  General-in-Chief.  But  no  sooner  had 
we  kindled  our  fires  than  an  intolerable  effluvium  obliged 
us  to  raise  our  camp  and  advance  farther  on,  for  we  could 
procure  no  water  to  extinguish  tlie  fires. 

On  the  27th  Bonaparte  employed  himself  in  inspecting 
the  town  and  port  of  Suez,  and  in  giving  orders  for  some 
naval  and  military  works.  He  feared  —  what  indt^ed 
really  occurred  after  his  departure  from  Egypt — the 
arrival  of  some  English  troops  from  the  East  Indies, 
which  lie  had  intended  to  invade.  These  regiments 
contributed  to  the  loss  of  his  conquest.^ 

1  Sir  D.ivid  IJaird,  with  a  force  of  about  7,000  men  sent  from  India, 
landed  at  Cosseir  in  July,  1801. 


1798-99.        BONAPARTE   CROSSES  THE   RED   SEA.  193 

On  the  morning  of  the  28th  we  crossed  the  Red  Sea 
dry-shod,^  to  go  to  the  Wells  of  Moses,  which  are  nearly  a 
myriametre  from  the  eastern  coast,  and  a  little  south- 
east of  Suez.  The  Gulf  of  Arabia  terminates  at  about 
5,000  metres  north  of  that  city.  Near  the  port  the  Red 
Sea  is  not  above  1,500  metres  wide,  and  is  always  ford- 
able  at  low  water.  The  caravans  from  Tor  and  Mount 
Sinai  ^  always  pass  at  that  part,  either  in  going  to  or  re- 
turning from  Egypt.  This  shortens  their  journey  nearly 
a  myriametre.  At  high  tide  the  water  rises  five  or  six 
feet  at  Suez,  and  when  the  wind  blows  fresh  it  often  rises 
to  nine  or  ten  feet. 

We  spent  a  few  hours  seated  by  the  largest  of  the 
springs  called  the  Wells  of  Moses,  situated  on  the  eastern 
shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Arabia.  We  made  coffee  with  the 
water  from  these  springs,  which,  however,  gave  it  such  a 
brackish  taste  that  it  was  scarcely  drinkable. 

Though  the  water  of  the  eight  little  springs  which  form 
the  Wells  of  Moses  is  not  so  salt  as  that  of  many  wells 
dug  in  other  parts  of  the  deserts,  it  is,  nevertheless,  ex- 
ceedingly brackish,  and  does  not  allay  thirst  so  well  as 
fresh  water. 

^  From  time  immemorial  this  ford  has  been  called  by  the  people  of 
the  country  El-Mahadjieh,  the  passage. — Bourrienne. 

-  I  shall  say  nothing  of  the  Cenohites  of  Mount  Sinai,  as  I  had  not  the 
honour  of  seeing  them.  Neither  did  I  see  the  register  containing  the 
names  of  Ali,  Salah-Eddin,  Ihraiiim  or  Abraham,  on  which  Rouaparte  is 
said  to  liave  inscribed  his  name.  I  perceived  at  a  distance  some  liigh  liills 
which  were  said  to  be  Mount  Sinai.  I  conversed,  through  the  medium  of 
an  interpreter,  wdth  some  Arabian  chiefs  of  Tor  and  its  neighliourhood. 
They  Iiad  been  informed  of  our  excursion  to  the  Wells,  and  tliat  they 
might  there  tiiank  tlie  French  General  for  the  protection  granted  to  their 
caravans  and  their  trade  with  Egypt.  On  the  19th  of  December,  before 
his  departure  from  Suez,  Bonaparte  signed  a  sort  of  safeguard,  or  exemp- 
tion from  duties,  for  the  convent  of  Mount  Sinai.  This  had  been  granted 
out  of  respect  to  Moses  ami  tlie  Jewish  nation,  and  also  because  the  con- 
vent of  Mount  Sinai  is  a  seat  of  learning  and  civilisation  amidst  the  bar- 
barism of  tiie  deserts. — Bourrienne. 
VOL.  I. —  13 


194  MEMOIRS   OV  NATOLKON    RoNArAUTE.  1798- 

Bonaparte  retnnu'd  to  Suez  that  same  ni^lit.  It  was 
very  dark  when  we  readied  the  sea-shore.  The  tide  was 
coming'  u]t,  ami  tlie  water  was  ])retty  hij,'h.  "We  deviated 
a  little  from  the  way  we  had  taken  in  the  morning;  we 
crossed  a  little  too  low  down.  We  were  thrown  into  dis- 
order, hut  we  did  not  lose  ourselves  in  the  marshes  as  has 
been  stated.     There  were  none. 

I  have  read  somewhere,  though  I  diil  not  see  the  fact, 
nor  did  I  hear  it  mentioned  at  the  time,  that  the  tide, 
which  was  coming  up,  would  have  been  the  grave  of  the 
General-in-Chief  had  not  one  of  the  guides  saved  him  by 
carrying  him  on  his  shoulders.  If  any  such  danger  had 
existed,  all  who  had  not  a  similar  means  of  escape  must 
have  perished. 

This  is  a  fabrication.  General  Caffiirelli  was  the  only 
person  who  was  really  in  danger,  for  his  wooden  leg  pre- 
vented his  sitting  firmly  on  his  horse  in  the  water ;  but 
some  persons  came  to  his  assistance  and  supported  him.^ 

On  his  return  to  Cairo  the  General-in-Chief  wished  to 
discover  the  site  of  the  canal  which  in  ancient  times 
formed  a  junction  between  the  Red  Sea  and  the  Nile  by 
lielbeis.  ^I.  Lep^re,  who  was  a  member  of  the  Egyptian 
Institute,  and  is  now  inspector-general  of  bridges  and 
highways,  executed  on  the  spot  a  beautiful  plan,  which 
may  confidently  be  consulted  by  those  who  wish  to  form 
an  accurate  idea  of  that  ancient  communication,  and  tlie 
level  of  the  two  seas.^ 

On  his  arrival  at  the  capital,  Bonaparte  again  devoted 

1  Bonaparte  extricaterl  himself  as  the  others  did  from  the  real  danger 
he  antl  his  escort  liad  run.  At  St.  Helena  he  said,  "  Profiting  by  the  low 
tide,  I  crossed  tlie  Red  Sea  dry-shod.  On  my  return  I  was  overtaken  hy 
the  night,  and  went  astray  in  tlio  middle  of  the  rising  tide.  I  ran  tlie 
greatest  danger.  I  nearly  perished  in  tlie  same  manner  as  Pharaoh  did. 
This  would  certainly  iiave  furnished  all  the  Christiaii  preachers  with  a 
magnificent  te.xt  against  me."  —  liourrienne. 

'■'  Since  accurately  ascertained  during  the  progress  of  the  works  for  the 
Suez  Canal. 


1799.  "PARTANT   POUR   LA   SYRIE."  195 

all  his  thoughts  to  the  affairs  of  the  army,  which  he  had 
not  attended  to  during  his  short  absence.  The  revenues 
of  Egypt  were  far  from  being  sufficient  to  meet  the  mili- 
tary expenditure.  To  defray  his  own  expenses,  Bonaparte 
rai.sed  several  considerable  loans  in  Genoa  through  the 
medium  of  M.  James,  The  connection  of  James  with 
the  Bonaparte  family  takes  its  date  from  this  period.^ 

Since  the  month  of  August  the  attention  of  General 
Bonaparte  had  been  constantly  fixed  on  Syria.  The  period 
of  the  possible  landing  of  an  enemy  in  Egypt  had  now 
passed  away,  and  could  not  return  until  the  month  of 
July  in  the  following  year.  Bonaparte  was  fully  con- 
vinced that  that  landing  would  take  place,  and  he  was 
not  deceived.  The  Ottoman  Porte  had,  indeed,  been  per- 
suaded that  the  conquest  of  Egypt  was  not  in  her  interest. 
She  preferred  enduring  a  rebel  whom  she  hoped  one  day 
to  subdue,  to  supporting  a  power  which,  under  the  spe- 
cious pretext  of  reducing  her  insurgent  beys  to  obedience, 
deprived  her  of  one  of  her  finest  provinces,  and  threatened 
the  rest  of  the  empire. 

On  his  return  to  Cairo,  the  General-in-Chief  had  no 
longer  any  doubt  as  to  the  course  wliich  the  Porte  in- 
tended to  adopt.  The  numerous  class  of  persons  who 
believed  that  the  Ottoman  Porte  had  consented  to  our 
occupation  of  Egypt  were  suddenly  undeceived.  It  was 
then  asked  how  we  could,  without  that  consent,  have  at- 
tempted such  an  enterprise  ?  Nothing,  it  was  said,  could 
justify  the  temerity  of  such  an  expedition,  if  it  should 
produce  a  rupture  between  France,  the  Ottoman  empire, 
and  its  allies.  However,  for  the  remainder  of  the  year 
Bonaparte  dreaded  nothing  except  an  expedition  from 
Gaza  and  El-Arish,  of  which  the   troops  of  Djezzar  had 

^  Joseph  Bonaparte  says  tliat  the  fathers  of  Xapoleon  and  of  M.  James 
had  long  kncnvn  one  another,  and  that  Napoleon  liad  met  James  at  Autun 
{Eneurs,  tome  i   p.  24.5). 


196  MKMOIIJS    OK    NAI'OLKON    li<  iNAl'AUTE.  1798- 

already  taken  ]i<»ssessioii.  This  occupation  was  justly 
rt'jfartled  as  a  (U-cided  act  of  hostility  ;  war  was  thus  prac- 
tically declared.  "  We  must  adoi)t  anticii)atory  meas- 
ures," thought  Napoleon  ;  "  we  must  destroy  this  advanced 
guard  of  the  Ottoman  empire,  overthrow  the  ramparts  of 
Jaffa  and  Acre,  ravage  the  country,  destroy  all  her  re- 
sources, so  as  to  render  the  passage  of  an  army  across 
the  desert  impracticable."  Thus  was  planned  the  expe- 
dition against  Syria. 

General  Berthier,  after  repeated  entreaties,  had  ob- 
tained permission  to  return  to  France.  The  Courageuse 
frigate,  which  was  to  convey  him  home,  was  fitting  out  at 
Alexandria  ;  he  had  received  his  instructions,  and  was  to 
leave  Cairo  on  the  29th  of  January,  ten  days  before  Bona- 
parte's departure  for  Syria.  Bonaparte  was  sorry  to  part 
with  him  ;  but  he  could  not  endure  to  see  an  old  friend, 
and  one  who  had  served  him  well  in  all  his  campaigns, 
dying  before  his  eyes,  the  victim  of  nostalgia  and  roman- 
tic love.  Besides,  Berthier  had  been  for  some  time  past 
anything  but  active  in  the  discharge  of  his  duties.  His 
passion,  which  amounted  almost  to  madness,  impaired  the 
feeble  faculties  with  which  nature  had  endowed  him. 
Some  writers  have  ranked  him  in  the  class  of  sentimental 
lovers  :  be  tliis  as  it  may,  the  homage  which  Berthier  ren- 
dered to  the  portrait  of  the  o1)ject  of  his  adoration  more 
frequently  excited  our  merriment  than  our  sensibility. 

One  day  I  went  with  an  order  from  Ijonaparte  to  the 
chief  of  his  staff,  whom  I  found  on  his  knees  before  the 
portrait  of  Madame  Visconti,  which  was  hanging  opposite 
the  door.  I  touched  him,  to  let  him  know  I  was  there. 
He  grumbled  a  little,  but  did  not  got  angry. 

The  moment  was  approaching  when  the  two  friends 
were  to  part,  perhaps  for  ever.  Bonaparte  was  sincerely 
distressed  at  this  separation,  and  the  chief  of  his  staff  was 
informed  of  the  fact.     At  a  moment  when  it  was  supposed 


1799.  FIRST   CASHMERE   SHAWL  IN  FRANCE.  197 

Bertliier  was  on  his  way  to  Alexandria,  he  presented  liiin- 
self  to  the  General-in-Chief.  "  You  are,  then,  decidedly 
going  to  Asia  ?  "  said  he.  —  "  You  know,"  replied  the  Gen- 
eral, "  that  all  is  ready,  and  I  shall  set  out  in  a  few  days." 
—  "  Well,  I  will  not  leave  you.  I  voluntarily  renounce 
all  idea  of  returning  to  France.  I  could  not  endure  to 
forsake  you  at  a  moment  when  you  are  going  to  encounter 
new  dangers.  Here  are  my  instructions  and  my  pass- 
port." Bonaparte,  highly  pleased  with  this  resolution, 
embraced  Berthier;  and  the  coolness  which  had  been 
excited  by  his  request  to  return  home  was  succeeded  by 
a  sincere  reconciliation. 

Louis  Bonaparte,  who  was  suffering  from  the  effects 
of  the  voyage,  was  still  at  Alexandria.  The  General-in- 
Chief,  yielding  to  the  pacific  views  of  his  younger  brother, 
who  was  also  beginning  to  evince  some  symptoms  of  nos- 
talgia, consented  to  his  return  home.  He  could  not,  how- 
ever, depart  until  the  11th  of  March,  1799.  I  felt  the 
absence  of  Louis  very  much. 

On  his  return  to  France,  Louis  passed  through  Sens, 
where  he  dined  with  Madame  de  Bourrienne,  to  whom  he 
presented  a  beautiful  shawl,  which  General  Berthier  had 
given  me.  This,  I  believe,  was  the  first  Cashmere  that 
had  ever  been  seen  in  France.  Louis  was  much  surprised 
when  Madame  de  Bourrienne  showed  him  the  Egyptian 
correspondence,  which  had  been  seized  by  the  English 
and  printed  in  London.  He  found  in  the  collection  some 
letters  addressed  to  himself,  and  there  were  others,  he 
said,  which  were  likely  to  disturb  the  peace  of  more  than 
one  family  on  the  return  of  the  army. 

On  the  11th  of  February,  1799,  we  began  our  march  for 
Syria,  with  about  12,000  men.^     It  has  been  erroneously 

'  "  Erreurs  "  (tome  i.  p.  69)  pnints  ont  tli.it  all  good  liistori.ins  have 
put  tlie  strength  of  the  armv  of  Syria  at  from  10,000  to  12,000  meu. 
Thiers  (tome  v.  p.  446)  says  about  13,000. 


198  MEMOIUS   OF    NAl'Ol.r.MN    HoXAl'AUTE.  1798- 

stateil  that  lilt'  anny  iiinmuilL'd  to  nnly  Ci.OdO  :  nearly  that 
iiuiiilier  was  lost  in  llie  coiiise  of  tlic  camjiai^u.  ]Io\v- 
evcr,  at  the  very  moment  we  were  on  our  way  to  ^yria, 
with  12,000  men,  scareely  as  many  bein^if  left  in  Egypt, 
the  Directory  iniMished  that,  "  according  to  the  informa- 
tion which  had  been  received,"  we  had  GO,<KJO  infantry 
and  10,000  cavalry:  that  the  army  had  doulded  its  num- 
bers by  battles;  and  that  since  our  arrival  in  K<j^y\)t,  we 
had  lost  only  300  men.  Is  history  to  be  written  from 
such  documents  ? 

We  arrived,  about  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  at  Mes- 
soudiah,  or,  "  the  Fortunate  Spot."  Here  we  witnessed 
a  kind  of  phenomenon  which  was  not  a  little  agreeable 
to  us.  Messoudiah  is  a  place  situated  on  the  coast  of  the 
Mediterranean,  surrounded  with  little  dunes  of  very  fine 
sand,  which  the  copious  rains  of  winter  readily  penetrate. 
The  rain  remains  in  the  sand,  so  that  on  making  with  the 
fingers  holes  of  four  or  five  inches  in  depth  at  the  bottom 
of  these  little  hills,  the  water  immediately  flows  out. 
This  water  was,  indeed,  rather  tliick,  but  its  flavour  was 
agreeable  ;  and  it  would  have  become  clear  if  we  could 
have  spared  time  to  allow  it  to  rest  and  deposit  the  par- 
ticles of  sand  it  contained. 

It  was  a  curious  spectacle  to  behold  us  all  lying  pros- 
trate, digging  wells  in  miniature,  and  displaying  a  laugh- 
able selfishness  iu  our  endeavours  to  obtain  the  most 
abundant  source.  This  was  a  very  important  discovery 
to  us.  We  found  these  sand-wells  at  the  extremity  of 
the  desert,  and  it  contributed,  in  no  small  degree,  to  revive 
the  courage  of  our  soldiers  ;  besides,  when  men  are,  as 
was  the  case  with  us,  subject  to  privations  of  every  kind, 
the  least  benefit  which  accrues  inspires  the  hope  of  a 
new  advantage.  We  were  approaching  the  conKnes  of 
Syria,  and  we  enjoyed  by  anticipation  the  pleasure  we 
were  about  to  experience,  on  treading  a  soil  which,  by  its 


1799.  BONAPARTE'S  JEALOUSY.  199 

variety  of  verdure  and  vegetation,  would  remind  us  of  our 
native  land.  At  Messoudiah  we  likewise  possessed  the 
advantage  of  bathing  in  the  sea,  which  was  not  more  than 
fifty  paces  from  our  unexpected  water-supply. 

Whilst  near  the  wells  of  Messoudiah,  on  our  way  to 
El-Arish,  I  one  day  saw  Bonaparte  walking  alone  with 
Junot,  as  he  was  often  in  the  habit  of  doing.  I  stood  at 
a  little  distance,  and  my  eyes,  I  know  not  why,  were  fixed 
on  him  during  their  conversation.  The  General's  coun- 
tenance, which  was  always  pale,  had,  without  my  being 
able  to  divine  the  cause,  become  paler  than  usual.  There 
was  something  convulsive  in  his  features,  —  a  wildness  in 
his  look,  —  and  he  several  times  struck  his  head  with  his 
hand.  After  conversing  with  Junot  about  a  quarter  of  an 
hour,  he  quitted  him  and  came  towards  me.  I  never  saw 
him  exhibit  such  an  air  of  dissatisfaction,  or  appear  so 
much  under  the  influence  of  some  prepossession.  I  ad- 
vanced towards  him;  and  as  soon  as  we  met,  he  exclaimed 
in  an  abrupt  and  angry  tone,  "  So  !  I  find  I  cannot  depend 
upon  you.  —  These  women  !  —  Josephine  !  —  If  you  had 
loved  me,  you  would  before  now  have  told  me  all  I  have 
heard  from  Junot  —  he  is  a  real  friend  —  Josephine  !  — 
and  I  600  leagues  from  her  —  you  ought  to  have  told  me. 
—  That  she  should  thus  have  deceived  me  !  —  Woe  to 
them  '  —  I  will  exterminate  the  whole  race  of  fops  and 
jnippies  !  —  As  to  her  —  divorce  !  yes,  divorce  !  a  public 
and  open  divorce  !  —  I  must  write  !  —  I  know  all  !  —  It  is 
your  fault  —  you  ought  to  have  told  me  !  " 

These  energetic  aiul  broken  exclamations,  his  disturbed 
countenance  and  altei'ed  voice,  informed  me  but  too  well 
of  the  subject  of  his  conversation  with  Junot.  I  saw  tliat 
Junot  had  been  drawn  into  a  culpable  indiscretion,  and 
that,  if  Josephine  had  committed  any  faults,  he  had  cruelly 
exaggerated  them.  My  situation  was  one  of  extreme 
delicacy.     However,  I   had  the  good  fortune  to  retain  my 


200  MKMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   B(>N Al'AKTi:.  1798- 

self-possession  ;  aiul  as  soon  as  some  doLfrec  of  calinness 
succeeded  to  tliis  first  burst,  I  replied  tliat  I  knew  noth- 
ing of  the  rei)orts  which  Junot  might  have  communicated 
to  him  ;  that  even  if  such  re})orts,  often  the  f)f1's]tring  of 
cahimny,  had  reached  my  ear,  and  if  I  had  considered  it 
my  duty  to  inform  him  of  them,  I  certainly  would  not 
liave  selected  for  that  purpose  the  moment  when  he  was 

000  leagues  from  France.  I  also  did  not  conceal  how 
blamable  Junot's  conduct  appeared  to  me,  and  how  un- 
generous I  considered  it  thus  rashly  to  accuse  a  woman 
who  was  not  present  to  justify  or  defend  herself,  —  that  it 
was  no  great  proof  of  attachment  to  add  domestic  uneasi- 
ness to  the  anxiety,  already  sufficiently  great,  which  the 
situation  of  his  brothers  in  arms,  at  the  commencement 
of  a  hazardous  enterprise,  occasioned  him. 

Notwithstanding  these  observations,  which,  however, 
he  listened  to  with  some  calmness,  the  word  '■  divorce  " 
still  escaped  his  lips  ;  and  it  is  necessary  to  be  aware  of 
the  degree  of  irritation  to  which  he  was  liable  when  any- 
thing seriously  vexed  him,  to  be  able  to  form  an  idea  of 
what  Bonaparte  was  during  this  painful  scene.     However, 

1  kept  my  ground.  I  repeated  what  I  had  said.  I 
befz"ed  of  him  to  consider  with  what  facility  tales  were  fab- 
ricated  and  circulated,  and  that  gossip  such  as  that  which 
had  been  repeated  to  him  was  only  the  amusement  of  idle 
persons,  and  deserved  the  contempt  of  strong  minds.  I 
.spoke  of  his  glory.  "  My  glory  !  "  cried  he.  "  I  know  not 
what  I  would  not  give  if  that  which  Junot  has  told  me 
should  be  untrue  ;  so  much  do  I  love  Josephine  !  If  she 
be  really  guilty,  a  divorce  must  separate  us  for  ever.  I 
will  not  submit  to  be  a  laughing-stock  for  all  the  imbe- 
ciles in  Paris.  I  will  write  to  Joseph ;  he  will  get  the 
divorce  declared." 

Although  his  agitation  continued  long,  intervals  oc- 
curred in  which  he  was  less  excited.     I  seized  one  of  these 


1799.  BONAPARTE   AND  JUNOT.  201 

moments  of  comparative  calm  to  combat  this  idea  of 
divorce  which  seemed  to  possess  his  mind.  I  represented 
to  him  especially  that  it  would  he  imprudent  to  write  to 
his  brother  with  reference  to  a  communication  which 
was  probably  false.  "  The  letter  might  be  intercepted  ;  it 
would  betray  the  feelings  of  irritation  which  dictated  it. 
As  to  a  divorce,  it  would  be  time  to  think  of  that  here- 
after, but  advisedly." 

These  last  words  produced  an  effect  on  him  which  I 
could  not  have  ventured  to  hope  for  so  speedily.  He  be- 
came tranquil,  listened  to  me  as  if  he  had  suddenly  felt 
the  justice  of  my  observations,  dropped  the  subject,  and 
never  returned  to  it ;  except  that  about  a  fortniglit  after, 
when  we  were  before  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  he  expressed  him- 
self greatly  dissatisfied  with  Junot,  and  complained  of  the 
injury  he  had  done  him  by  his  indiscreet  disclosures, 
which  he  began  to  regard  as  the  inventions  of  malignity. 
I  perceived  afterwards  that  he  never  pardoned  Junot  for 
this  indiscretion ;  and  I  can  state,  almost  with  certainty, 
that  this  was  one  of  the  reasons  why  Junot  was  not 
created  a  marshal  of  France,  like  many  of  his  comrades 
whom  Bonaparte  had  loved  less.  It  may  be  supposed 
that  Josephine,  who  was  afterwards  informed  by  Bona- 
parte of  Junot's  conversation,  did  not  feel  particularly 
interested  in  his  favour.^  He  died  insane  on  the  27th 
of  July,  1813. 

1  However  indiscreet  Junot  might  on  this  occasion  have  shown  himself 
in  interfering  iu  so  delicate  a  matter,  it  is  ])retty  certain  that  his  snspicions 
were  breathed  to  no  otlier  ear  than  that  of  Honaj)arte  himself.  Madame 
Junot,  in  speaicing  of  tiie  ill  suppressed  enmity  l)etween  her  hushand  and 
Madame  Bonaparte,  s.ays  that  he  never  uttered  a  word  even  to  her  of  the  sub- 
ject of  his  conversation  with  the  General-in-Chief  in  Et/i/jit.  That  Junot's 
testimony,  however,  notwitlistanding  tlie  countenance  it  obtained  from 
Bonaparte's  relations,  ought  to  be  cautiously  received,  tlie  following  pas- 
sage from  the  "  Memoirs  of  the  Duchesse  fl'Abrantcs,"  vol.  i.  p.  250,  demon- 
strative of  the  feelings  of  irritation  lietween  the  ))arties,  will  sliow  :  — 

"Junot  escorted  Madame  Bonai)arte  when  she  went  to  join  the  General- 


202  MKMOIKS   OF    NAlN)Li:OX    IJONArAUTE.  17S8- 

Our  little  iiniiy  cniitiimeil  its  march  (ni  KI-Ari.sh,  where 
we  arrived  on  the  17tli  of  February.  The  fatigues  expe- 
rienced in  the  desert  and  the  scarcity  of  water  excited  vio- 
lent murmurs  amongst  the  soldiers  during  their  march 
across  the  isthmus.  AVhen  any  person  on  horseliack 
l)assed  them,  they  studiously  expressed  their  discontent. 
The  advantage  possessed  by  the  horsemen  provoked  their 
sarcasms.  I  never  heard  the  verses  which  they  are  said 
to  have  repeated,  but  they  indulged  in  the  most  vitjlent 
language  against  the  Republic,  the  men  of  science,  and 
those  whom  they  regarded  as  the  authors  of  the  expedition. 
Nevertheless  these  brave  fellows,  from  whom  it  was  not 

in-(Miief  in  Italy.  I  nm  snrpriseil  that  M.  de  Huurricnno  ha.s  omitted  nien- 
tinuiiif^  this  cinuinstaiue  in  his  '  Memuirs.'  lie  must  liave  known  it, 
since  he  was  well  a(((uainted  with  eventhiiijif  relating  to  .Josephine,  and 
knew  nniny  facts  of  high  interest  in  her  life  at  this  ))irio(l  and  suhsecjuently. 
How  iia])peus  it  too  tliat  lie  makes  no  mention  of  Mademoiselle  Louise, 
who  might  he  called  lier  demoiselle  de  com/iai/nle  ratiier  tiian  iier  feiinne 
de  (■Ituiidne  ?  At  the  outset  of  the  journey  to  Italy  she  was  such  a  favourite 
with  .Josephine  that  she  dressed  like  her  mistress,  sat  at  tahle  with  iier, 
and  was  in  all  resjjeets  iier  friend  aiid  confidante. 

"  The  journey  was  long,  mucii  too  long  for  Junot,  though  he  vvas  very 
much  in  love  witli  Mademoiselle  Louise.  Uut  he  was  anxious  to  joiu 
tiie  army,  f(jr  to  him  his  General  w.is  always  the  dearest  of  mistresses. 
Junot  has  often  .spoken  to  me,  and  lome  alone,  of  the  vexations  he  experi- 
enced on  tiiis  journey.  Jle  mir/ht  have  added  to  his  circa instanlial  details 
relatire  to  Josejiliiiie  the  conversation  he  is  reported  to  have  had  with  B&na/nirte 
in  Eijijiit;  hut  he  never  breathed  a  word  on  the  subject,  for  his  character  was 
alwai/s  noble  and  f/enerous.  The  journey  to  Italy  did  not  produce  the  effect 
which  usually  ari.ses  from  such  incidents  in  common  life  ;  namely,  a  closer 
friendship  an<l  intimacy  between  the  parties.  On  the  contrary,  Madame 
Bonaparte  from  that  moment  evinced  some  degree  of  ill  humour  towards 
.Junot.  and  complained  with  .singular  warmth  of  the  want  of  respect  which 
he  had  shown  her,  in  making  love  to  hav  J'emine  de  chambre  before  her 
face." 

Accortling  to  "  ICrrcurs  "  (tome  i.  pj).  4,  ."JO)  .Tunot  was  not  then  in  Syria. 
On  null  Feliruary  Naj)oleon  was  at  Messoudiah.  .Junot  only  arrived  from 
Egypt  at  (Jaza  on  the  2.")th  February.  Madame  d'Ai)ranti'S  (ii.  .'32)  treats 
this  conversation  as  aiiocryphal.  "  This  [an  anecdote  of  her  own]  is  not  au 
imaginary  episode,  like  that,  for  example,  of  making  a  person  sjieak  at 
Messoudiah  who  never  was  there." 


1799.  CHRISTIANS  AT   RAMLEH.  203 

astonishing  that  such  great  privations  should  extort  com- 
plaints, often  compensated  by  their  pleasantries  for  the 
bitterness  of  their  reproaches. 

Many  times  during  the  crossing  of  the  isthmus  I  have 
seen  soldiers,  parched  with  thirst,  and  unable  to  wait  till 
the  hour  for  distribution  of  water,  pierce  the  leathern 
bottles  which  contained  it;  and  this  conduct,  so  injurious 
to  all,  occasioned  numerous  quarrels. 

El-Arish  surrendered  on  the  17th  of  February.  It  has 
been  erroneouslv  stated  that  the  garrison  of  this  insignifi- 
cant  place,  which  was  set  at  liberty  on  condition  of  not 
again  serving  against  us,  was  afterwards  found  amongst 
the  besieged  at  Jaffa.  It  has  also  been  stated  that  it  was 
because  the  men  composing  the  El-Arish  garrison  did  not 
proceed  to  Bagdad,  according  to  the  capitulation,  that  we 
shot  them  at  Jaffa.  We  shall  presently  see  the  falsehood 
of  these  assertions. 

On  the  28th  of  February  we  obtained  the  first  glimpse 
of  the  green  and  fertile  plains  of  Syria,  which,  in  many 
respects,  reminded  us  of  the  climate  and  soil  of  Europe. 
We  now  had  rain,  and  sometimes  rather  too  much.  The 
feelings  which  the  sight  of  the  valleys  and  mountains 
called  forth  made  us,  in  some  degree,  forget  the  hardships 
and  vexations  of  an  expedition  of  which  few  persons  could 
foresee  the  object  or  end.  There  are  situations  in  life 
when  the  slightest  agreeable  sensation  alleviates  all  our 
ills. 

On  the  1st  of  March  we  slept  at  Ramleh,^  in  a  small 
convent  occupied  by  two  monks,  who  paid  us  the  greatest 
attention.  They  gave  us  the  church  for  a  hospital.  These 
good  fathers  did  not  fail  to  tell  us  that  it  was  through 
this  place  the  family  of  Jesus  Christ  passed  into  Egypt, 

'  Ramleli,  the  aiicifiit  Arimathcji,  is  situated  at  the  ba,se  of  a  cliaiii  of 
mountains,  the  eastern  extremity  of  which  is  washed  by  the  Persian  Gulf, 
and  tiie  western  by  the  Mediterranean.  —  Bounienne. 


204  MEMOIRS  OF   NAPOLEON   BONArARTE         1798-99. 

and  showeil  us  the  wells  at  MJiich  tlicy  (nicnciicd  tlicir 
thirst.  The  }'Uiv  ami  cool  water  of  these  wells  delighted 
us. 

\\\'  wrre  not  more  than  about  six  leagues  from  Jerusalem. 
I  asked  the  General  whether  he  did  not  intend  to  direct 
his  march  by  the  way  of  that  city,  so  celebrated  in  many 
respects.  He  replied,  "  Oh,  no  !  Jerusalem  is  not  in  my 
line  of  operations.  I  do  not  wish  to  be  annoyed  by  moun- 
taineers in  difficult  roads.  And,  besides,  on  the  other 
side  of  the  mountain  I  should  be  assailed  by  swarms  of 
cavalry.      I  am  not  ambitious  of  the  fate  of  Cassias." 

We  therefore  did  not  enter  Jerusalem,  which  was  not 
disturbed  by  the  war.  All  w-e  did  was  to  send  a  written 
declaration  to  the  persons  in  power  at  Jerusalem,  assuring 
them  that  we  had  no  design  against  that  country,  and 
only  wished  them  to  remain  at  peace.  To  this  communi- 
cation no  answer  was  returned,  and  nothing  more  passed 
on  the  subject.  ^ 

"We  found  at  Piamleh  between  two  and  three  hundred 
Christians  in  a  pitialde  state  of  servitude,  misery,  and  de- 
jection. On  conversing  with  them,  I  could  not  help  ad- 
miring how  much  the  hope  of  future  rewards  may  console 
men  under  present  ills.  But  I  learned  from  many  of 
them  that  they  did  not  live  in  harmony  together.  The  feel- 
ings of  hatred  and  jealousy  are  not  less  common  amongst 
these  people  than  amongst  the  better-instructed  inhabitants 
of  rich  and  populous  cities. 

1  Sir  Walter  Scott  savs,  speakings  of  Bonaparte,  that  he  helieves  that 
little  officer  of  artillery  dreamed  of  lieiiifj  King  of  Jerusalem.  What  I 
have  just  stated  ])roves  that  he  never  thought  of  sucli  a  thing.  The  "  little 
officer  of  artillery  "  had  a  far  more  splendid  dream  iu  his  head.  — Bourrieiine. 


CHAPTEE  XVIII. 

1799. 

On  arriving  before  Jaffa,  where  there  were  already  some 
troops,  the  first  person  I  met  was  Adjutant-General 
Gr^sieux,  with  whom  I  was  well  acquainted.  I  wished 
him  good-day,  and  offered  him  my  hand.  "  Good  God  ! 
what  are  you  about  ? "  said  he,  repulsing  me  with  a  very 
abrupt  gesture  ;  "  you  may  have  the  plague.  People  do  not 
touch  each  other  here  ! "  I  mentioned  the  circumstance 
to  Bonaparte,  who  said,  "  If  he  be  afraid  of  the  plague,  he 
will  die  of  it."  Shortly  after,  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  he  was 
attacked  by  that  malady,  and  soon  sank  under  it. 

On  the  -Ith  of  March  we  commenced  the  siege  of  Jaffa. 
That  paltry  place,  which,  to  round  a  sentence,  was  pom- 
pously styled  the  ancient  Joppa,  held  out  only  to  the  6th 
of  March,  when  it  was  taken  by  storm,  and  given  up  to 
pillage.  The  massacre  was  horrible.  General  Bonaparte 
sent  his  aides-de-camp  Beauharnais  and  Croisier  to  ap- 
pease the  fury  of  the  soldiers  as  much  as  possible,  and  to 
report  to  him  what  was  passing.  They  learned  that  a 
considerable  part  of  the  garrison  had  retired  into  some 
vast  buildings,  a  sort  of  caravanserai,  which  formetl  a 
large  enclosed  court.  Beauharnais  and  Croisier,  who 
were  distinguished  by  wearing  the  aide-de-camp  scarf  on 
their  arms,  proceeded  to  that  place.  The  Arnauts  and 
Albanians,  of  whom  these  refugees  were  almost  entirely 
composed,  cried  from  the  windows  that  they  were  willing 


'200  MKMOIUS   OF    NAPOLEON    IJoNArAKTE.  1709. 

to  suiTi'iitlcr  11)11111  an  assuraiu'e  that  tlu-y  wuuld  bo 
exempted  from  the  massacre  to  wliich  the  town  was 
dtMtined  ;  if  nut,  they  threatened  to  tire  on  the  aides-de- 
camp,  and  to  defend  thiMuselves  to  the  hist  extremity. 
The  two  otficers  thouglit  that  they  ought  to  accede  to  the 
proposition,  notwithstanding  the  decree  of  death  wliicli 
had  been  pronounced  against  the  whole  garrison,  in  con- 
se([uence  of  the  town  being  taken  by  storm.  They 
brought  them  to  our  camp  in  two  divisions,  one  consisting 
of  about  2,500  men,  the  otlier  of  about  1,500. 

I  was  walking  with  General  Bonaparte,  in  front  of  his 
tent,  when  he  beheld  this  mass  of  men  approaching,  and 
before  he  even  saw  his  aides-de-camp,  he  said  to  me,  in  a 
tone  of  prof(Hind  sorrow,  "  What  do  they  wish  me  to  do 
with  these  men  ?  Have  I  food  for  them  ?  —  ships  to  con- 
vey them  to  Egypt  or  France  ?  Why,  in  the  devil's  name, 
have  they  served  me  thus  ?  "  After  their  arrival,  and  the 
exjilanations  which  the  (Jeneral-in-Chief  demanded  and 
listened  to  with  anger,  Eugene  and  Croisier  received  the 
most  severe  reprimand  for  their  conduct.  But  the  deed 
was  done.  Four  thousand  men  were  there.  It  was  neces- 
sary to  decide  upon  their  fate.  The  two  aides-de-camp 
observed  that  they  had  found  themselves  alone  in  the 
midst  of  numerous  enemies,  and  that  he  had  directed 
them  to  restrain  the  carnage.  "Yes,  doubtless,"  replied 
the  General-in-Chief,  with  great  warmth,  "  as  to  women, 
children,  and  old  men,  —  all  the  peaceable  inhabitants  ;  but 
not  with  respect  to  armed  soldiers.  It  was  your  duty  to 
die  rather  than  bring  these  unfortunate  creatures  to  me. 
Wliat  do  you  want  me  to  do  with  them  ?"  These  words 
were  pronounced  in  the  most  angry  tone. 
/  The  prisoners  were  then  ordered  to  sit  down,  and  were 
placed,  without  any  order,  in  front  of  the  tents,  their 
hands  tied  beliind  their  backs.  A  sombre  determination 
was  depicted  in  their  countenances.     We  gave   them  a 


1799.  FOUR  THOUSAND   PRISONERS.  207 

little  l)iscuit  and  brend,  squeezed  out  of  the  already  scanty 
supply  for  the  army. 

On  the  first  day  of  their  arrival  a  council  of  war  was 
held  in  the  tent  of  the  General-in-Chief,  to  determine 
what  course  should  be  pursued  with  respect  to  them. 
The  council  deliberated  a  long  time  without  coming  to 
any  decision. 

On  the  evening  of  the  following  day  the  daily  reports 
of  the  generals  of  division  came  in.  They  spoke  of  noth- 
ing but  the  insufficiency  of  the  rations,  the  complaints  of 
the  soldiers,  —  of  their  murmurs  and  discontent  at  seeing 
their  bread  given  to  enemies  who  had  been  withdrawn 
from  their  vengeance,  inasmuch  as  a  decree  of  death,  in 
conformity  with  the  laws  of  war,  had  been  passed  on 
Jaffa.  All  these  reports  were  alarming,  and  especially 
that  of  General  Bon,  in  which  no  reserve  was  made.  He 
spoke  of  nothing  less  than  the  fear  of  a  revolt,  which 
would  be  justified  by  the  serious   nature  of  the  case. 

The  council  assembled  again.  All  the  generals  of  divi- 
sion were  summoned  to  attend,  and  for  several  hours  to- 
gether they  discussed,  under  separate  questions,  what 
measures  might  be  adopted,  with  the  most  sincere  desire 
to  discover  and  execute  one  which  would  save  the  lives 
of   tliese  unfortunate  prisoners. 

(1.)  Should  they  be  sent  into  Egypt  ?  Could  it  be  done  ? 

To  do  so,  it  would  be  necessary  to  send  with  them  a 
numerous  escort,  which  would  too  much  weaken  our  lit- 
tle array  in  tlie  enemy's  country.  How,  besides,  could 
they  and  tlie  escort  be  supported  till  they  reached  Cairo, 
having  no  provisions  to  give  them  on  setting  out,  and 
their  route  being  through  a  hostile  territory,  which  we 
had  exhausted,  which  presented  no  fresh  resources,  and 
through  which  we,  perhaps,  might  have  to  return. 

(2.)  Should  they  be  embarked  ? 

Where  were  the  ships  ?  —  "Where  could  they  be  found  ? 


208  MKMolKS   (IF    NAPOKKON    BdNArAlM'i:.  1799. 

All  our  telescopes,  tlirected  over  the  st-a,  could  not  de- 
scry ft  siu.ulii  frieiully  sail.  Bonaparte,  I  atlirni,  would 
hftve  regarded  such  an  event  as  a  real  favour  of  fortune. 
It  was,  and  I  am  <^lad  to  have  to  say  it,  tiiis  sole  idea, 
this  side  hojie,  which  made  him  hrave,  for  three  days,  the 
murmurs  of  his  army.  But  in  vain  was  help  looked  for 
seaward.     It  did  not  come. 

(3.)  Should  the  prisoners  he  set  at  liherty  ? 

They  would  then  instantly  proceed  to  St.  Jean  d'Acre 
to  reinforce  the  pasha,  or  else,  throwing  themselves  into 
the  mountains  of  Nablous,  would  greatly  annoy  our  rear 
and  right  Hank,  and  deal  out  death  to  us,  as  a  recompense 
for  the  life  we  had  given  them.  There  coidd  be  nodouht 
of  this.  AVhat  is  a  Christian  dog  to  a  Turk  ?  It  would 
even  have  been  a  religious  and  meritorious  act  in  the  eye 
of  the  Prophet. 

(4.)  Coulil  they  be  incorporated,  disarmed,  with  our 
soldiers  in  the  ranks  ? 

Here  again  the  question  of  food  presented  itself  in  all 
its  force.  Next  came  to  be  considered  the  danger  of  hav- 
ing such  comrades  while  marching  through  an  enemy's 
country.  "What  might  happen  in  the  event  of  a  battle 
before  St.  Jean  d'Acre  ?  Could  we  even  tell  what  might 
occur  during  the  march?  And,  finally,  what  must  be 
done  with  them  when  under  the  ramparts  of  that  town, 
if  we  should  be  able  to  take  them  there  ?  The  same  em- 
barrassments with  respect  to  the  questions  of  provisions 
and  security  would  then  recur  with  increased  force. 

The  third  day  arrived  without  its  being  possible,  anx- 
iously as  it  was  desired,  to  come  to  any  conclusion  favour- 
able to  the  preservation  of  these  unfortunate  men.  The 
murmurs  in  the  camp  grew  louder  —  the  evil  went  on 
increasing  —  remedy  appeared  impossible  —  the  danger 
was  real  and  imminent. 

The  order  for  shooting  the  prisoners  was  given   and 


1799.  SLAUGHTER  OF  THE  PRISONERS.  209 

executed  on  the  10th  of  March.  We  did  not,  as  has  been 
statetl,  separate  the  Egyptians  from  tlie  other  prisoners. 
There  were  no  Egyptians. 

Many  of  the  unfortunate  creatures  composing  the 
smaller  division,  which  was  fired  on  close  to  the  seacoast, 
at  some  distance  from  the  other  column,  succeeded  in 
swimming  to  some  reefs  of  rocks  out  of  the  reach  of 
musket-shot.  The  soldiers  rested  their  muskets  on  the 
sand,  and,  to  iudiice  the  prisoners  to  return,  employed 
the  Egyptian  signs  of  reconciliation  in  use  in  the  country. 
They  came  back ;  but  as  they  advanced,  they  were  killed, 
and  disappeared  among  the  waves. 

I  confine  myself  to  these  details  of  this  act  of  dreadful 
necessity,  of  which  I  was  an  eye-witness.  Others,  who, 
like  myself,  saw  it,  have  fortunately  spared  me  the  recital 
of  the  sanguinary  result.  This  atrocious  scene,  when  I 
think  of  it,  still  makes  me  shudder,  as  it  did  on  the  day  I 
beheld  it ;  and  1  would  wish  it  were  possible  for  me  to  for- 
get it,  rather  than  be  compelled  to  describe  it.  All  the 
horrors  imagination  can  conceive,  relative  to  that  day  of 
blood,  would  fall  short  of   the  reality. 

I  have  related  the  truth,  the  whole  truth.  I  was  pres- 
ent at  all  the  discussions,  all  the  conferences,  all  the 
deliberations.  I  had  not,  as  may  be  supposed,  a  delibera- 
tive voice ;  but  1  am  bound  to  declare  that  the  situation 
of  the  army,  the  scarcity  of  food,  our  small  numerical 
strength,  in  the  midst  of  a  country  where  every  individ- 
ual was  an  enemy,  would  have  induced  me  to  vote  in 
the  affirmative  of  the  proposition  which  was  carried  into 
effect,  if  I  had  a  vote  to  give.  It  was  necessary  to  be  on 
the  spot  in  order  to  understand  the  horrible  necessity 
which  existed. 

War,  unfortunately,  presents  too  many  occasions  on 
which  a  law,  immutable  in  all  ages,  and  common  to  all 
nations,  requires  that  private  interests  should  be  sacrificed 

VOL.  I.  — 14 


210  MKMoIKS   OF   NAPOLEON    Bf  )XAPAK  IE.  1799. 

to  a  great  general  interest,  ami  that  even  Iniinanity  .'^hould 
be  forgotten.  It  i.s  for  posterity  to  judge  whetluT  this  ter- 
rible situation  was  tliat  in  which  Bonaparte  was  placed. 
For  my  own  part,  I  have  a  perfect  conviction  that  he 
could  not  do  otherwise  than  yield  to  the  dire  necessity  of 
the  case.  It  was  the  advice  of  the  council,  wliose  opinion 
was  unanimous  in  favour  of  the  execution,  that  governed 
him.  Indeed,  I  ought  in  truth  to  say,  that  he  yielded 
only  in  the  last  extremity,  and  was  one  of  those,  perhaps 
who  beheld  the  massacre  with  the  deepest  pain.  ^ 

1  The  follow! DEC  is  Napoloou's  own  apcmint  of  this  dreadful  affair :  I  asked 
the  Emperor  then  if  he  had  ever  read  Miut's  history  of  the  expedition  to 
Egypt.  "  Wiiat,  the  commissary  ?  "  re])lied  he.  "  I  litdieve  Las  Cases 
gave  me  a  copy  ;  moreover,  it  was  published  in  my  time."  He  then  de- 
sired me  to  bring  the  one  which  I  had,  that  he  mifjlit  compare  them.  He 
observed,  "  Miot  was  a  jmlisson,  whom,  together  with  his  lirotiier,  I  raised 
from  the  dirt.  He  says  that  1  threatened  him  for  writing  the  l)ook,  which 
is  a  fal.sehood.  I  said  to  his  brother  once  that  he  miglit  as  well  not  have 
pul)lished  untruths.  He  was  a  man  who  had  always  fear  before  his  eyes. 
What  does  he  say  about  tiie  poi.soiiing  affair  and  tiie  siiootiiig  at  Jaffa?  " 
I  re])lied,  that  as  to  tlie  poisoning,  Miot  declared  he  could  say  no  more 
than  that  such  had  been  the  current  report ;  but  he  positively  asserted  that 
he  (Napoleon)  had  can.<ed  between  three  and  four  thousand  Turks  to  be 
shot  some  days  after  the  capture  of  Jaffa.  Napoleon  answered,  "  It  is  not 
true  that  there  were  so  many.  I  ordered  about  a  thousand  or  twelve  hun- 
dred to  be  shot,  which  was  done.  The  reason  was,  that  amongst  the  gar- 
rison of  Jaffa,  a  number  of  Turkish  troops  were  discovere<l  whom  I  had 
taken  a  .short  time  before  at  EI-Arish,  and  sent  to  Bagchid  upon  their  pa- 
role not  to  serve  again,  or  to  be  found  in  arms  against  me  for  a  year.  I 
had  caused  them  to  be  escorted  twelve  leagues  on  their  way  to  Hagdad  by 
a  division  of  my  army.  But  those  Turks,  instead  of  proceeding  to  Bag- 
dad, threw  themselves  into  J.affa,  defended  it  to  the  last,  and  cost  me  a 
number  of  brave  men  to  take  it,  whose  lives  would  have  been  spared  if  the 
others  had  not  reinforced  the  garrison  of  Jaffa.  Moreover,  l)efore  I  at- 
tacked the  town  I  sent  them  a  flag  of  truce.  Immediately  afterwards  we 
s.aw  tlie  head  of  the  l)earer  hoisteil  on  a  pole  over  the  wall.  Now,  if  I  had 
spared  them  again,  and  sent  them  away  uj)on  their  parole,  they  would 
have  directly  gone  to  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  where  tliey  would  have  jdayed  over 
again  the  same  scene  that  they  had  done  at  Jaffa.  In  justice  to  the  lives 
of  mv  soldiers,  as  every  general  ought  to  consider  himself  as  their  father, 
and  them  as  his  children,  I  could  not  allow  this.  To  leave  as  a  guard  a 
portion  of  my  army,  already  small  and  reduced  in  number,  in  consequence 


1799.        LANNES'   SKIRMISH   WITH   MOUNTAINEERS.        211 

After  the  siege  of  Jaffa  the  plague  began  to  exhibit  it- 
self with  a  little  more  virulence.  We  lost  between  seven 
and  eight  hundred  men  by  the  contagion  during  the  cam- 
paign of  Syria.^ 

During  our  march  on  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  which  was  com- 
menced on  the  14th  of  March,  the  army  neither  obtained 
the  brilliant  triumphs  nor  encountered  the  numerous 
obstacles  spoken  of  in  certain  works.  Nothing  of  impor- 
tance occurred  but  a  rash  skirmish  of  General  Lannes, 
who,  in  spite  of  contrary  orders  from  Bonaparte,  obsti- 
nately pursued  a  troop  of  mountaineers  into  the  passes 
of  Nablous.  On  returning,  he  found  the  mountaineers 
placed  in  ambush  in  great  numbers  amongst  rocks,  the 
windings  of  which  they  were  well  acquainted  with,  whence 

of  the  breach  of  faith  of  those  wretches,  was  impossible.  Indeed,  to  have 
acted  otherwise  thau  as  I  did  would  probably  have  caused  the  destruction 
of  my  whole  army.  I,  therefore,  availing  myself  of  the  rights  of  war, 
which  authorise  the  putting  to  death  prisoners  taken  under  such  cir- 
cumstances, independently  of  the  right  given  to  me  by  taking  the  city  by 
assault,  and  that  of  retaliation  on  the  Turks,  ordered  that  tlie  prisoners 
taken  at  El-Arish,  who,  in  defiance  of  their  capitulation,  had  been  found 
bearing  arms  against  me,  should  l)e  selected  out  and  shot.  The  rest, 
amounting  to  a  con.siderable  number,  were  spared.  I  would,"  continued 
he,  "  do  tlie  same  tiling  again  to-morrow,  and  so  would  Wellino-ton  or 
any  general  commanding  an  army  under  similar  circumstances  "  (A  Voice 
from   St.  llelerui). 

Savary  (tome  i.  p.  154)  gives  a  similar  account,  but  he  was  not  present. 
Thiers  (tome  v.  p.  447) accepts  this  account.  Joniini  (tome  i  ])p.  292-293), 
a  good  judge,  treats  the  ,act  as  unjustifiable  by  public  law,  Imt  justifiable  by 
reciprocity,  i.  e.  considering  the  treatment  tlie  French  would  certainly  have 
met  with  from  the  Turks.  Lanfrey  (tome  i.  pp.  .39.3-396)  of  course  throws 
the  whole  weight  of  blame  on  Naj)oleon,  denying  there  was  anv  difficulty 
in  feeding  the  prisoners.  It  will  i)e  noticed  that  Bourrienne  denies  one 
of  the  reasons  given  at  St.  Helena,  that  it  was  known  the  men  formed 
part  of  the  garrison  of  El-Arish.  Some  protestations  were  made  among 
the  officers. 

1  Sir  Walter  Scott  says  that  Heaven  sent  this  pestilence  among.st  us  to 
avenge  the  massacre  of  Jaffa.  The  pestilence  had  its  origin,  however,  be- 
fore the  massacre,  for  Klcber's  division  caught  the  seeds  of  the  dreadful 
malady  at  Damietta.  It  was  developed  and  propagated  on  our  march, 
and  was  carried  into  Syria  with  us.  —  Bourrienne. 


212  MKMdllJS   OK    XAl'OLKON   HdNAPAK'nc.  1799. 

thev  tiicil  cldse  u]'«iii  our  tmops,  wliose  situntion  n-ndered 
them  uualile  to  defend  themselves.  During  the  time  of 
this  fo(dish  and  useless  enterjirise,  especially  while  the 
firing  was  hrisk,  15onai)arte  exhibited  niueh  impatience, 
and,  it  must  he  confessed,  his  anger  was  but  natural. 
The  Nal)alousians  halted  at  the  openings  of  the  mountain 
defiles.  Bonaparte  reproached  Lannes  bitterly  for  having 
uselessly  exposed  himself,  and  "sacrificed,  without  any 
object,  a  number  of  brave  men."  Lannes  excused  himself 
by  saying  that  the  mountaineers  had  defied  him,  and  he 
wished  to  chastise  the  rabble.  "We  are  not  in  a  condi- 
tion to  jilay  the  swaggerer,"  replied  Napoleon. 

In  four  days  we  arrived  before  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  where 
we  learned  that  Djezzar  had  cut  off  the  head  of  our  envoy, 
^Iailly-di'-Chateau-l\enaud,  and  thrown  his  body  into  the 
sea  in  a  sack.  This  cruel  pasha  was  guilty  of  a  great 
number  of  similar  executions.  The  waves  frequently 
drove  dead  bodies  towards  the  coast,  and  we  came  upon 
them  whilst  bathing. 

The  details  of  the  siege  of  Acre  are  well  known.  Al- 
though surrounded  by  a  wall,  flanked  with  strong  towers, 
and  liaving,  liesides,  a  broad  and  deep  ditch  defended  by 
works,  this  little  fortress  did  not  appear  likely  to  hold  out 
against  French  valour  and  the  skill  of  our  corps  of  engi- 
neers and  artillery  ;  but  the  ease  and  rapidity  with  which 
Jaffa  had  been  taken,  occasioned  us  to  overlook  in  some 
deforce  the  comparative  strength  of  the  two  places,  and 
the  difference  of  their  respective  situations.  At  Jaffa 
we  liad  sufficient  artillery  :  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre  we  had  not. 
At  Jaffa  we  had  to  deal  only  with  a  garrison  left  to  it- 
self: at  St.  Jean  d'Acre  we  were  opposed  by  a  garrison 
strengthened  by  reinforcements  of  men  and  supjiliesof 
provisions,  supported  by  the  English  fleet,  and  assisted  l)y 
European  science. 

Sir  Sidney  Smith  was,  beyond  doubt,  the  man  who  did 


1799.  BONAPARTE   AND   SIR   SIDNEY  SMITH.  213 

US  the  greatest  injury.^  Much  has  been  said  respecting 
his  communications  with  the  General-in-Chief.  The  re- 
proaches wliich  the  latter  cast  upon  him  for  endeavouring 
to  seduce  the  soldiers  and  officers  of  the  army  by  tempt- 
ing offers  were  the  more  singular,  even  if  they  were  well 
founded,  inasmuch  as  these  means  are  frequently  em- 
ployed by  leaders  in  war.^  As  to  the  embarking  of  French 
prisoners  on  board  a  vessel  in  which  the  plague  existed, 
the  improbability  of  the  circumstance  alone,  but  especially 
the  notorious  facts  of  the  case,  repel  this  odious  accusa- 
tion. I  observed  the  conduct  of  Sir  Sidney  Smith  closely 
at  the  time,  and  I  remarked  in  him  a  chivalric  spirit, 
which  sometimes  hurried  him  into  trifling  eccentricities ; 
but  I  affirm  that  his  behaviour  towards  the  French  was 
that  of  a  gallant  enemy.  I  have  seen  many  letters,  in 
which  the  writers  informed  him  that  they  "  were  very 
sensible  of  the  good  treatment  which  the  French  experi- 
enced when  they  fell  into  his  hands."  Let  any  one  ex- 
amine Sir  Sidney's  conduct  before  the  capitulation  of  El- 
Arish,  and  after  its  rupture,  and  then  they  can  judge  of 
his  character.^ 

1  Sir  Sidney  Smith  was  the  only  Englishman  besides  the  Duke  of 
Wellington  who  defeated  Napoleon  in  military  operations.  The  third 
Englishman  opposed  to  him,  Sir  Joiin  Moore,  was  compelled  to  make  a 
precipitate  retreat  tlirough  the  weakness  of  his  force. 

2  At  one  time  the  French  General  was  so  disturbed  by  them  as  to 
endeavour  to  ])ut  a  stop  to  them,  which  object  he  effected  by  interdicting 
all  communication  witii  tlie  English,  and  signifying,  in  an  order  of  the 
day,  that  tlieir  Commodore  was  a  madman.  This,  being  believed  in  the 
army,  so  enraged  Sir  Sidney  Smith  that  in  his  wrath  he  sent  a  challenge 
to  Napoleon.  The  latter  re))lied  that  he  had  too  many  weighty  affairs  ou 
his  hands  to  trouble  himself  in  .sotritliiig  a  matter.  Had  it,  indeed,  been 
the  great  Marlborougli,  it  miglit  have  been  wortiiy  his  attention.  Still, 
if  the  English  sailor  was  ab.solutely  bent  upon  fighting,  he  would  send  him 
a  bravo  from  the  army,  and  allow  them  a  small  ])ortion  of  neutral  ground, 
where  the  mail  Commodore  might  land,  and  satisfy  his  humour  to  theiuU. 
—  Editor  of  1836  Edition. 

^  Napoleon,  when  at  St.  Helena,  in  s])eaking  of  the  siege  of  Acre,  said, 
"  Sidney  Smith  is  a  brave  officer.     He  display  ed  considerable  ability  in  the 


214  MEMOIRS   OF   XAroLKON  BONAPARTE.  1799. 

All  our  nianuHivros,  (nir  works,  and  attacks  were  made 
witli  that  levity  and  carLdessness  which  over-cuntidcnce 
inspires.  Xldlier,  whilst  walking  with  me  one  day  in  the 
lines  of  our  camp,  frequently  exjaessed  his  surprise  and 
discontent.     "  The  trenches,"  said  he,  "  do  not  come  up  to 

treaty  for  the  evacuation  of  Kgypt  by  the  French.  lie  took  advantage  of 
the  ilijsoontent  whieli  lie  fouml  to  jirevail  amongst  the  French  tnnips  at 
bein<^  so  long  away  from  France,  and  other  circumstjuices.  He  maiiife.>*ted 
great  honour  in  semling  inunediately  tn  Klc'l)er  the  refu.sal  of  I^ord  Keith 
to  ratify  the  treaty,  wliich  .saved  the  I' reach  army ;  if  he  had  kept  it  a 
secret  seven  or  eight  days  longer,  Cairo  would  have  been  given  up  to  the 
Turks,  and  the  Frencli  army  necessarily  oliliged  to  surrender  to  the 
English.  He  also  showed  great  humanity  ami  honour  in  all  his  proceed- 
ings towards  tiie  French  who  fell  into  his  hands.  He  landed  at  Havre,  for 
some sultisc  of  a  bet  he  had  made,  according  to  some,  to  go  to  the  theatre; 
others  said  it  was  for  es])ionage ;  however  that  may  be,  he  was  arrested 
and  confined  in  the  Tem))le  as  a  spy  ;  and  at  one  time  it  was  intended  to  try 
au<l  execute  him.  Shortly  after  I  returned  from  Italy,  he  wrote  to  me 
from  his  prison,  to  re<iue.«t  that  I  would  intercede  for  him ;  but,  under  the 
circumstances  in  whicJi  he  was  taken,  I  could  do  nothing  for  him.  He  is 
active,  intelligent,  intriguing,  and  indefatigable;  but  I  believe  that  he  is 
viezzo  pnzzo. 

"The  chief  cause  of  the  failure  at  Acre  was,  that  he  took  all  ray  batter^ 
iug  train,  wiiich  was  on  board  of  several  small  vei»sels.  Had  it  n<jt  l)een 
for  that,  I  would  have  taken  Acre  in  spite  of  him.  He  behaved  very 
bravely,  and  was  well  seconded  i)y  Fhillipeaux,  a  Frenchman  of  talent, 
who  hail  studied  with  me  as  an  engineer.  There  was  a  Major  Douglas 
also,  who  liehaved  very  gallantly.  '1  he  aciiuisitiim  of  five  or  six  hundred 
seamen  as  gunners  was  a  great  advantage  to  the  Turks,  whose  spirits  they 
revived,  and  wiiom  they  sliowe<l  how  to  defend  the  fortress.  But  he  com- 
mitteil  a  great  fault  in  making  sorties,  which  cost  the  lives  of  two  or  three 
hundred  brave  fellows  w  ithout  the  possibility  of  success.  F'or  it  was  impossi- 
ble he  could  succeed  against  the  number  of  the  French  who  were  before 
Acre.  I  would  lay  a  wager  that  he  lost  half  of  his  crew  in  them.  He  dis- 
persed proclamations  among.st  my  troops,  which  certainly  shook  some  of 
them,  and  I  in  conseipience  ])ublished  an  order,  stating  that  he  was  mud, 
and  forbidding  all  communication  with  him.  Some  days  after  he  .sent,  by 
means  of  a  flag  of  truce,  a  lieutenant  or  a  midshipman  with  a  letter  contain- 
ing a  challenge  to  me  to  meet  him  at  some  jjlace  he  pointed  out  in  order 
to  fight  a  ilucl.  I  laugheil  at  this,  and  .sent  him  back  an  intimation  that 
when  he  brought  Marlborough  to  fight  me  I  would  meet  him.  >»otwith- 
standing  this,  I  like  the  character  of  the  man"  {Voice  from  St.  Helena, 
vol.  i.  p.  208). 


1799.  DEATH  OF   GENERAL   CAFFARELLI.  215 

my  knees."  Besieging  artillery  was,  of  necessity,  required : 
we  commenced  with  field  artillery.  This  encouraged  the 
besieged,  who  perceived  the  weakness  of  our  resources. 
The  besieging  artillery,  consisting  only  of  three  twenty- 
four-pounders  and  six  eighteen-pounders,  was  not  brought 
up  until  the  end  of  April,  and  before  that  period  three 
assaults  had  taken  place  with  very  serious  loss.  On  the 
4th  of  May  our  powder  began  to  fail  us.  This  cruel  event 
obliged  us  to  slacken  our  fire.  We  also  wanted  shot ;  and 
an  order  of  tlie  day  fixed  a  price  to  be  given  for  all  balls, 
according  to  their  calibre,  which  might  be  picked  up  after 
being  fired  from  the  fortress  or  the  two  ships  of  the  line, 
the  Tiger  and  Theseus,  which  were  stationed  on  each  side 
of  the  harbour.  These  two  vessels  embarrassed  the  com- 
munication between  the  camp  and  the  trenches ;  but 
though  they  made  much  noise,  they  did  little  harm.  A 
ball  from  one  of  them  killed  an  officer  on  the  ev^eninff 
the  siege  was  raised. 

The  enemy  had  within  the  walls  some  excellent  rifle- 
men, chiefly  Albanians.  They  placed  stones,  one  over  the 
other,  on  the  walls,  put  their  firearms  through  the  inter- 
stices, and  thus,  completely  sheltered,  fired  with  destruc- 
tive precision. 

On  the  9th  of  April  General  Caffarelli,  so  well  known 
for  his  courage  and  talents,  was  passing  through  the 
trench,  his  hand  resting,  as  he  stooped,  on  his  hip,  to 
preserve  the  equilibrium  which  his  wooden  leg  impaired ; 
his  elbow  only  was  raised  above  the  trench.  He  was 
warned  that  the  enemy's  shot,  fired  close  upon  us,  did  not 
miss  the  smallest  object.  He  paid  no  attention  to  any 
observation  of  this  kmd,  and  in  a  few  instants  his  elbow- 
joint  was  fractured.  Amputation  of  the  arm  was  judged 
indispensable.  The  General  survived  the  operation 
eighteen  days.  Bonaparte  went  regularly  twice  a  day 
to  his  tent.     By  his  order,  added  to  my  friendship  for 


216  MEMOIHS  OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1799. 

Calfarelli,  I  senrcely  ever  quitted  him.  Shortly  before  he 
exjiirei,!  he  said  to  me,  "  ^ly  dear  lUmrrieiiiie,  be  so  good 
as  to  read  to  me  Voltaire's  prefaee  to  the  '  Ksprit  des  Lois.' " 
Wheu  I  returned  to  the  tent  of  the  General-in-Chief,  he 
asked,  "  How  is  Caflarelli  ? "  I  re}»lied,  "  He  is  near  his  end  ; 
but  he  asked  me  to  read  him  Voltaire's  ]>reface  to  the 
'  Esprit  des  Lois.'  He  has  just  fallen  asleep."  Bonaparte 
saiil,  "  Bah  !  to  wish  to  liear  that  preface  !  how  singular ! " 
He  went  to  see  Callarelli,  but  he  was  still  asleej).  I  re- 
turned to  him  that  evening,  and  received  his  last  l)reath. 
He  died  with  the  utmost  composure.  His  death  was 
equally  regretted  by  the  soldiers  and  the  men  of  science 
who  accom])anied  us.  It  was  a  just  regret,  fully  due  to  that 
distinguished  man,  in  whom  very  extensive  information 
was  united  with  great  courage  and  an  amiable  disposition. 
On  the  10th  of  May,  when  an  assault  took  ]>lace,  Bona- 
parte proceeded  at  an  early  hour  to  the  trenches.^  Croi- 
sier,  who  was  mentioned  on  our  arrival  at  Damanhour, 
and  on  the  capture  of  Jaffa,  had  in  vain  courted  death 
since  the  commencement  of  the  siege.  Life  had  become 
insupportable  to  him  since  the  unfortunate  attair  at  Jaffa. 
He  as  usual  accompanied  his  general  to  the  trenches.  Be- 
lieving that  the  termination  of  the  siege,  which  was  sup- 
posed to  be  near,  would  postpone  indefinitely  the  death 
which  he  sought,  he  mounted  a  battery.  In  tliis  situa- 
tion his  tall  figure  uselessly  provoked  all  the  enemy's 
shots.  "Croisier,  come  down,  I  command  you  ;  you  have 
no  business  there,"  cried  Bonaparte,  in  a  loud  and  im- 
perative tone.  Croisier  remained  without  making  any  re- 
ply. A  moment  after  a  ball  passed  through  his  right  leg. 
Amputation  was  not  considered  indisjjensalile.  On  the 
day  of  our  departure  he  was  placed  on  a  litter,  which 
was  borne  by  sixteen  men  alternately,  eight  at  a  time.     I 

1  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  in   his  official  report  of  the  a.ssault  of  the  8th  of 
May,  says  that  Napoleon  was  distinctly  seen  directing  the  operation. 


1799.  SIEGE   OF  ST.   JEAN  D'ACRE.  217 

received  his  last  farewell  between  Gaza  and  El-Arish, 
where  he  died  of  tetanus.  His  modest  tomb  will  not  be 
often  visited. 

The  siege  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre  lasted  sixty  days.  Dur- 
ing that  time  eight  assaults  and  twelve  sorties  took  place. 
In  the  assault  of  the  8th  of  May  more  than  200  men  pen- 
etrated into  the  town.  Victory  was  already  shouted  ;  but 
the  breach  having  been  taken  in  reverse  by  the  Turks,  it 
was  not  approached  without  some  degree  of  hesitation, 
and  the  200  men  who  had  entered  were  not  supported. 
The  streets  were  barricaded.  The  cries,  the  bowlings 
of  the  women,  who  ran  through  the  streets,  throwing, 
according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  dust  in  tlie  air, 
excited  the  male  inhal)itants  to  a  desperate  resistance, 
which  rendered  unavailing  this  short  occupation  of  the 
town  by  a  handful  of  men,  who,  finding  themselves  left 
without  assistance,  retreated  towards  the  breach.  Many 
who  could  not  reach  it  perished  in  the  town. 

During  this  assault,  Duroc,  who  was  in  the  trench, 
was  wounded  in  the  right  thigh  1)y  the  splinter  from  a 
shell  fired  against  the  fortifications.  Fortunately  this 
accident  only  carried  away  the  flesh  from  the  bone,  which 
remained  untouched.  He  had  a  tent  in  common  with  sev- 
eral other  aides-de-camp ;  but  for  his  better  accommo- 
dation I  gave  him  mine,  and  I  scarcely  ever  quitted  him. 
Entering  his  tent  one  day  about  noon,  I  found  him  in  a 
profound  sleep.  The  excessive  heat  had  compelled  him 
to  throw  off  all  covering,  and  part  of  his  wound  was  ex- 
posed. T  perceived  a  scorpion  which  had  crawled  up  the 
leg  of  the  camp-bed  and  approached  very  near  to  the 
wound.  I  was  just  in  time  to  hurl  it  to  the  ground. 
The  sudden  motion  of  my  hand  awoke  Duroc. 

We  often  bathed  in  the  sea.  Sometimes  the  English, 
perhaps  after  taking  a  double  allowance  of  grog,  would 
fire  at  our  heads,  which  appeared  above  water.     I  am  not 


218  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1799. 

aware  Lliat.  any  accident  was  occasioned  hy  their  cannon- 
ade ;  but  as  we  were  beyond  reach  of  their  guns,  we  paid 
scarcely  any  attention  to  the  hring.  It  wa.s  even  a  subject 
of  nniusenient  to  us. 

Had  our  attack  on  St.  Jean  d'Acre  been  less  precijjitate, 
and  had  the  siege  been  undertaken  according  to  tlie  rules 
of  war,  the  place  would  not  have  held  out  three  days;  one 
assault  like  that  of  the  8th  of  May  would  have  l)een 
suHicient.  If,  in  the  situation  in  which  we  were  on  the 
day  when  we  first  came  in  sight  of  the  ramparts  of  Acre, 
we  had  made  a  less  inconsiderate  estimate  of  the  strength 
of  the  i)lace ;  if  we  had  likewise  taken  into  consideration 
the  active  co-operation  of  the  English  and  the  Ottoman 
Porte,  our  absolute  want  of  artillery  of  sufficient  calibre, 
our  scarcity  of  gunpowder  and  the  difficulty  of  procuring 
food,  —  we  certainly  should  not  have  undertaken  the  siege ; 
and  that  would  have  lieen  by  far  the  wisest  course. 

Towards  the  end  of  the  siege  the  General-in-Chief 
received  intelligence  of  some  trifling  insurrections  in 
northern  Egypt.  An  angel  had  excited  them,  and  the 
heavenly  messenger,  who  had  condescended  to  assume  a 
name,  was  called  the  Mahdi,  or  El  Alohdy.  Tiiis  religious 
extravagance,  however,  did  not  last  long,  and  tranquillity 
was  soon  restored.  All  that  the  fanatic  Mahdi,  who 
shrouded  himself  in  mystery,  succeeded  in  doing  was  to 
attack  our  rear  by  some  vagabonds,  whose  illusions  were 
dissipated  by  a  few  musket-shots. 


CHAPTEE   XIX. 

1799. 

The  siege  of  St  Jean  d'Acre  was  raised  on  the  20th  of 
May.  It  cost  us  a  loss  of  nearly  3,000  men,  in  killed, 
deaths  by  the  plague,  or  wounds.  A  great  number  were 
wounded  mortally.  In  those  veracious  documents,  the 
bulletins,  the  French  loss  was  made  500  killed,  and  1,000 
wounded,  and  the  enemy's  more  than  15,000.^ 

Our  bulletins  may  form  curious  materials  for  history; 
but  their  value  certainly  will  not  depend  on  the  credit 
due  to  their  details.  Bonaparte  attached  the  greatest 
importance  to  those  documents,  generally  drawing  them 
up  himself,  or  correcting  them,  when  written  by  another 
hand,  if  the  composition  did  not  please  him. 

It  must  be  confessed  that  at  that  time  nothing  so  much 
flattered  self-love  as  being  mentioned  in  a  bulletin.  Bona- 
parte was  well  aware  of  this  ;  he  knew  that  to  insert  a 
name  in  a  bulletin  was  conferring  a  great  honour,  and 
that  its  exclusion  was  a  severe  disappointment.  General 
Berthier,  to  whom  I  had  expressed  a  strong  desire  to  ex- 
amine the  works  of  the  siege,  took  me  over  tliem ;  but, 
notwithstanding  his  promise  of  secrecy,  he  mentioned  the 
circumstance  to  the  General-in-Chief,  who  had  desired  me 
not  to  approach  the  works.  "What  did  you  go  there  for?" 
said  Bonaparte  to  me,  with  some  severity  ;  "  that  is  not 

1  M.  Aure,  the  ordonnateur-enchef  of  the  army,  compiitos  tlie  wliole 
number  of  deaths  duriug  the  Syriau  campaign  at  2,000  (Eneurs,  tome  i.  p. 
75). 


2'JO  MKMOrRS   OF  NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1799. 

your  place."  I  replied  that  Berthier  told  me  tliat  no  a.s- 
sault  would  take  place  tliat  day ;  and  he  l)elieved  tliere 
would  be  no  sortie,  as  the  garrison  had  made  one  the  pre- 
ceding evening.  "What  matters  that?  Tliere  might 
have  been  another.  Those  who  have  nnthing  to  do  in  such 
places  are  always  the  first  victims.^  Let  every  man  mind 
his  own  busine-ss.  Woumloil  or  killed,  I  wttuld  not  even 
have  notict'd  you  in  the  bulletin.  You  would  have  lieen 
laughed  at,  and  that  justly." 

Bonaparte,  not  having  at  this  time  experienced  reverses, 
having  continually  proceeded  from  triumph  to  triumph, 
conHtk'utly  anticipated  the  taking  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  In 
his  letters  to  the  generals  in  Egypt  he  fixed  the  25th  of 
April  for  the  accomplishment  of  that  event.  He  reckoned 
that  the  grand  assault  against  tlie  tower  could  not  be  made 
before  that  day;  it  took  place,  however, twenty-four  hours 
sooner.  He  wrote  to  Desaix  on  the  19th  of  April,  "I 
count  on  being  master  of  Acre  in  six  days."  On  the  2d 
of  ^lay  he  told  Junot,  "Our  IS  and  24  pounders  liave 
arrived.  We  hope  to  enter  Acre  in  a  few  days.  The  fire 
of  their  artillery  is  completely  extinguished."  Letters 
have  been  printed,  dated  30th  FlordaP  (]9th  May),  in 
wliich  he  announces  to  Dugua  and  to  Poussielgue  that 
they  can  rely  on  his  being  in  Acre  on  6th  Flor^al  (25th 
April).  Some  mistake  has  evidently  been  made.  "  The 
slightest  circumstances  produce  the  greatest  events,"  said 
Napoleon,  according  to  the  "  ^Memorial  of  St.  Helena ;"  "  had 
St.  Jean  d'Acre  fallen,  I  should  have  changed  the  face  of 
the  world."     And  again,  "  The  fate  of  the  East  lay  in  that 

1  It  may  be  iiotod  that  this  has  always  been  a  common  belief  amonjij 
Boldiers, — an  idea  siipjiorted  l)y  the  frecjuent  woumls  and  death  of  ])er.sons 
vohuitarily  encja^ed  in  operations. 

-  If  in  tiie.se  latter  letters  for  ."JOtii  FlorenJ  we  read  .30th  Germinal  (19th 
April),  the  letters  to  Caffarelli,  Dugua,  aud  to  Poussielgue  will  agree  in 
their  dates  with  those  to  Desaix. 


1799.  GRAND   PROJECTS.  221 

small  town."  This  idea  is  not  one  which  he  first  began  to 
entertain  at  St.  Helena ;  he  often  repeated  the  very  same 
words  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  On  the  shore  of  Ptolemais 
gigantic  projects  agitated  him,  as,  doubtless,  regret  for 
not  having  carried  them  into  execution  tormented  him  at 
St.  Helena.. 

Almost  every  evening  Bonaparte  and  myself  used  to 
w-alk  together,  at  a  little  distance  from  the  seashore.  The 
day  after  the  unfortunate  assault  of  the  8th  of  May  Bona- 
parte, afflicted  at  seeing  the  blood  of  so  many  brave  men 
uselessly  shed,  said  to  me,  "  Bourrienne,  I  see  that  this 
wretched  place  has  cost  me  a  number  of  men,  and  wasted 
much  time.  But  things  are  too  far  advanced  not  to  at- 
tempt a  last  effort.  If  I  succeed,  as  I  expect,  I  shall  find 
in  the  town  the  pasha's  treasures,  and  arms  for  300,000 
men.  I  will  stir  up  and  arm  the  people  of  Syria,  who  are 
disgusted  at  the  ferocity  of  Djezzar,  and  who,  as  you  know, 
pray  for  his  destruction  at  every  assault.  I  shall  then 
march  upon  Damascus  and  Aleppo.  On  advancing  into 
the  country,  the  discontented  will  flock  round  my  stand- 
ard, and  swell  my  army.  I  will  announce  to  the  people 
the  abolition  of  servitude  and  of  the  tyrannical  govern- 
ments of  the  pashas.  I  shall  arrive  at  Constantinople 
with  large  masses  of  soldiery.  I  shall  overturn  the 
Turkish  empire,  and  found  in  the  East  a  new  and  grand 
empire,  which  will  fix  my  place  in  the  records  of  posterity. 
Perhaps  I  shall  return  to  Paris  by  Adrianople,  or  by  Vienna, 
after  having  annihilated  the  house  of  Austria."  After  I 
had  made  some  ol)servations  which  these  grand  projects 
naturally  suggested,  he  replied,  "  What !  do  you  not  see 
that  the  Druses  only  wait  for  the  fall  of  Acre  to  rise  in 
rebellion  ?  Have  not  the  keys  of  Damascus  already  been 
offered  me  ?  I  only  stay  till  these  walls  fall  because  until 
then  I  can  derive  no  advantage  from  this  large  town.  By 
the  operation  which  I  meditate  I  cut  off  all  kind  of  sue- 


222  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1799. 

cour  fnmi  the  l>eys,  and  secure  the  conquest  of  Egypt.  I 
will  have  Desaix  nominated  commander-in-chief ;  but  if 
I  do  not  succeed  in  the  hi.st  as.sault  I  am  about  to  attempt, 
1  set  oil'  directly.  Time  presses.  I  shall  not  be  at  Cairo 
before  the  middle  of  June.  The  winds  will  then  be  favour- 
al)le  for  shii).*;  bound  to  Kgypt  from  the  north.  Constan- 
tinople will  send  troops  to  Alexandria  and  Rosetta.  I 
must  be  there.  As  for  the  army  which  will  arrive  after- 
wards by  land,  I  do  not  fear  it  this  year.  I  will  cause 
everything  to  be  destroyed,  all  the  way  to  the  entnmce  of 
the  desert.  I  will  render  the  passage  of  an  army  imj)0s- 
sible  for  two  years.     Troops  cannot  exist  amidst  ruius." 

As  soon  as  I  returned  to  my  tent  I  committed  to  paper 
this  conversation,  which  was  then  quite  fresh  in  my  mem- 
ory ;  and  I  may  venture  to  say  that  every  word  I  put 
down  is  correct.  I  may  add,  that  during  the  siege  our 
camp  was  constantly  filled  with  the  inhabitants,  who  in- 
voked Heaven  to  favour  our  arms,  and  prayed  fervently 
at  every  assault  for  our  success,  many  of  them  on  their 
knees,  with  their  faces  to  the  city.  The  people  of  Damas- 
cus, too,  had  offered  the  keys  to  Bonaparte.  Thus  every- 
thing contributed  to  make  liim  confident  in  his  favourite 
plan. 

The  troops  left  St.  Jean  d'Acre  on  the  20th  of  ]\Iay, 
takiniiadvantajre  of  the  night  to  avoid  a  sortie  from  the  be- 
sieged,  and  to  conceal  the  retreat  of  the  army,  which  had 
to  march  three  leagues  along  the  shore,  exposed  to  the  fire 
of  the  P^nglish  vessels  lying  in  the  roads  of  Mount  Car- 
mel.  The  removal  of  the  wounded  and  sick  commenced 
on  the  ISth  and  19th  of  May. 

Bonaparte  then  made  a  proclamation,  wliich  from  one 
end  to  the  other  offends  against  truth.  It  has  been  pub- 
lished in  many  works.  The  season  of  the  year  for  hostile 
landing  is  there  very  dexterously  placed  in  the  foreground  ; 
all  tlie  rest  is  a  deceitful  exaggeration.     It  must  be  ob- 


1799.  TERMINATION   OF  THE  EXPEDITION.  223 

served  that  the  proclamations  which  Bonaparte  regarded 
as  calculated  to  dazzle  an  ever  too  credulous  public  were 
amplifications  often  ridiculous  and  incomprehensible  upon 
the  spot,  and  which  only  excited  the  laughter  of  men  of 
common  sense.  In  all  Bonaparte's  correspondence  there 
is  an  endeavour  to  disguise  his  reverses,  and  impose  on 
the  public,  and  even  on  his  own  generals.  For  example, 
he  wrote  to  General  Dugua,  commandant  of  Cairo,  on  the 
15th  of  February, "  I  will  bring  you  plenty  of  prisoners  and 
flags  ! "  One  would  almost  be  inclined  to  say  that  he  had 
resolved,  during  his  stay  in  the  East,  thus  to  pay  a  trib- 
ute to  the  country  of  fables.^ 

Thus  terminated  this  disastrous  expedition.  I  have 
read  somewhere  that  during  this  immortal  campaign  the 
two  heroes  Murat  and  Mourad  had  often  been  in  face  of 
one  another.  There  is  only  a  little  difficulty  :  Mourad 
Bey  never  put  his  foot  in  Syria. 

We  proceeded  along  the  coast,  and  passed  Mount  Car- 
mel.  Some  of  the  wounded  were  carried  on  litters,  the 
remainder  on  horses,  mules,  and  camels.  At  a  short  dis- 
tance from  ]\Iount  Carmel  we  were  informed  that  three 
soldiers,  ill  of  the  plague,  who  were  left  in  a  convent 
(which  served  for  a  hospital),  and  abandoned  too  confi- 
dently to  the  generosity  of  the  Turks,  had  been  barbar- 
ously put  to  death. 

A  most  intolerable  thirst,  the  total  want  of  water,  an 
excessive  heat,  and  a  fatiguing  march  over  biu'ning  sand- 
hills, quite  disheartened  the  men,  and  made  every  generous 
sentiment  give  way  to  feelings  of  the  grossest  selfishness 

1  Tlie  prisoners  and  flags  were  sent.  The  Turkish  flags  were  intrnsted 
by  Berthicr  to  the  AiljutantCommandant  Royer,  who  conducted  a  convoy 
of  sick  and  wounded  to  Egypt.  Sidney  Smith  acknowledges  the  loss  of 
some  flags  by  the  Turks.  The  Turkish  prisoners  were  used  as  carriers 
of  the  litters  for  the  wounded,  and  were,  for  the  most  part,  brought  into 
Egypt  (Erreiirs,  tome  i.  pp.  47  and  160).  See  also  Lanfrey  (tome  i.  p.  403) 
as  to  prisoners  and  flags. 


224  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLKON    RoXAl'ARTE.  1799. 

ami  most  shocking;  imlifierence.  T  saw  ollicers,  with  their 
limits  amputatod,  thrown  oil"  tlio  Utters,  whose  removal  in 
tluitway  had  been  ordered,  and  who  had  themselves  given 
money  to  recompense  the  bearers.  I  saw  the  amputated, 
the  wounded,  the  infected,  or  those  only  suspected  of  infec- 
tion, deserted  and  left  to  themselves.  The  march  was  illu- 
mined by  tovcluis  lighted  for  the  ])urpose  of  settin<,'  fire  to  the 
little  towns,  villages,  and  hamlets  which  lay  in  the  route, 
and  the  rich  crops  with  which  the  land  was  then  covered. 
The  whole  country  w.as  in  a  blaze.  Those  who  were  or- 
dered to  ])reside  at  this  work  of  destruction  seemed  eaf^er 
to  spread  desolation  on  every  side,  as  if  they  could  thereby 
avenge  themselves  for  their  reverses,  and  find  in  such 
dreadful  havoc  an  alleviation  of  their  suflerings.  We 
were  constantly  surrounded  by  i>lunderers,  incendiaries, 
and  the  dying,  who,  stretched  on  the  sides  of  the  road, 
implored  assistance  in  a  feeble  voice,  .saying,  "  I  am  not 
infected  —  I  am  only  wounded  ; "  and  to  convince  those 
whom  they  addressed,  they  reopened  their  old  wounds,  or 
infiicted  on  themselves  fresh  ones.  Still  nobody  attended 
to  them.  "It  is  all  over  w^ith  him,"  was  the  observation 
ajiplied  to  the  unfortunate  beings  in  succession,  while 
every  one  pressed  onward.  The  sun,  which  shone  in  an 
unclouded  sky  in  all  its  brightness,  was  often  darkened 
by  our  conflagrations.  On  our  right  lay  the  sea;  on  our 
left,  and  behind  us,  the  desert  made  by  ourselves;  lief  ore 
were  the  Jiprivations  and  sufferings  which  awaited  us. 
Such  was  our  true  situation. 

We  reached  Tentoura  on  the  20th  of  iMay,  when  a  most 
oppressive  heat  prevailed,  and  produced  general  dejection. 
We  had  nothing  to  sleep  on  but  the  parched  and  burning 
sand ;  on  our  right  lay  a  hostile  sea ;  our  losses  in 
wounded  and  sick  were  already  considerable  since  leaving 
Acre ;  and  there  was  nothing  consolatory  in  the  future. 
The  trulv  afflicting  condition  in  w^iich    the  remains  of  an 


1799.  THE   WOUNDED   AND   INFECTED.  225 

army  called  triicmjyhant  were  plunged,  produced,  as  might 
well  be  expected,  a  corresjjonding  impression  on  the  mind 
of  the  General-in-Chief.  Scarcely  had  he  arrived  at  Ten- 
toura  when  he  ordered  his  tent  to  be  pitched.  He  then 
called  me,  and  with  a  mind  occupied  by  the  calamities  of 
our  situation,  dictated  an  order  that  every  one  should 
march  on  foot ;  and  that  all  the  horses,  mules,  and  camels 
should  be  given  up  to  the  wounded,  the  sick,  and  infected 
who  had  been  removed,  and  who  still  showed  signs  of  life. 
"  Carry  that  to  Berthier,"  said  he ;  and  the  order  was  in- 
stantly despatched.  Scarcely  had  I  returned  to  the  tent 
when  the  elder  Vigogne,  the  General-in-Chief's  groom, 
entered,  and  raising  his  hand  to  his  cap,  said,  "  General, 
what  horse  do  you  reserve  for  yourself  ? "  In  the  state 
of  excitement  in  which  Bonaparte  was,  this  question  irri- 
tated him  so  violently  that,  raising  his  whip,  he  gave  the 
man  a  severe  blow  on  the  head,  saying  in  a  terrible  voice, 
"  Every  one  must  go  on  foot,  you  rascal  —  I  the  first !  Do 
you  not  know  the  order  ?     Be  off  !  " 

Every  one  in  parting  with  his  horse  was  now 
anxious  to  avoid  giving  it  to  any  unfortunate  individual 
supposed  to  be  suffering  from  plague.  Much  pains 
were  taken  to  ascertain  the  nature  of  the  diseases  of 
the  sick  ;  and  no  difficulty  was  made  in  accommodating  the 
wounded  or  amputated.  For  my  part  I  had  an  excellent 
horse,  a  mule,  and  two  camels,  all  which  I  gave  up  with 
the  greatest  pleasure ;  but  I  confess  that  I  directed  my 
servant  to  do  all  he  could  to  prevent  an  infected  person 
from  getting  my  horse.  It  was  returned  to  me  in  a  very 
short  time.  The  same  thing  happened  to  many  others. 
The  cause  may  be  easily  conjectured. 

The  remains  of  our  heavy  artillery  were  lost  in  the  mov- 
ing sands  of  Tentoura,  from  the  want  of  horses,  the  small 
number  that  remained  being  employed  in  more  indispen- 
sable services.     The  soldiers  seemed  to  forget  their  own 

VOL.  I. —  15 


226  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPAHTE.  1799. 

suHerinjTs,  jUiiiv^ed  in  ,i,'rief  at  tlie  loss  of  their  bronze 
guns,  (ifti'U  the  iiistruniciits  of  their  triuuiplis,  :uul  which 
had  made  lMini])e  trendde. 

We  halted  at  Ciesarea  on  the  22d  of  May,  and  we 
niarehed  all  the  following  night.  Towards  daybreak  a 
mail,  concealed  in  a  bush  upon  the  left  of  the  road  (the 
sea  was  two  paces  from  us  on  the  riglit),  fired  a  musket 
almost  close  to  the  head  of  the  General-in-Chief,  who  was 
sleeping  on  his  horse.  I  was  beside  him.  The  wood  be- 
ing searclied.the  Xablousian  was  taken  without  ditticulty, 
and  ordered  to  be  shot  on  the  spot.  Four  guides  pushed 
him  towards  the  sea  by  thrusting  their  carbines  against 
his  back  ;  when  close  to  the  water's  edge  they  drew  the 
triggers,  but  all  the  four  muskets  hung  fire :  a  circum- 
stance which  was  accounted  for  by  the  great  humidity  of 
the  night.  The  Nablousian  threw  himself  into  the  water, 
and,  swimming  with  great  agility  and  rapidity,  gained  a 
ridge  of  rocks  so  far  off  that  not  a  shot  from  the  whole 
troop,  which  fired  as  it  passed,  reached  him.  Bonaparte, 
who  continued  his  march,  desired  me  to  wait  for  Klt^ber, 
whose  division  formed  the  rear-guard,  and  to  tell  him  not 
to  forget  the  Nablousian.  He  was,  I  believe,  shot  at 
last. 

We  returned  to  Jaffa  on  the  24th  of  May,  and  stopped 
there  during  the  25th,  26th,  27th,  and  28th.  This  town 
had  lately  been  the  scene  of  a  horrible  transaction,  dic- 
tated by  necessity,  and  it  was  again  destined  to  witness 
the  exercise  of  the  same  dire  law.  Here  I  have  a  painful 
duty  to  perform  ;  I  will  perform  it.  I  will  state  what  I 
know,  what  I  saw, 

I  have  seen  the  following  passage  in  a  certain  work  : 
"  Bonaparte,  having  arrived  at  Jaffa,  ordered  three  re- 
movals of  the  infected  :  one  by  sea  to  Damietta,  and  also 
by  land ;  the  second  to  Gaza  ;  and  the  third  to  El-Arishl" 
So  many  words,  so  many  errors ! 


1799.        VISIT  OF  BONAPARTE   TO   THE   HOSPITAL.        227 

Some  tents  were  pitched  on  an  eminence  near  the 
gardens  east  of  Jaffa.  Orders  were  given  directly  to 
undermine  the  fortifications  and  blow  them  up;  and  on 
the  27th  of  May,  upon  a  signal  being  given,  the  town  was 
in  a  moment  laid  bare.  An  hour  afterwards  the  General- 
in-Chief  left  his  tent  and  repaired  to  the  town,  accompa- 
nied by  Berthier,  some  physicians  and  surgeons,  and  his 
usual  staff'.  I  was  also  one  of  the  party.  A  long  and  sad 
deliberation  took  place  on  tlie  question  which  now  arose 
relative  to  the  men  who  were  incurably  ill  of  the  plague, 
or  who  were  at  the  point  of  death.  After  a  discussion  of 
the  most  serious  and  conscientious  kind,  it  was  decided  to 
accelerate  a  few  moments,  by  a  potion,  a  death  which  was 
inevitable,  and  which  would  otherwise  be  painful  and 
cruel. 

Bonaparte  took  a  rapid  view  of  the  destroyed  ramparts 
of  the  town,  and  returned  to  the  hospital,  where  there  were 
men  whose  limbs  had  been  amputated,  many  Avounded, 
many  afflicted  with  ophthalmia,  whose  lamentations  were 
distressing,  and  some  infected  with  the  plague.  The  beds 
of  the  last  description  of  patients  were  to  the  right  on 
entering  the  first  ward.  I  walked  by  the  General's  side, 
and  I  assert  that  1  never  saw  him  touch  any  one  of  the 
infected.  And  why  should  he  have  done  so  !  They  were 
in  the  last  stage  of  the  disease.  Not  one  of  them  spoke  a 
word  to  him,  and  Bonaparte  well  knew  that  he  possessed 
no  protection  against  the  jdague.  Is  Fortune  to  be  again 
brought  forward  here  ?  She  had,  in  trutli,  little  favoured 
him  during  the  last  few  months,  when  he  had  trusted  to 
her  favours.  I  ask,  why  should  he  have  exposed  himself 
to  certain  death,  and  have  left  his  army  in  the  midst  of  a 
desert  created  by  our  ravages,  in  a  desolate  town,  without 
succour,  and  without  the  hope  of  ever  receiving  any  ? 
Would  he  have  acted  rightly  in  doing  .so  —  he  who  was 
evidently  so  necessary,  so  indispensable  to  his  army ;  he 


228  MEMOIKS   OF   XAPOLKOX   BOXArARTE.  1709. 

on  wlioiii  deiiendi'd  at  that  moment  the  lives  of  all  who 
had  survived  the  last  disaster,  and  who  had  i)roved  their 
attaehnient  to  him  l)y  their  siitlerin^'s,  their  jjrivations, 
and  their  unshaken  eourai,fe,  and  who  had  done  all  that 
he  could  have  ve([uired  of  men,  and  whose  only  trust  was 
in  him  '. 

IJonaparte  walked  quickly  throufrh  the  rooms,  tapiiinir 
the  yellow  to])  of  his  boot  with  a  whip  he  held  in  his 
haml.  As  he  passed  along  with  hasty  steps  he  repeated 
these  words  :  "  The  fortifications  are  destroyed.  Fortune 
was  against  me  at  St.  Jean  d'Acre.  I  must  return  to 
Egypt  to  preserve  it  from  the  enemy,  who  will  soon  be 
tliere.  In  a  few  hours  the  Turks  will  be  here.  Let  all 
those  who  have  strength  enougli  rise  and  come  along  with 
us.  They  shall  be  carried  on  litters  and  horses."  There 
were  scarcely  sixty  cases  of  plague  in  the  hospital ;  and 
all  accounts  stating  a  greater  numlier  are  exaggerated. 
The  perfect  silence,  complete  dejection,  and  general 
stupor  of  the  patients  announced  their  approaching  end. 
To  carry  them  away  in  the  state  in  which  they  were  would 
evidently  have  been  doing  nothing  else  than  inoculating 
the  rest  of  the  army  with  the  plague.  I  have,  it  is  true, 
learned,  since  my  return  to  Europe,  that  some  persons 
touched  the  infected  with  impunity  :  nay,  that  others  went 
so  far  as  to  inoculate  themselves  with  the  jdague  in  order 
to  learn  how  to  cure  those  whom  it  might  attack.  It 
certainly  was  a  special  protection  from  Heaven  to  be  pre- 
served from  it  ;  but,  to  cover  in  some  degree  the  absurdity 
of  such  a  story,  it  is  added  that  they  knew  how  to  dude 
the  danger,  and  that  any  one  else  who  braved  it  without 
using  precautions  met  with  death  for  their  temerity. 
This  is,  in  fact,  the  whole  point  of  the  question,  Eitlier 
those  privileged  persons  took  indispensable  precautions, — 
and  in  that  case  their  boasted  heroism  is  a  mere  juggler's 
trick, —  or  they  touched  the  infected  without  using  precau- 


1799.  PATE   OF  THE   INFECTED.  229 

tious,  and  inoculated  themselves  with  the  plague,  thus 
voluntarily  encountering  death,  and  then  the  story  is 
really  a  good  one. 

The  infected  were  confided,  it  has  been  stated,  to  the 
head  apothecary  of  the  army,  Koyer,  who,  dying  in  Egypt 
three  years  after,  carried  the  secret  with  him  to  the  grave. 
But  on  a  moment's  reflection  it  will  be  evident  that  the 
leaving  of  Eoyer  alone  in  Jaffa  would  have  been  to  devote 
to  certain  death,  and  that  a  prompt  and  cruel  one,  a  man 
who  was  extremely  useful  to  the  army,  and  who  was 
at  the  time  in  perfect  health.  It  must  be  remembered 
that  no  guard  could  be  left  with  him,  and  that  the  Turks 
were  close  at  our  heels.  Bonaparte  truly  said,  while 
walking  through  the  rooms  of  the  hospital,  that  the 
Turks  would  be  at  Jaffa  in  a  few  hours.  With  this  con- 
viction, would  he  have  left  the  head  apothecary  in  that 
town  ? 

Eecourse  has  been  had  to  suppositions  to  support  the 
contrary  belief  to  what  I  state.  For  example,  it  is  said 
that  the  infected  patients  were  embarked  in  ships  of 
war.  There  were  no  such  ships.  Where  had  they  disem- 
barked, who  had  received  them,  what  had  been  done 
with  them  ?  No  one  speaks  of  them.^  Others,  not  doubt- 
ing that  the  infected  men  died  at  Jaffa,  say  that  the  rear- 
guard under  Kleber,  by  order  of  Bonaparte,  delayed  its 
departure  for  three  days,  and  only  began  its  march  when 
death  had  put  an  end  to  the  sufferings  of  these  unfortu- 
nate beings,  unshortened  by  any  sacrifice.  All  this  is 
incorrect.    No  rear-guard  was  left  —  it  could  not  be  done. 

1  "  Erreurs  "  (tome  i.  pp.  36,  37,  87,  and  163,  etc.)  fully  proves  that 
many  sick  were  sent  by  sea  as  well  as  by  land,  and  gives  the  names  of  the 
vessels  employed,  the  officers  in  charge,  the  ports  of  landing,  etc.  Sir 
Sidney  Smith  reports  tliat  lie  captured,  but  released  and  sent  to  Damietta, 
some  if  not  all  those  sent  by  sea.  Kourrienne  himself  seems  to  have  after- 
wards practically  admitted  he  was  wrong  about  the  difficulty  of  removing 
the  sick  [Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  41). 


230  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLKON   BONArAliTK.  1799. 

Pretence  is  maile  of  forgetting  that  the  ramparts  were 
destroyed,  that  tlio  town  was  as  open  and  as  defenceless 
as  any  villaj^^e,  so  this  small  rear-guard  would  have  been 
left  for  certain  destruction.  Tlie  dates  themselves  tell 
against  these  suppositions.  It  is  certain,  as  can  be  seen 
by  the  otticial  account,  that  we  arrived  at  Jafia  on  24th 
May,  and  stayed  there  the  25th,  26th,  and  27th.  We  left 
it  on  the  28th.  Thus  the  rear-guard,  which,  according  to 
these  writers,  left  on  the  29th,  did  not  remain,  even 
according  to  their  own  hypothesis,  three  days  after  the 
army  to  see  the  sick  die.  In  reality  it  left  on  the  29th 
of  ^lay,  the  day  after  we  did.  Here  are  the  very  words 
of  the  Major-General  (r>erthier)  in  his  official  account, 
written  under  the  eye  and  under  the  dictation  of  the 
Commander-in-Chief :  — 

'•  Tlie  army  arrived  at  Jaffa  5th  Prairial  (24th  May),  and  re- 
mained there  the  Gtli,  7tli,  and  8th  (25th-27th  May).  Tliis 
time  was  employed  in  punishing  the  viUage,  which  liad  beliaved 
badly.  The  fortifications  of  Jaffa  were  blown  up.  All  tlie  iron 
guns  of  the  place  were  thrown  into  the  sea.  The  wounded  were 
removed  by  sea  and  by  land.  There  were  only  a  few  ships,  and 
to  give  time  to  complete  the  evacuation  by  land,  the  departure 
of  the  army  had  to  be  deferred  until  the  9th  (28th  May). 
Kleber's  division  formed  the  rear-guard,  and  only  left  Jaffa  on 
the  10th  (29th  May)." 

The  official  report  of  what  passed  at  Jaffa  was  drawn 
up  by  Berthier,  under  the  eye  of  Bonaparte.  It  has  l)een 
published  ;  but  it  may  be  remarked  that  not  a  word  about 
the  infected,  not  a  word  of  the  visit  to  the  hospital,  or 
the  touching  of  the  plague-patients  with  impunity,  is 
there  mentioned.  In  no  official  report  is  anything  said 
about  the  matter.  "Why  this  silence  ?  Bonaparte  was  not 
the  man  to  conceal  a  fact  which  would  have  afforded  him 
so  excellent  and  so  allowable  a  text  for  talking  about  his 


1799.  FATE   OF  THE   INFECTED.  231 

fortune.  If  the  infected  were  removed,  why  not  mention 
it  ?  Why  be  silent  on  so  important  an  event  ?  But  it 
would  have  been  necessary  to  confess  that  being  obliged 
to  have  recourse  to  so  painful  a  measure  was  the  unavoid- 
able consequence  of  this  unfortunate  expedition.  Very 
disagreeable  details  must  have  been  entered  into ;  and  it 
was  thought  more  advisable  to  be  silent  on  the  subject. 

But  what  did  Napoleon  himself  say  on  the  subject  at 
St.  Helena?  His  statement  there  was  to  the  followin£{ 
effect :  "  I  ordered  a  consultation  as  to  what  was  best  to 
be  done.  The  report  which  was  made  stated  that  there 
were  seven  or  eight  men  (the  question  is  not  about  the 
number)  so  dangerously  ill  that  they  could  not  live  beyond 
twenty-four  hours,  and  would  besides  infect  the  rest  of 
the  army  w^ith  the  plague.  It  was  thought  it  would  be 
an  act  of  charity  to  anticipate  their  death  a  few  hours." 
[Then  comes  the  fable  of  the  500  men  of  the  rear-guard, 
who,  it  is  pretended,  saw  them  die.]  "  I  make  no  doubt 
that  the  story  of  the  poisoning  was  the  invention  of 
Den — .  He  was  a  babbler,  who  understood  a  story 
badly,  and  repeated  it  worse.  I  do  not  think  it  would 
have  been  a  crime  to  have  given  opium  to  the  infected. 
On  the  contrary,  it  would  have  been  obedience  to  the 
dictates  of  reason.  Where  is  the  man  who  would  not,  in 
such  a  situation,  have  preferred  a  prompt  death,  to  being 
exposed  to  the  lingering  tortures  inflicted  by  barbarians  ? 
If  my  child,  and  I  believe  I  love  him  as  much  as  any  father 
does  his,  had  been  in  such  a  state,  my  advice  would  have 
been  the  same  ;  if  I  had  been  among  the  infected  myself, 
I  should  have  demanded  to  be  so  treated." 

Such  was  the  reasoning  at  St.  Helena,  and  such  was 
the  view  which  he  and  every  one  else  took  of  the  case 
twenty  years  ago  at  Jaffa.^ 

1  M.  do  Bourrieiine's  description  of  the  extraordinary  scene  in  the 
hospital  of  Jaffa  does  not  precisely  correspond  with  tliat  given  by  some 


232  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1799. 

Our  link'  anny  arrived  at  Cairo  on  the  14tli  of  June, 
after  a  jiaiiiful  ami  harassing  niarch  of  twenty-live  days. 

other  writers.  'riu>  rcailcr  may  fi'cl  iiitcrcstc<l  in  ciiinpariiip  it  with  the 
airouiit  piviMi  Ity  tlie  Due  ilu  Rovigo  in  his  "  Menmirs,"  tome  i.  p.  161. 
It  is  a.<!  follows  :  — 

"The  hospital  contained  many  soldiers  who  were  in  a  state  bordering 
upon  madness,  nnuli  more  owing  to  the  terror  whicli  tlie  malady  iiis|)ired 
tlian  to  tlie  intensity  of  the  pain.  General  Bonaparte  determined  to 
restore  tlioni  to  their  wonted  energy.  He  paiil  them  a  visit,  rejiroaehed 
them  for  giving  way  to  dejeetion  and  yielding  to  ehimcrical  fears;  and 
in  order  to  convince  them,  hy  the  most  ohvious  proof,  that  their  ajipre- 
heusions  were  groundless,  he  desired  that  the  hleeding  tumour  of  one  of 
the  scddiers  should  he  unc<ivered  liefore  him,  and  i)ressed  it  w  ith  his  own 
hand.  This  act  of  heroism  restored  confidence  to  the  sick,  who  no  longer 
thought  their  case  desperate.  Each  one  recruited  his  remaining  strength, 
and  prej)ared  to  quit  a  i)lace  which  hut  a  moment  hefore  he  had  expected 
never  to  leave.  A  grenadier,  upon  whom  the  jdague  had  made  greater 
ravages,  cnuld  hardly  rai.se  himself  from  his  hed.  'l"he  General  j)erceiving 
this  addressed  to  him  a  few  encouraging  words.  '  You  arc  right,  General,' 
rejdied  the  warrior;  'your  grenadiers  are  not  made  to  die  in  a  hospital.' 
Affected  at  the  courage  displayed  by  these  unfortunate  men,  who  were 
exhausted  l)y  uneasiness  of  mind  no  less  than  by  the  complaint.  General 
Bonaparte  would  not  ([uit  them  until  he  saw  them  all  placed  ujion  camels 
and  the  other  means  of  transport  at  the  disposal  of  the  army.  The.se, 
however,  l)eing  found  inadequate,  he  made  a  requisition  for  the  officers' 
horses,  delivered  up  his  own,  and,  finding  one  of  them  missing,  he  sent  for 
the  groom,  who  was  keeping  it  for  his  master,  and  hesitated  to  give  it  up. 
The  General,  growing  im])atient  at  this  excess  of  zeal,  darted  a  threaten- 
ing look  ;  the  whide  stud  was  j)laced  at  the  disposal  of  the  sick  ;  and  yet  it 
is  this  very  act  of  magnanimity  which  the  perversene.ss  of  human  nature 
has  delightetl  in  distorting.  I  feel  ashamed  to  advert  to  so  atrocious  a 
calumny  ;  hut  the  man  whose  simple  a.ssertion  was  found  suflficient  to  give 
it  currency  has  not  l)een  al)le  to  stifle  it  liy  his  snhse(|uent  disavowal.  I 
must,  therefore,  descend  to  the  task  of  proving  the  absurdity  of  the  charge. 
I  do  not  wish  to  urge,  as  an  argument,  the  absolute  want  of  medicines  to 
which  the  army  was  reduced  by  the  rapacity  of  an  apothecary ;  nor  the 
indignation  felt  by  General  Bonaparte  when  he  learned  that  tins  wretch, 
instead  of  employing  his  camels  to  transport  pharmaceutic  preparations, 
had  loaded  them  with  provisions,  upon  which  he  expected  to  derive  a 
profit.  The  necessity  to  which  we  were  driven  of  using  roots  as  a  substi- 
tute for  opium  is  a  fact  known  to  the  whole  army.  Supposing,  however, 
that  opium  had  l)een  as  plentiful  as  it  was  scarce,  and  that  General  Bona- 
parte could  have  contemjilated  the  exjtedient  attril)Uted  to  him,  where 
could  there  be  found  a  man  sufficiently  determined  in  mind,  or  so  lost  to 
the  feelings  of  human  nature,  as  to  force  open  the  jaws  of  fifty  wretched 


1799.  RETURN  TO   EGYPT.  233 

The  heat  during  the  passage  of  the  desert  between  El- 
Arish  and  Belbeis  exceeded  thirty-three  degrees.  On 
placing  the  bulb  of  the  thermometer  in  the  sand  the 
mercury  rose  to  forty-tive  degrees.^  The  deceitful  mirage 
was  even  more  vexatious  than  in  the  plains  of  Bohahire'h. 
In  spite  of  our  experience  an  excessive  thirst,  added  to  a 
perfect  illusion,  made  us  goad  on  our  wearied  horses 
towards  lakes  which  vanisiied  at  our  approach,  and  left 
behind  nothing  but  salt  and  arid  sand.  In  two  days  my 
cloak  was  completely  covered  with  salt,  left  on  it  after 
the  evaporation  of  the  moisture  which  held  it  in  solution. 
Our  horses,  who  ran  eagerly  to  the  brackish  springs  of 
the  desert,  perished  in  numbers,  after  travelling  about 
a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  spot  where  they  drank  the 
deleterious  fluid. 

men  on  the  point  of  death,  and  thrust  a  deadly  preparation  down  their 
throats  ?  The  most  intrepid  sohlier  turned  pale  at  the  sight  of  an  infected 
person ;  the  warmest  heart  dared  not  relieve  a  friend  afflicted  with  the 
plague ;  and  is  it  to  be  credited  that  brutal  ferocity-  could  execute  what 
the  noblest  feelings  recoiled  at  ?  or  that  there  should  have  been  a  creature 
savage  or  mad  enough  to  sacrifice  his  own  life  in  order  to  enjoy  the  satis- 
faction of  hastening  the  death  of  fifty  dying  men,  wholly  unknown  to  him, 
and  against  whom  he  had  no  complaint  to  make  ?  Tlie  supposition  is 
truly  absurd,  and  only  worthy  of  those  who  bring  it  forward  in  spite  of 
the  disavowal  of  its  author." 

The  above  account  is  confirmed  by  the  statements  of  M.  Desgenettes 
the  physician.  General  Andre'ossy,  and  M.  d'Aure,  who,  as  well  as  M.  de 
Bourrienne,  were  present  on  the  occasion  referred  to.  It  is  to  be  re- 
marked, however,  tliat  Savary,  then  with  Desaix  in  Upper  P^gypt,  was  not 
an  eye-witness.  Lanfrey  (tome  i.  pp.  404-407),  with  unusual  fairness, 
points  out  that  Sir  Sidney  Smith,  who  found  some  of  tlie  infected  still 
alive  at  -Jaffa  after  the  departure  of  the  French,  and  who  reports  the  mur- 
murs of  the  soldiers  against  their  General,  says  nothing  of  tiie  poisoning. 
Lanfrey  himself  believes  the  most  probable  account  to  be  that  opium  was 
put  within  the  reach  of  the  men  left  behind.  It  seems  safest  to  believe 
that  the  proposal  to  give  the  opium  was  discussed,  but  never  carried  out. 
Few  soldiers  would  not,  in  the  circumstances,  prefer  the  views  of  Napoleon 
on  the  point  to  the  false  humanity  of  handing  dying  men  to  the  certain 
cruelty  of  Asiatics. 

1  Reamurl 


234  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1799. 

lionaparte  preceded  his  entry  into  the  capital  of  Egypt 
by  one  of  tlinse  lying  bulletins  which  only  inij>osed  on 
fools.  "  I  will  bring  with  me,"  said  he,  "  many  prisoners 
and  Hags.  I  have  razed  the  palace  of  the  Djczzar  and 
the  ramparts  uf  Acre  —  not  a  stone  remains  upon  another. 
All  the  inhabitants  have  left  the  city  by  sea.  Djezzar  is 
severely  wounded." 

I  confess  that  I  experienced  a  i>ainful  sensation  in  writ- 
ing, by  his  dictation,  these  official  words,  every  one  of 
which  was  an  imposition.  Excited  by  all  I  had  just  wit- 
nessed, it  was  difficult  for  me  to  refrain  from  making 
some  observation  ;  but  his  constant  reply  was,  "  My  dear 
fellow,  you  are  a  simpleton  :  you  do  not  understand  this 
busines.s."  And  he  observed,  when  signing  the  bulletin, 
that  he  would  yet  fill  the  world  with  admiration,  and  in- 
spire historians  and  poets. 

Our  return  to  Cairo  has  been  attributed  to  the  insur- 
rections which  broke  out  during  the  unfortunate  expedi- 
tion into  Syria.  Nothing  is  more  incorrect.  The  term 
insurrection  cannot  be  properly  applied  to  the  foolish  en- 
terprises of  the  angel  P21-Mahdi  in  the  Bohahire'h,  or  to 
the  less  important  disturbances  in  the  C'harkyeh.  The 
reverses  experienced  before  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  the  fear,  or 
rather  the  prudent  anticipation  of  a  hostile  landing,  were 
sufficient  motives,  and  the  only  ones,  for  our  return  to 
Egypt.  What  more  could  we  do  in  Syria  but  lose  men 
and  time,  neither  of  which  the  General  had  to  spare  ? 


CHAPTEE   XX. 

1799. 

BoxAPARTE  had  hardly  set  foot  in  Cairo  when  he  was 
informed  that  the  brave  and  indefatigable  Mourad  Bey 
was  descending  by  the  Fayoum,  in  order  to  form  a  junc- 
tion with  reinforcements  which  had  been  for  some  time 
past  collected  in  the  Bohahire'h.  In  all  probabihty  this 
movement  of  Mourad  Bey  was  the  result  of  news  he  had 
received  respecting  plans  formed  at  Constantinople,  and 
the  landing  which  took  place  a  short  time  after  in  the 
roads  of  Aboukir.  Mourad  had  selected  the  Xatron  Lakes 
for  his  place  of  rendezvous.  To  these  lakes  Murat  was 
despatched.  The  Bey  no  sooner  got  notice  of  Murat's 
presence  than  he  determined  to  retreat  and  to  proceed 
by  the  desert  to  Gizeh  and  the  great  Pyramids.  I  cer- 
tainly never  heard,  until  I  returned  to  France,  that  Mou- 
rad had  ascended  to  the  summit  of  the  great  Pvramid  for 
the  purpose  of  passing  his  time  in  contemplating  Cairo ! 

Xapoleon  said  at  St.  Helena  that  Murat  might  have 
taken  Mourad  Bey  had  the  latter  remained  four-and- 
twenty  hours  longer  in  the  Xatron  Lakes.  Xow  the  fact 
is,  that  as  soon  as  the  Bey  heard  of  :\rurat's  arrival  he 
was  off".  The  Araljian  spies  were  far  more  serviceable  to 
our  enemies  than  to  us ;  we  had  not,  indeed,  a  single 
friend  in  Egypt.  Mourad  Bey,  on  being  informed  by  the 
Arabs,  who  acted  as  couriers  for  him,  that  Ceneral  Desaix 
was  despatching  a  column  from  the  south  of  Egypt  against 


23o  MKMOIIJS   OF  NAPOLEON   BONArAUTE.  1799. 

hi  111,  that  the  General-in-Chief  was  also  about  to  follow 
his  f()(ttsti']is  alnng  the  frontier  of  (Jizeli,  and  that  the 
Natron  Lakes  and  the  Bohahire'li  were  occupied  by  forces 
sujicrior  to  his  nwn,  retired  into  Fayouni. 

I'xinaparte  attached  j^reat  importance  to  the  destruction 
of  Moiirad,  whom  he  looked  upon  as  the  bravest,  the  most 
active,  and  most  dan^'erous  of  his  enemies  in  Kj^^ypt.  As 
all  accounts  concurred  in  stating  tliat  Mourad,  supported 
by  the  Arabs,  was  hovering  about  the  skirts  of  the  desert 
of  tlie  province  of  Gizeli,  Bonaparte  proceeded  to  the 
Pyramids,  there  to  direct  different  corps  against  that  able 
and  dangerous  partisan.  He,  indeed,  reckoned  him  so 
redoubtable  tliat  he  wrote  to  Murat,  saying  he  wished 
fortune  might  reserve  for  him  the  honour  of  putting  the 
seal  on  the  conquest  of  Egypt  by  the  destruction  of  this 
opponent. 

On  the  14th  of  July  Bonaparte  left  Cairo  for  the  Pyra- 
mids. He  intended  spending  three  or  four  days  in  ex- 
amining the  ruins  of  the  ancient  necropolis  of  Memphis  ; 
but  he  was  suddenly  obliged  to  alter  his  plan.  This  jour- 
ney to  the  Pyramids,  occasioned  by  the  course  of  war,  has 
given  an  opportunity  for  the  invention  of  a  little  piece  of 
romance.  Some  ingenious  people  have  related  that  Bona- 
parte gave  audiences  to  the  mufti  and  ulemas,  and  that  on 
entering  one  of  the  great  Pyramids  he  cried  out,  "  Glory 
to  Allah  !  God  only  is  God,  and  Mahomet  is  his  i)rophet !  " 
Now  tlie  fact  is  that  Bonaparte  never  even  entered  the 
great  Pyramid.  He  never  had  any  thought  of  entering 
it.  I  certainly  should  have  accompanied  him  liad  he  done 
so,  for  I  never  quitted  his  side  a  single  moment  in  the 
desert.  He  caused  some  persons  to  enter  into  one  of  the 
great  Pyramids,  while  he  remained  outside,  and  received 
from  them,  on  tlieir  return,  an  account  of  what  they  had 
seen.  In  other  words,  they  informed  liim  there  was 
nothinjT  to  be  seen  ! 


1799.  BONAPARTE   AT  THE   PYRAMIDS.  237 

On  the  evening  of  the  15th  of  July,  while  we  were  tak- 
ing a  walk,  we  perceived,  on  the  road  leading  from 
Alexandria,  an  Arab  riding  up  to  us  in  all  haste.  He 
brought  to  the  General-in-Chief  a  despatch  from  General 
Marmont,  who  was  intrusted  with  the  command  of  Alex- 
andria, and  who  had  conducted  himself  so  well,  especially 
during  the  dreadful  ravages  of  the  plague,  that  he  had 
gained  the  unqualified  approbation  of  Bonaparte.  The 
Turks  had  landed  on  the  11th  of  July  at  Aboukir  under 
th^  escort  and  protection  of  English  ships  of  war.  The 
news  of  the  landing  of  from  fifteen  to  sixteen  thousand 
men  did  not  surprise  Bonaparte,  who  had  for  some  time 
expected  it.  It  was  not  so,  however,  with  the  generals 
most  in  his  favour,  whose  apprehensions,  for  reasons  which 
may  be  conjectured,  he  had  endeavoured  to  calm.  He 
had  even  written  to  Marmont,  who,  being  in  the  most  ex- 
posed situation,  had  the  more  reason  to  be  vigilant,  in 
these  terms :  — 

"  The  array  which  was  to  have  appeared  before  Alexandria,  and 
which  left  Constantinople  on  the  1st  of  the  Eaniadhan,  has  been 
destroyed  under  the  walls  of  Acre.  If,  however,  that  mad  English- 
man (Smith)  has  embarked  the  remains  of  that  army  in  order  to 
convey  them  to  Aboukir,  I  do  not  believe  there  can  be  more  than 
2,000  men." 

He  wrote  in  the  following  strain  to  General  Dugua,  who 

had  the  command  of  Cairo  :  — 

"  The  English  Commander,  who  has  summoned  Damietta,  is  a 
madman.  The  combined  army  they  speak  of  has  been  destroyed 
before  Acre,  where  it  arrived  a  fortnight  before  we  left  that 
place." 

As  soon  as  he  arrived  at  Cairo,  in  a  letter  he  despatched 
to  Desaix,  he  said  :  — 


238  MKMOIUS   i)V   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1799. 

"The  time  lias  imw  arrived  when  disembarkations  have  become 
practicable.  I  .shall  l<»se  no  time  in  ^'ettinj,'  ready.  The  probabili- 
ties, however,  are,  that  none  will  take  place  this  year." 

What  otluT  laii^fuage  could  he  hold,  when  he  had  pro- 
claimed, iuiniodiately  after  the  raising  of  the  siege  of  Acre, 
that  he  had  destroyed  those  15,000  men  who  two  months 
after  landed  at  Aboukir  ? 

No  sooner  had  Bonaparte  perused  tlie  contents  of  ^far- 
niont's  letter  than  he  retired  into  his  tent  and  dictated  to 
me,  until  three  in  tlie  morning,  his  orders  for  tlie  depart- 
ure of  the  troops,  and  for  the  routes  he  wished  to  be  pur- 
sued iluring  his  absence  by  the  troops  who  sliould  remain 
in  the  interior.  At  this  moment  I  observed  in  him  the 
development  of  that  vigorous  character  of  mind  which 
was  excited  by  obstacles  until  it  overcame  them,  that 
celerity  of  thought  which  foresaw  everything.  He  was  all 
action,  and  never  for  a  moment  hesitated.  On  the  16th 
of  July,  at  four  in  the  morning,  he  was  on  horseback,  and 
the  army  in  full  march.  I  cannot  help  doing  justice  to 
the  presence  of  mind,  promptitude  C)f  decision,  and  rajiid- 
ity  of  execution  which  at  this  period  of  his  life  never  de- 
serted him  on  great  occasions. 

"We  reached  Ouardan,  to  the  north  of  Gizeh,  on  the 
evening  of  the  16th;  on  the  19th  we  arrived  at  liahma- 
hanie'h,  and  on  the  23d  at  xYlexandria,  where  every  prep- 
aration was  made  for  that  memorable  battle  which,  though 
it  did  not  repair  the  immense  losses  and  fatal  consequences 
of  the  naval  conHict  of  the  same  name,  will  always  recall 
to  the  memory  of  Frenchmen  one  of  the  most  brilliant 
achievements  of  their  arms.  ^ 

^  As  M.  (le  Boiirriennc  gives  no  details  of  tlie  battle,  the  following  ex- 
tract from  the  Due  dc  Uovign's  "  Memoirs,"  tome  i.  p.  167,  will  sujiplv  the 
deficiency :  — 

"  General  Bonaparte  left  Cairo  in  the  utmost  haste  to  place  himself  at 


1799.  THE  FRENCH   GAZETTE.  239 

After  the  battle,  which  took  place  on  the  25  th  of  July, 
Bonaparte  sent  a  flag  of  truce  on  board  the  English  Ad- 
miral's ship.  Our  intercourse  was  full  of  politeness  such 
as  might  be  expected  in  the  communications  of  the  people 
of  two  civilised  nations.  The  English  Admiral  gave  the 
flag  of  truce  some  presents  in  exchange  for  some  we  sent, 
and  likewise  a  copy  of  the  "  Erench  Gazette  "  of  Frankfort, 
dated  10th  of  June,  1799.  For  ten  months  we  had  re- 
ceived no  news  from  Franca.  Bonaparte  glanced  over 
this  journal  with  an  eagerness  which  may  easily  be  con- 
ceived.^ 


the  head  of  the  troops  wliifh  he  had  ordered  to  quit  their  cantonments  and 
march  down  to  the  coast. 

"  Whilst  the  General  was  making  these  arrangements  and  coming  in  per- 
son from  Cairo,  the  troops  on  board  the  Turkish  fleet  had  effected  a  land- 
ing and  taken  possession  of  the  fort  of  Aboukir,  and  of  a  redoubt  placed 
behind  the  village  of  that  name  which  ought  to  have  been  put  into  a  state 
of  defence  six  months  before,  but  had  been  completely  neglected. 

"  The  Turks  had  nearly  destroyed  the  weak  garrisons  that  occupied 
those  two  military  points  when  General  Marmont  (who  commanded  at 
Alexandria)  came  to  their  relief.  This  general,  seeing  the  two  posts  in  the 
power  of  the  Turks,  returned  to  shut  himself  up  in  Alexandria,  where  he 
would  probably  have  been  blockaded  by  the  Turkish  Army  had  it  not  been 
for  the  arrival  of  General  Bonaparte  with  his  forces,  who  was  very  angry 
when  he  saw  that  the  fort  and  redoubt  had  been  taken ;  but  he  did  not 
blame  Marmont  for  retreating  to  Alexandria  with  the  forces  at  his  disposal. 
"  General  Bonaparte  arrived  at  midnight  with  his  guides  and  the  re- 
maining part  of  his  army,  and  ordered  tlie  Turks  to  be  attacked  the  next 
morning.  In  this  battle,  as  in  the  preceding  ones,  the  attack,  the  en- 
counter, and  the  rout  were  occurrences  of  a  moment,  and  the  result  of 
a  single  movement  on  the  part  of  our  troops.  The  whole  Turkish  Army 
plunged  into  the  sea  to  regain  its  ships,  leaving  behind  them  everything 
they  had  brought  on  shore. 

"  Whilst  this  event  was  occurring  on  the  seashore  a  pasha  had  left  the 
fielil  of  battle  with  a  corps  of  about  3,000  men  in  order  to  throw  himself 
into  the  fort  of  Aboukir.  They  soon  felt  the  extremities  of  tliirst,  whicli 
compelled  tliem,  after  the  lapse  of  a  few  days,  to  surrender  unconditionally 
to  General  Menou,  who  was  left  to  close  the  operations  connected  with  the 
recently  defeated  Turkish  Army." 

1  The  French,  on  tlieir  return  from  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  were  totally  igno- 
rant o£  all  that  had  taken  place  in  Europe  for  several  months.     Napoleon, 


240  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   RONAPAUTE.  1799. 

"Heavens!"  saitl  he  to  me,  "my  pri'sentiinent  is  veri- 
fied: the  fiiuls  liave  lost  Italy.  All  the  fruits  of  our  victo- 
ries are  gone  !     I  must  leave  Egyj)t." 

He  sent  fnr  lierthier,  to  whom  he  coninmnicated  the 
news,  adding  that  things  were  going  on  very  badly  in 
France — that  he  wished  to  return  home — that  he  (Ber- 
thier)  should  go  along  with  him,  and  that,  for  the  pres- 
ent, only  he,  Gantheaume,  and  I  were  in  tlie  secret.  He 
recommended  Berthier  to  be  prudent,  not  to  betray  any 
syin]>toms  of  joy,  nor  to  purchase  or  sell  anything,  and 
concluded  by  assuring  him  that  he  depended  on  him. 
"  I  can  answer,"  said  he,  "  for  myself  and  for  Bourrienne." 
Berthier  promised  to  be  secret,  and  he  kept  his  word.  He 
had  had  enough  of  Egypt,  and  he  so  ardently  longed  to 
return  to  France  that  there  was  little  reason  to  fear  he 
would  disapjtoint  himself  by  any  indiscretion. 

Gantheaume  arrived,  and  Bonaparte  gave  him  orders  to 
fit  out  the  two  frigates,  the  Muiron  and  the  Carrfere, 
and  the  two  small  vessels,  the  Bevanche  and  the  Fortune, 
with  a  two  months'  supply  of  provisions  for  from  four  to 
five  hundred  men.  He  enjoined  his  secrecy  as  to  the  ob- 
ject of  these  preparations,  and  desired  him  to  act  with 
such  circumspection  that  the  English  cruisers  might 
have  no  knowledge  of  what  was  going  on.     He  afterwards 


eaper  t(i  obtain  intelligence,  sent  a  flag  of  truce  on  board  the  Turkish  Ad- 
miral's ship,  under  tlie  pretence  of  treating  for  the  ransom  of  the  prisoners 
taken  at  Abt)ukir,  not  doubting  l)Ut  the  envoy  would  be  sto])ped  by  Sir 
Sidney  Smith,  who  carefully  prevented  all  direct  communication  between 
the  French  and  the  Turks.  Accordingly  the  French  flag  of  truce  received 
directions  from  Sir  Sidney  to  go  on  board  his  ship.  He  experienced  the 
handsomest  treatment;  and  the  English  rommander  having,  among  other 
things,  ascertained  that  the  disasters  of  Italy  were  fpiite  unknown  to  Na- 
poleon, indulged  in  the  malicious  |)leasure  of  sending  him  a  file  of  news- 
pa])ers.  Napoleon  spent  the  whole  night  in  his  tent  jjcrusing  the  pajicrs  ; 
and  he  came  to  the  determination  of  immediately  proceeding  to  Europe 
to  repair  the  disasters  of  France,  and,  if  possible,  to  save  her  from  de- 
struction {Memorial  de  Sainte  Ililine).  ' 


1799.  HOMEWARD  BOUND.  241 

arranged  with  Gantheaume  the  course  he  wished  to  take. 
No  details  escaped  his  attention. 

Bonaparte  concealed  his  preparations  with  much  care, 
but  still  some  vague  rumours  crept  abroad.  General  Du- 
gua,.  the  commandant  of  Cairo,  whom  he  had  just  left  for 
the  purpose  of  embarking,  wrote  to  him  on  the  18th  of 
August  to  the  following  effect :  — 

"  I  have  this  moment  heard  that  it  is  reported  at  the  Institute 
yon  are  about  to  return  to  France,  taking  with  you  Monge, 
Berthollet,  Bertliier,  Lannes,  and  Murat.  Tliis  news  has  spread 
like  Hghtning  through  the  city,  and  I  should  not  be  at  all  sur- 
prised if  it  produce  an  unfavourable  effect,  wliich,  however,  I 
hope  you  will  obviate." 

Bonaparte  embarked  five  days  after  the  receipt  of  Du- 
gua's  letter,  and,  as  may  be  supposed,  without  replying  to 
it. 

On  the  18th  of  August  he  wrote  to  the  divan  of  Cairo 
as  follows :  — 

"  I  set  out  to-morrow  for  Menouf,  whence  I  intend  to  make 
various  excursions  in  the  Delta,  in  order  that  I  may  myself 
witness  tlie  acts  of  oppression  which  are  committed  there,  and 
acquire  some  knowledge  of  the  people." 

He  told  the  army  but  half  the  truth. 

"  The  news  from  Europe  [said  he]  has  determined  me  to  pro- 
ceed to  France.  I  leave  tlie  command  of  tlie  army  to  General 
Kleber.  The  army  sliall  hear  from  me  forthwith.  At  present 
I  can  say  no  more.  It  costs  me  much  pain  to  quit  troops  to 
whom  I  am  so  strongly  attached.  But  my  absence  will  be  but 
temporary,  and  the  general  I  leave  in  command  has  the  confi- 
dence of  the  Government  as  well  as  mine." 

VOL.  I.  — 16 


242  MK.MOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTK.  1799. 

1  have  now  shown  tlu'  trne  cause  of  Geneial  lionajiarte's 
fleparture  for  Europe.  This  circumstance,  in  itself  per- 
fectly natural,  has  been  the  subject  of  the  most  ridiculous 
conjectures  to  those  who  always  wish  to  assign  extra- 
ordinary causes  for  simple  events.  There  is  no  truth 
whatever  in  the  assertion  of  his  havinfr  jdanned  his  de- 
parture before  the  battle  of  Al)0ukir.  Such  an  idea  never 
crossed  his  mind.  He  had  no  thought  whatever  of  his 
departure  for  France  when  lie  made  the  journey  to  the 
Pyramids,  nor  even  when  he  received  the  news  of  the 
landing  of  the  Anglo-Turkish  force. 

At  the  end  of  December,  1798,  Bonaparte  thus  wrote 
to  the  Directory :  "  We  are  without  any  news  from 
France.     No  courier  has  arrived  since  the  month  of  June." 

Some  writers  have  stated  that  we  received  news  by 
the  way  of  Tunis,  Algiers,  or  Morocco ;  but  there  is  no 
contradicting  a  positive  fact.  At  that  period  I  had  been 
with  Bonaparte  more  than  two  years,  and  during  that 
time  not  a  single  despatch  on  any  occasion  arrived  of  the 
contents  of  which  I  was  ignorant.  How  then  should  the 
news  alluded  to  have  escaped  me  ?  ^ 

1  Details  on  the  question  of  the  corrc'!J])ondcnce  of  Napoleon  with 
France  wliile  he  was  in  Egypt  will  be  found  in  Colonel  lung's  work,  "  Lu- 
cien  Honaparte"  (Paris,  Charpentier,  1882),  tome  i.  pj).  251-74.  It  seems 
most  i)rol)alile  that  Napoleon  was  in  occasional  communication  with  his 
family  and  witli  some  of  the  Directors  hy  way  of  Tunis  ami  Tripoli.  It 
would  not  lie  his  interest  to  let  his  army  or  jierhaps  even  Hourrienne  know 
of  the  disasters  in  Italy  till  he  found  that  tJiey  were  sure  to  hear  of  them 
thnmgh  the  English.  This  would  exjilain  his  affected  ignorance  till  such 
a  late  date.  On  the  11th  of  A])ril  IJarras  received  a  despatch  hy  which 
Na])oleon  stated  his  intention  of  returning  to  France  if  the  news  hrought 
by  llanielin  was  confirmed.  On  the  2f)th  of  May,  1799,  three  of  the  Di- 
rectors, Karras,  Hewbcll,  and  La  Hcveillcre-Lepaux,  wrote  to  Napoleon 
that  Admiral  Hrnix  had  been  ordered  to  attempt  ever}-  means  of  bringing 
back  his  army.  <  )ii  the  l.")th  of  July  Napoleon  seems  to  have  received  this 
and  other  letters.  On  the  20th  of  July  he  warns  Admiral  Gantheaume 
to  be  really  to  start.  On  the  11th  of  Septemlier  the  Directors  formally 
approved  the  recall  of  the  army  from  Egypt.  Thus  at  the  time  Xa])o- 
leon  landed  in  France  (on  the  8th  October),  his  intended  return  had  been 


1799.  CHARGE   OF   DESERTION.  243 

Almost  all  those  who  endeavour  to  avert  from  Bonaparte 
the  reproach  of  desertion  c|uote  a  letter  from  the  Direct- 
ory, dated  the  26th  of  May,  1799.  This  letter  may  cer- 
tainly have  been  written,  but  it  never  reached  its  destina- 
tion.    Why  then  should  it  be  put  upon  record  ? 

The  circumstance  I  have  stated  above  determined  the 
resolution  of  Bonaparte,  and  made  him  look  upon  Egypt 
as  an  exhausted  field  of  glory,  which  it  was  high  time  he 
had  quitted,  to  play  another  part  in  France.  On  his  de- 
parture from  Europe  Bonaparte  felt  that  his  reputation 
was  tottering.  He  wished  to  do  something  to  raise  up 
his  glory,  and  to  fix  upon  him  the  attention  of  the  world. 
This  object  he  had  in  great  part  accomplished;  for,  in 
spite  of  serious  disasters,  the  French  flag  waved  over  the 
cataracts  of  the  Nile  and  the  ruins  of  Memphis,  and  the 
battles  of  the  Pyramids  and  Aboukir  were  calculated  in 
no  small  degree  to  dazzle  the  imagination.  Cairo  and 
Alexandria  too  were  ours.  Finding  that  the  glory  of  his 
arms  no  longer  supported  the  feeble  power  of  the  Direct- 
ory, he  was  anxious  to  see  whether  he  could  not  share  it, 
or  appropriate  it  to  himself. 

A  great  deal  has  been  said  about  letters  and  secret  com- 
munications from  the  Directory,  but  Bonaparte  needed 
no  such  thing.  He  could  do  what  he  pleased  :  there  was 
no  power  to  check  him ;  such  had  been  the  nature  of  his 
arrangements  on  leaving  France.     He  followed  only  the 

long  known  to  and  approved  liy  the  majority  of  the  Directors,  and  had  at 
last  been  formally  ordered  l)y  the  Directory.  At  the  most  he  anticipated 
the  order.  He  cannot  be  said  to  have  deserted  his  post.  Lanfrey  ftome  i.  p. 
411)  remarks  that  the  existence  and  receipt  of  the  letter  from  Joseph  de- 
nied by  Hourrienne  is  proved  by  Miot  (the  commissary,  the  brother  of 
Miot  dc  Melito)  and  by  ,Josei)h  himself.  Talleyrand  thanks  the  French 
Consul  at  Tripiili  for  sendinfj  news  from  Egypt,  and  for  letting  Bona- 
parte know  what  passed  in  Europe.  Sec  also  "  Haguse  "  (Marniont).  tome 
i.  p.  441,  writing  on  24tli  Decemlier,  1798:  "I  have  found  an  Arab  of 
whom  I  am  sure,  and  who  shall  start  to-morrow  for  Derne.  .  .  .  This 
means  can  be  used  to  send  a  letter  to  Tripoli,  for  boats  often  go  there." 


244  MEMOIRS   OF   NAD^LF.OX   RONAPARTE.  1709. 

dictates  of  liis  own  will,  ami  incbalily,  had  nut  the  lleet 
been  destroyed,  he  would  have  departed  from  Egypt 
much  sooner.  To  will  ami  to  do  were  with  him  one  and 
the  same  thing.  The  latitude  he  enjoyed  was  the  result 
of  his  verbal  agreement  with  the  Directory,  whose  in- 
structions and  plans  he  did  not  wisli  should  impede  his 
operations. 

r)ona])arte  left  Alexandria  on  the  oth  of  August,  and  on 
the  10th  arrived  at  Cairo.  He  at  first  circulated  the  re- 
port of  a  journey  to  Upper  Egypt.  This  seemed  so  much 
the  more  reasonable,  as  he  had  really  entertained  that 
design  before  he  went  to  the  Pyramids,  and  the  fact  was 
known  to  the  army  and  the  inhabitants  of  Cairo.  Up  to 
this  time  our  secret  had  been  studiously  kept.  However, 
General  Lanusse,  the  commandant  at  Menouf,  where  we 
arrived  on  the  20th  of  August,  suspected  it.  "  You  are 
going  to  France,"  said  he  to  me.  My  negative  reply  con- 
firmed his  suspicion.  This  almost  induced  me  to  believe 
the  Greneral-in-Chief  had  been  the  first  to  make  the  dis- 
closure. General  Lanusse,  though  he  envied  our  good 
fortune,  made  no  complaints.  He  expressed  his  sincere 
wishes  for  our  prosperous  voyage,  but  never  opened  his 
mouth  on  the  subject  to  any  one. 

On  the  21st  of  August  w'e  reached  the  wells  of  Birkett. 
The  Araljs  had  rendered  the  water  unfit  for  use,  but  the 
General-in-Chief  was  resolved  to  quench  his  thirst,  and 
for  this  purpose  squeezed  the  juice  of  several  lemons  into 
a  glass  of  the  water;  but  he  could  not  swallow  it  WMth- 
out  holding  his  nose  and  exhibiting  strong  feelings  of 
disgust. 

The  next  day  we  reached  Alexandria,  where  the  General 
informed  all  those  who  had  accompanied  him  from  Cairo 
that  France  was  their  destination.  At  this  announcement 
joy  was  pictured  in  every  countenance. 

General  Kleber,   to   whose  command    Bonaparte   had 


1799.  LETTER   TO   KL^BER.  245 

resigned  the  army,  was  invited  to  come  from  Damietta  to 
Eosetta  to  confer  with  the  General-in-Chief  on  affairs  of 
extreme  importance.  Bonaparte,  in  making  an  appoint- 
ment which  he  never  intended  to  keep,  hoped  to  escape 
the  unwelcome  freedom  of  Kldber's  reproaches.  He  after- 
wards wrote  to  him  all  he  had  to  say ;  and  the  cause  he 
assigned  for  not  keeping  his  appointment  was,  tliat  his 
fear  of  being  observed  by  the  English  cruisers  had  forced 
him  to  depart  three  days  earlier  than  he  intended.  But 
when  he  wrote,  Bonaparte  well  knew  that  he  would  be  at 
sea  before  Klt^ber  could  receive  his  letter.  Kldber,  in  his 
letter  to  the  Directory,  complained  bitterly  of  this  decep- 
tion. The  singular  fate  that  befell  this  letter  will  be 
seen  by  and  by. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

1799. 

We  were  now  to  return  to  <»ur  country;  again  to  cross 
the  sea,  to  us  so  pregnant  with  danger,  —  Ciesar  and  his 
fortune  were  once  more  to  embark.  But  Caesar  was  not 
now  advancing  to  the  East  to  add  Egypt  to  the  conquests 
of  the  Iiepublic.  He  was  revolving  in  his  mind  vast 
schemes,  unawed  by  the  idea  of  venturing  everything  to 
change  in  his  own  favour  the  Government  for  which  he 
iiad  fought.  The  hope  of  conquering  the  most  celebrated 
country  of  the  East  no  longer  excited  the  imagination,  as 
on  our  departure  from  France.  Our  last  visionary  dream 
had  vanished  before  the  walls  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  and  we 
were  leaving  on  the  burning  sands  of  Egypt  most  of  our 
companions-in-arms.  An  inconceivable  destiny  seemed 
to  urge  us  on,  and  we  were  obliged  to  obey  its  decrees. 

On  the  23d  of  August  ^  we  embarked  on  board  two 
frigates,  the  Muiron^  and  Carrfere.  Our  number  was 
between  four  and  five  hundred.  Such  was  our  squadron, 
and  such  the  formidal)le  army  with  which  Bonaparte  had 
resolved,  as  he  wrote  to  the  divan  of  Cairo,  "  to  annihilate 
all  his  enemies."  This  boasting  might  impose  on  those 
who  did  not  see  the  real  state  of  things  ;  but  what  were 
we  to  think  of  it  ?  What  Bonaparte  himself  thought  the 
day  after. 

1  It  was  neither  in  June  nor  July,  a.s  stated  by  the  Dnc  de  Rovigo.  — 
Bourrienne. 
-  Named  after  Bonaparte's  aide-de-camp  killed  in  the  Italian  campaign. 


1799.  NOCTURNAL   EMBARKATION.  247 

The  night  was  dark  v/hen  we  embarked  in  the  frigates, 
which  lay  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  port  of 
Alexandria  ;  but  by  the  faint  light  of  the  stars  we  per- 
ceived a  corvette,  which  appeared  to  be  observing  our 
silent  nocturnal  embarkation.  ^ 

Next  morning,  just  as  we  were  on  the  point  of  setting 
sail,  we  saw  coming  from  the  port  of  Alexandria  a  boat, 
on  board  of  which  was  j\I.  Parseval  Grandmaison.  This 
excellent  man,  who  was  beloved  by  all  of  us,  was  not  in- 
cluded among  the  persons  whose  return  to  France  had 
been  determined  by  the  General-in-Chief.  In  his  anxiety 
to  get  off,  Bonaparte  would  not  hear  of  taking  him  on 
board.  It  will  readily  be  conceived  how  urgent  were  the 
entreaties  of  Parseval  ;  but  he  would  have  sued  in  vain 
had  not  Gantheaume,  Monge,  Berthollet,  and  I  interceded 
for  him.  With  some  difficulty  we  overcame  Bonaparte's 
resistance,  and  our  colleague  of  the  Egyptian  Institute 
got  on  board  after  the  wind  had  filled  our  sails. 

It  has  been  erroneously  said  that  Admiral  Gantheaume 
had  full  control  of  the  frigates,  as  if  any  one  could  com- 
mand when  Bonaparte  was  present.  On  the  contrary, 
Bonaparte  declared  to  the  Admiral,  in  my  hearing,  that  he 
would  not  take  the  ordinary  course  and  get  into  the  open 

1  The  horses  of  the  escort  had  been  left  to  run  loose  on  the  beach,  and 
all  was  perfect  stillness  in  Alexandria,  when  the  advanced  posts  of  the 
town  were  alarmed  ])y  the  wild  gallopini^  of  horses,  which,  from  a  natural 
instinct,  were  returning  to  ^Vlexandria  tlirough  the  desert,  'i'he  picket 
ran  to  arms  on  seeing  horses  ready  saddled  and  liridled,  which  were  soon 
discovered  to  belong  to  the  regiment  of  Guides.  They  at  first  thought 
that  a  misfortune  had  happened  to  some  detachment  in  its  pursuit  of  the 
Arabs.  Witli  these  horses  came  also  those  of  the  generals  who  had  em- 
barked with  General  Bonaparte ;  so  that  Alexandria  was  for  a  time  in 
considerable  alarm.  The  cavalry  was  ordered  to  proceed  in  all  haste  in 
the  direction  whence  the  horses  came,  and  every  one  was  giving  him- 
self up  to  tlie  most  gloomy  conjectures,  when  the  cavalry  returned  to  tlie 
city  with  the  Turkish  groom,  who  was  bringing  back  General  Bona- 
parte's horse  to  Alexandria  {Memoirs  of  the  Due  de  Rovigo,  tome 
i.  p.   182). 


248  MKMOIIJS   OF   NAPOLEON  BONAPAUTi:.  1799. 

sea.  "  Keep  close  along  the  coast  of  the  Mediterranean," 
said  he,  "  on  the  African  side,  until  you  ffet  south  of  Sar- 
dinia. I  have  here  a  handful  of  brave  fellows  and  a  few 
pieces  of  artillery  ;  if  the  English  sliould  appear,  I  will 
run  ashore,  and  with  my  party  make  my  way  by  land  to 
Oran,  Tunis,  or  some  other  port,  whence  we  may  find  an 
opportunity  of  getting  home."  This  was  his  irrevocable 
determination. 

For  twenty-one  days  adverse  winds,  blowing  from  west 
or  nortli-west,  drove  us  continually  on  the  coast  of  Syria, 
or  in  the  direction  of  Alexandria.  At  one  time  it  was 
even  proposed  that  we  should  again  put  into  the  port ; 
but  Bonaparte  declared  he  would  rather  brave  every  dan- 
ger than  do  so.  During  the  day  we  tacked  to  a  certain 
distance  northward,  and  in  the  evening  we  stood  towards 
Africa  until  we  came  within  sight  of  the  coast.  Finally, 
after  no  less  than  twenty-one  days  of  impatience  and  dis- 
appointment, a  favourable  east  wind  carried  us  past  that 
point  of  Africa  on  which  Carthage  formerly  stood,  and 
we  soon  doubled  Sardinia.  We  kept  very  near  the  west- 
ern coast  of  that  island,  where  Bonai)arte  had  determined 
to  land  in  case  of  our  falling  in  with  the  English  squad- 
ron. From  thence  his  plan  was  to  reach  Corsica,  and 
there  to  await  a  favourable  opportunity  of  returning 
to  France. 

Everything  had  contributed  to  render  our  voyage  dull 
and  monotonous  ;  and,  besides,  we  were  not  entirely  with- 
out uneasiness  as  to  the  steps  which  might  be  taken  by 
the  Directory,  for  it  was  certain  that  the  publication  of 
the  intercepted  correspondence  must  have  occasioned 
many  unpleasant  disclosures.  Bonaparte  used  often  to 
walk  on  deck  to  superintend  the  execution  of  his  orders. 
The  smallest  sail  that  ap})eared  in  view  excited  his  alarm. 
The  fear  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  English  never  for- 
sook him.     That  was  what  he  dreaded  most  of  all,  and 


1799.  VINGT-ET-UN.  249 

yet,  at  a  subsequent  period,  he  trusted  to  the  generosity 
of  his  enemies. 

However,  in  spite  of  our  well-founded  alarm,  there  were 
some  moments  in  which  we  sought  to  amuse  ourselves,  or, 
to  use  a  common  expression,  to  kill  time.  Cards  afforded 
us  a  source  of  recreation,  and  even  this  frivolous  amuse- 
ment served  to  develop  the  character  of  Bonaparte.  In 
general  he  was  not  fond  of  cards  ;  but  if  he  did  play, 
vingt-et-un  was  his  favourite  game,  because  it  is  more 
rapid  than  many  others,  and  because,  in  short,  it  afforded 
him  an  opportunity  of  cheating.  For  example,  he  would 
ask  for  a  card ;  if  it  proved  a  bad  one,  he  would  say  noth- 
ing, but  lay  it  down  on  the  table  and  wait  till  the  dealer 
had  drawn  his.  If  the  dealer  produced  a  good  card,  then 
Bonaparte  would  throw  aside  his  hand,  without  showing 
it,  and  give  up  liis  stake.  If,  on  the  contrary,  the  dealer's 
card  made  him  exceed  twenty-one,  Bonaparte  also  threw 
his  cards  aside  without  showing  them,  and  asked  for  the 
payment  of  his  stake.  He  was  much  diverted  by  these 
little  tricks,  especially  when  they  were  played  off  unde- 
tected ;  and  I  confe.ss  that  even  then  we  were  courtiers 
enough  to  humour  him,  and  wink  at  his  cheating.  I 
must,  however,  mention  that  he  never  appropriated  to 
himself  the  fruit  of  these  little  dishonesties,  for  at  the 
end  of  the  game  he  gave  up  all  his  winnings,  and  they 
were  equally  divided.  Gain,  as  may  readily  be  supposed, 
was  not  his  object ;  but  he  always  expected  that  fortune 
would  grant  him  an  ace  or  a  ten  at  the  right  moment, 
with  the  same  confidence  with  which  he  looked  for  fine 
weatber  on  the  day  of  battle.  If  he  were  disappointed,  he 
wished  nobody  to  know  it. 

Bonaparte  also  played  at  chess,  but  very  seldom,  because 
he  was  only  a  third-rate  player,  and  he  did  not  like  to  be 
beaten  at  that  game,  which,  I  know  not  why,  is  said  to 
bear  a  resemblance  to  the  grand  game  of  war.     At  this 


250  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON    UOXAPAUTE.  1799. 

latter  <,'aine  Bonaparte  certainly  feared  no  adversary. 
This  reminds  nie  that  when  we  were  leaving  Tasseriano 
he  announced  iiis  intention  of  passing  thnjiigh  Mantua. 
He  was  told  that  the  commandant  of  that  town,  I  believe 
General  Beauvoir,  was  a  great  chess-player,  and  he  ex- 
pressed a  wish  to  play  a  game  with  him.  General  Beau- 
voir asked  him  to  point  out  any  particular  pawn  with 
which  he  would  be  checkmated  ;  adding  that  if  the  pawn 
were  taken,  he,  Bonaparte,  should  be  declared  the  winner. 
Bonaparte  pointed  out  the  last  pawn  on  the  left  of  his 
adversary.  A  mark  was  put  upon  it,  and  it  turned  out 
that  he  actually  was  checkmated  with  that  very  pawn. 
Bonajiarte  was  not  very  well  pleased  at  this.  He  liked  to 
play  with  me  becanse,  though  rather  a  better  player  than 
himself,  I  was  not  always  able  to  beat  him.  As  soon  as  a 
game  was  decided  in  his  favour,  he  declined  playing  any 
longer,  preferring  to  rest  on  his  laurels. 

The  favourable  wmd  which  had  constantly  prevailed 
after  the  first  twenty  days  of  our  voyage  still  continued 
while  we  kept  along  the  coast  of  Sardinia ;  but  after  we 
had  passed  that  island,  tlie  wind  again  blew  violently  from 
the  west,  and  on  the  1st  of  October  we  were  forced  to 
enter  the  Gulf  of  Ajaccio.  We  sailed  again  next  day; 
but  we  found  it  impossible  to  work  our  way  ont  of  the 
gulf.  We  were  therefore  obliged  to  put  into  the  port  and 
land  at  Ajaccio.  Adverse  winds  obliged  us  to  remain 
there  until  the  7th  of  October.  It  may  readily  be 
imagined  how  much  this  delay  annoyed  Bonaparte.  He 
sometimes  expressed  his  impatience,  as  if  he  could  en- 
force the  obedience  of  the  elements  as  well  as  of  men. 
He  was  losing  time,  and  time  was  everything  to  him. 

There  was  one  circumstance  which  seemed  to  annoy  him 
as  much  as  any  of  his  more  serious  vexations.  "  What 
will  become  of  me,"  said  he,  "  if  the  English,  who  are 
cruising  hereabout,  should  learn  that  I  have  landed  in 


1799.  BONAPARTE  AT  AJACCIO.  251 

Corsica  ?  I  shall  be  forced  to  stay  here.  That  I  could 
never  endure.  I  have  a  torrent  of  relations  pouring  upon 
me."  His  great  reputation  had  certainly  prodigiously 
augumented  the  number  of  his  family.  He  was  over- 
whelmed with  visits,  congratulations,  and  requests.  The 
whole  town  was  in  a  commotion.  Every  one  of  its  in- 
habitants wished  to  claim  him  as  their  cousin  ;  and  from 
the  prodigious  number  of  his  pretended  godsons  and  god- 
daughters, it  might  have  been  supposed  that  he  had  held 
one-fourth  of  the  children  of  Ajaccio  at  the  baptismal 
font. 

Bonaparte  frequently  walked  with  us  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Ajaccio ;  and  when  in  all  the  plenitude  of  his 
power  he  did  not  count  his  crowns  with  greater  pleasure 
than  he  evmced  in  pointing  out  to  us  the  little  domains  of 
his  ancestors. 

While  we  were  at  Ajaccio,  M.  Feschi  gave  Bonaparte 
French  money  in  exchange  for  a  number  of  Turkish 
sequins,  amounting  in  value  to  17,000  francs.  This  sum 
was  all  that  the  General  brought  with  him  from  Egypt. 
I  mention  this  fact  because  he  was  unjustly  calumniated 
in  letters  written  after  his  departure,  and  which  were 
intercepted  and  published  by  the  English,  I  ought  also 
to  add,  that  as  he  would  never  for  his  own  private  use 
resort  to  the  money-chest  of  the  army,  the  contents  of 
which  were,  indeed,  never  half  sufficient  to  defray  the 
necessary  expenses,  he  several  times  drew  on  Genoa, 
through  M.  James,  and  on  the  funds  he  possessed  in  the 
house  of  Clary,  15,000,  25,000,  and  up  to  33,000  francs.^ 

1  Joseph  Fesch  (1763-1839),  son  of  Napoleon's  maternal  grandmother 
by  her  second  marriage  with  Captain  Francis  Fescli,  Archdeacon,  1792' 
Commissary  in  War  Department,  1793  ;  re-entered  clerical  orders,  1799  • 
Hisliop,  1802  ;  Archlnsliopof  Lyons,  1802  ;  Cardinal,  1803  ;  Grand  Almoner 
under  the  Empire;  nominated  Arciihishop  of  Paris,  but  never  held  that 
see  ;  Coadjut(jr  to  Archbishop  of  Ratisbon  (Prince  Primate),  1806  ;  retired 
to  Rome,  181.'}. 

2  Joseph  Bonaparte  says  that  his  brother  had  no  fimds  with  the  house  of 


252  MEMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON  BONAPAKTi:.  1799. 

I  can  bear  witness  that  in  Kgypt  I  never  saw  liini 
touch  any  money  beyond  his  pay  ;  and  that  lie  left  the 
country  poorer  than  he  had  entered  it,  is  a  fact  that  can- 
not be  denied.  In  his  notes  on  Egypt,  it  appears  that  in 
one  year  12,  000,000  francs  were  received.  In  this  sum 
were  included  at  least  2,000,000  of  contributions,  which 
were  levied  at  the  expense  of  many  decapitations.  Buna- 
parte  was  fourteen  months  in  Kgypt,  and  he  is  said  to 
have  brought  away  with  him  20,000,000.  Calumny  may 
be  very  gratifying  to  certain  persons,  but  they  should  at 
least  give  it  a  colouring  of  probability.  The  fact  is,  that 
Bonaparte  had  scarcely  enough  to  maintain  himself  at 
Ajaccio  and  to  defray  our  posting  expenses  to  Paris. 

On  our  arrival  at  Ajaccio  we  learnt  the  death  of  Jou- 
Ipert,  and  the  loss  of  the  battle  of  Novi,  which  was  fought 
on  the  15th  of  August.  Bonaparte  was  tormented  by 
anxiety  ;  he  was  in  a  state  of  utter  uncertainty  as  to  the 
future.  From  the  time  we  left  Alexandria  till  our  arrival 
in  Corsica  he  had  frequently  talked  of  what  he  should  do 
during  the  quarantine,  which  he  supposed  he  would  be 
required  to  observe  on  reaching  Toulon,  the  port  at  which 
he  had  determined  to  land. 

Even  then  he  cherished  some  illusions  respecting  the 
state  of  affairs  ;  and  he  often  said  to  me,  "  But  for  that 
confounded  quarantine,  I  would  hasten  ashore,  and  place 
myself  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  Italy.  All  is  not  over ; 
and  I  am  sure  that  there  is  not  a  general  who  would  re- 
fuse me  the  command.  The  news  of  a  victory  gained  by 
me  would  reach  Paris  as  soon  as  the  battle  of  Aboukir ; 
that,  indeed,  would  be  excellent." 

In  Corsica  his  language  was  very  diff'erent.  When  he 
was  informed  of  our  reverses,  and  saw  the  full  extent  of 
the  evil,  he  was  for  a  moment  overwhelmed.     His  grand 

Clarv  {Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  248).  It  will  be  remembered  that  Joseph  had 
married  a  daughter  of  M.  Clary. 


1799.  DEPARTURE   FROM   AJACCIO.  253 

projects  then  gave  way  to  the  consideration  of  matters  of 
minor  import,  and  he  thought  about  his  detention  in  the 
lazaretto  of  Toulon.  He  spoke  of  the  Directory,  of  in- 
trigues, and  of  what  would  be  said  of  him.  He  accounted 
his  enemies  those  who  envied  him,  and  those  who  could 
not  be  reconciled  to  his  glory  and  the  influence  of  his 
name.  ,  Amidst  all  these  anxieties  Bonaparte  was  out- 
wardly calm,  though  he  was  moody  and  reflective. 

Providing  against  every  chance  of  danger,  he  had  pur- 
chased at  Ajaccio  a  large  launch  which  was  intended  to 
be  towed  by  the  Muiron,  and  it  was  manned  by  twelve  of 
the  best  sailors  the  island  could  furnish.  His  resolution 
was,  in  case  of  inevitable  danger,  to  jump  into  this  boat 
and  get  ashore.  This  precaution  had  well-nigh  proved 
useful.^ 

After  leaving  the  Gulf  of  Ajaccio,  the  voyage  was  pros- 
perous and  undisturbed  for  one  day ;  but  on  the  second 
day,  just  at  sunset,  an  English  squadron  of  fourteen  sail 
hove  in  sight.  The  English,  having  advantage  of  the 
light,  which  we  had  in  our  faces,  saw  us  better  than  we 
could  see  them.  They  recognised  our  two  frigates  as 
Venetian  built ;  but,  luckily  for  us,  night  came  on,  for  we 
were  not  far  apart.  We  saw  the  signals  of  the  English 
for  a  long  time,  and  heard  the  report  of  the  guns  more 
and  more  to  our  left,  and  we  thought  it  was  the  intention 
of  the  cruisers  to  intercept  us  on  the  south-east.  Under 
these  circumstances  Bonaparte  had  reason  to  thank  for- 
tune ;  for  it  is  very  evident  that  had  the  English  suspected 
our  two  frigates  of  coming  from  the  East  and  going  to 
France,  they  would  have  shut  us  out  from  land  by  running 
between  us  and  it,  which  to  them  was  very  easy.     Prob- 

1  Sir  Walter  Scott,  at  the  commencement  of  his  "  Life  of  Napoleon,"  says 
that  Bonaparte  did  not  see  liis  native  city  after  179-3.  Prohal)ly  to  avoid 
contradicting  himself,  the  Scottish  historian  observes  that  Bonaparte  was 
near  Ajaccio  on  his  return  from  Egypt.  He  spent  eight  days  there.  — 
Bourrienne. 


254  MKMOIKS   OK   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  17'J9. 

altly  thev  todk  us  for  a  convoy  of  provisions  going  from 
Toulon  to  Genoa ;  and  it  was  to  this  error  and  the  dark- 
ness that  we  were  indebted  for  escaping  with  no  worse 
consei[uence  than  a  fright.  ^ 

During  the  remainder  of  the  niglit  the  utmost  agitation 
prevailetl  on  board  the  Muiron.  Gantheaume  especially 
was  in  a  state  of  anxiety  which  it  is  impossible  to  describe, 
and  which  it  was  painful  to  witness:  he  was  quite  V)eside 
himself,  for  a  disaster  appeared  inevitable.  He  proposed 
to  return  to  Corsica.  "  No,  no  !  "  replied  Bonaparte,  impe- 
riously. "  No  !  Spread  all  sail.  Every  man  at  his  post ! 
To  the  north-west!  To  the  north-west!"  This  order 
saved  us ;  and  I  am  enabled  to  affirm  that  in  the  midst 
of  almost  general  alarm  Bonaparte  was  solely  occupied  in 
giving  orders.  The  rapidity  of  his  judgment  seemed  to 
grow  in  the  face  of  danger.  The  remembrance  of  that 
night  will  never  be  effaced  from  my  mind.  Tiie  hours 
lingered  (jn ;  and  none  of  us  could  guess  upon  what 
new  dangers   the   morrow's  sun   would   shine. 

However,  Txinaparte's  resolution  was  taken :  his  orders 
were  given,  his  arrangements  made.  During  the  evening 
he  had  resolved  upon  throwing  himself  into  the  long-boat ; 
he  liad  already  fixed  on  the  persons  who  were  to  share  his 
fate,  and  had  already  named  to  me  the  papers  which  he 
thought  it  most  important  to  save.  Happily  our  terrors 
were  vain,  and  our  arrangements  useless.  By  the  first 
rays  of  the  sun  we  discovered  the  English  fleet  sailing  to 

1  Here  Boiirrieinie  says  in  a  note,  "  Where  did  Sir  Walter  Scott  learn  that 
we  were  neither  seen  nor  recognised  '  We  were  not  recognised,  hut  cer- 
tainly seen."  Tiiis  is  corrohorated  hy  the  testimony  of  tiie  Due  de  Hovigo, 
who,  in  his  "  Memoirs,"  says,  "  I  liave  met  officers  of  the  English  navy  wlio 
assured  me  tliat  the  two  frigates  had  heen  seen,  Itut  were  considered  hy  the 
Admiral  to  Ijclong  to  liis  s(iuadron,  as  tliey  stcereil  their  course  towards 
liim  ;  and  as  he  knew  wo  liad  only  one  frigate  in  tlie  Mediterranean,  and  one 
in  Toulon  harbour,  he  was  far  from  supposing  tiiat  tiie  frigates  which  he  had 
descried  could  liave  General  Bonaparte  on  board  "  (Savari/,  tome  i.  p.  226). 


1799.  LANDING  IN  FRANCE.  255 

the  north-east,  and  we  stood  for  the  wished-for  coast  of 
France. 

The  8th  of  October,  at  eight  in  the  morning,  we  entered 
the  roads  of  Frejus.  The  sailors  not  having  recognised 
the  coast  during  the  night,  we  did  not  know  where  we 
were.  There  was,  at  first,  some  hesitation  whether  we 
should  advance.  We  were  by  no  means  expected,  and 
did  not  know  how  to  answer  the  signals,  which  had  been 
changed  during  our  absence.  Some  guns  were  even  fired 
upon  us  by  the  batteries  on  the  coast ;  but  our  bold  entry 
into  the  roads,  the  crowd  upon  the  decks  of  the  two  frig- 
ates, and  our  signs  of  joy,  speedily  banished  all  doubt  of 
our  being  friends.  We  were  in  the  port,  and  approaching 
the  landing-place,  when  the  rumour  spread  that  Bonaparte 
was  on  board  one  of  the  frigates.  In  an  instant  the  sea 
was  covered  with  boats.  In  vain  we  begged  them  to 
keep  at  a  distance ;  we  were  carried  ashore,  and  when  we 
told  the  crowd,  both  of  men  and  women,  who  were  j^ess- 
ing  about  us,  the  risk  they  ran,  they  all  exclaimed,  "  We 
prefer  the  plague  to  the  Austrians  ! " 

Wliat  were  our  feelings  when  we  again  set  foot  on  the 
soil  of  France  I  will  not  attempt  to  describe.  Our  escape 
from  the  dangers  that  threatened  us  seemed  almost 
miraculous.  We  had  lost  twenty  days  at  the  beginning 
of  our  voyage,  and  at  its  close  we  had  been  almost  taken 
by  an  English  squadron.  Under  these  circumstances, 
how  rapturously  we  inhaled  the  balmy  air  of  Provence ! 
Such  was  our  joy  that  we  were  scarcely  sensible  of  the 
disheartening  news  which  arrived  from  all  quarters.  At 
the  first  moment  of  our  arrival,  by  a  spontaneous  impulse, 
we  all  repeated,  with  tears  in  our  eyes,  the  beautiful  lines 
which  Voltaire  has  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  exile  of  Sicily. 

Bonaparte  has  been  reproached  with  having  violated 
the  sanitary  laws  ;  but,  after  what  I  have  already  stated 
respecting  his  intentions,  I  presume  there  can  remain  no 


256  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEOX  BONAPARTE.  1709. 

doubt  of  tlie  falseliood  of  this  accusation.  All  the  hlame 
must  rest  with  the  inhabitants  of  Frejus,  who  on  this  oc- 
casion found  the  law  of  necessity  more  imperious  than 
the  sanitary  laws.  Yet  when  it  is  considered  that  four 
or  five  hundred  persons,  and  a  quantity  of  effects,  were 
landed  from  Alexandria,  where  the  plague  had  been  rag- 
ing during  tlic  summer,  it  is  almost  a  miracle  that  France, 
and  indeed  Europe,  escaped  the  scourge. 


CHAPTER   XXII. 

1799. 

The  effect  produced  in  France  and  throngliont  Europe 
by  the  mere  intelligence  of  Bonaparte's  return  is  well 
known.  I  shall  not  yet  speak  of  the  vast  train  of  conse- 
quences wdiich  that  event  entailed.  I  must,  however, 
notice  some  accusations  which  were  brought  against  him 
from  the  time  of  our  landing  to  the  9th  of  November. 
He  was  reproached  for  having  left  Egypt,  and  it  was 
alleged  that  his  departure  was  the  result  of  long  pre- 
meditation. But  I,  who  was  constantly  with  him,  am 
enabled  positively  to  affirm  that  his  return  to  France  was 
merely  the  effect  of  a  sudden  resolution.  Of  this  the 
following  fact  is  in  itself  sufficient  evidence. 

Wliile  w^e  were  at  Cairo,  a  few  days  before  we  heard 
of  the  landing  of  the  Anglo-Turkish  fleet,  and  at  the 
moment  when  we  were  on  the  point  of  setting  off  to 
encamp  at  the  Pyramids,  Bonaparte  despatched  a  courier 
to  France.  I  took  advantage  of  this  opportunity  to  write 
to  my  wife.  I  almost  bade  her  an  eternal  adieu.  My 
letter  breathed  expressions  of  grief  such  as  I  had  not 
before  evinced.  I  said,  among  other  things,  that  we 
knew  not  when  or  how  it  would  be  possible  for  us  to 
return  to  France.  If  Bonaparte  had  then  entertained 
any  thought  of  a  speedy  return  I  must  have  known  it,  and 
in  that  case  I  should  not  certainly  have  distressed  my 
family  by  a  desponding  letter,  when  I  had  not  had  an 
opportunity  of  writing  for  seven  months  before. 

VOL.  I.  — 17 


258  MK.MDIIJS    (»F    NAI'OLKON    HoNAl'AirrK.  17'.)9. 

Two  (liiys  after  the  receipt  of  my  Idtrr,  my  wifi'  was 
awoke  very  early  in  the  mornin<,'  to  be  informed  of  our 
arrival  in  France.  The  courier  wlio  brou^rht  this  intelli- 
gence was  the  bearer  of  a  second  letter  from  me,  which  1 
liad  written  on  board  ship,  and  dated  from  Frdjus.  In 
this  letter  I  mentioned  that  Bonaparte  would  pass  through 
Sens  and  dine  with  my  mother. 

In  fultilment  of  my  directions,  Madame  de  Bourrienne 
set  oil'  for  Paris  at  five  in  tiie  morning.  Having  i>assed 
the  first  post-house,  she  met  a  berlin  containing  four  trav- 
ellers, among  whom  she  recognised  Louis  Bonaparte,  going 
to  meet  the  General  on  the  Lyons  road.  On  seeing 
Madame  de  Bourrienne,  Louis  desired  the  postilion  to 
stop,  and  asked  her  whether  .she  had  heard  from  me.  She 
informed  him  that  we  should  pass  througli  Sens,  where 
the  General  wished  to  dine  with  my  mother,  who  had 
made  every  preparation  for  receiving  him.  Louis  then 
continued  his  journey.  About  nine  o'clock  my  wife  met 
another  l)erlin,in  which  were  Madame  Bonaparte  and  her 
daughter.  As  they  were  asleep,  and  both  carriages  were 
driving  at  a  very  rapid  rate,  IMadame  de  Bourrienne  did 
not  stop  them.  Josephine  followed  the  route  taken 
by  Louis.  Both  missed  the  General,  who  changed  his 
mind  at  Lyons,  and  proceeded  by  way  of  Bourbonnais. 
He  arrived  fifteen  hours  after  my  wife ;  and  those 
who  had  taken  the  Burgundy  road  proceeded  to  Lyons 
uselessly. 

Determined  to  repair  in  all  haste  to  Paris,  Bonaparte 
had  left  Frdjus  on  the  afternoon  of  the  day  of  our 
landing.  He  himself  had  despatclied  tlie  courier  to  Sens 
to  inform  my  mother  of  his  intended  visit  to  her ;  and 
it  was  not  until  he  got  to  Lyons  that  he  determined 
to  take  the  Bourbonnais  road.  His  reason  for  doing  so 
will  presently  be  seen.  All  along  the  road,  at  Aix,  at 
Lyons,  in   every  town  and  village,  he  was  received,  as 


1799.  CONDITION   OF  THE   PROVINCES.  259 

at  Frdjus,  with  the  most  rapturous  demonstrations  of 
joy.^  Only  those  who  witnessed  his  triumphal  journey 
can  form  any  notion  of  it ;  and  it  required  no  great  dis- 
cernment to  foresee  something  like  the  18th  Brumaire. 

The  provinces,  a  prey  to  anarchy  and  civil  war,  were 
continually  tlireatened  with  foreign  invasion.  Almost 
all  the  south  presented  the  melancholy  spectacle  of  one 
vast  arena  of  conflicting  factions.  The  nation  groaned 
beneath  the  yoke  of  tyrannical  laws  ;  despotism  was  sys- 
tematically established ;  the  law  of  hostages  struck  a 
blow  at  personal  liberty,  and  forced  loans  menaced  every 
man's  property.  The  generality  of  the  citizens  had  de- 
clared themselves  against  a  pentarchy  devoid  of  power, 
justice,  and  morality,  and  which  had  become  the  sport 
of  faction  and  intrigue.  Disorder  was  general ;  but  in 
the  provinces  abuses  were  felt  more  sensibly  than  else- 
where. In  great  cities  it  was  found  more  easy  to  elude 
the  hand  of  despotism  and  oppression. 

A  change  so  earnestly  wished  for  could  not  fail  to  be 
realised,  and  to  be  received  with  transport.  The  majority 
of  the  French  people  longed  to  be  relieved  from  the  situa- 
tion in  which  they  then  stood.  There  were  two  dangers 
to  cope  with,  —  anarchy  and  the  Bourbons.  Every  one 
felt  the  urgent  and  indispensable  necessity  of  concentra- 
ting the  power  of  the  Government  in  a  single  hand,  at 
the  same  time  maintaining  those  institutions  which  the 
spirit  of  the  age  demanded,  and  which  France,  after  ha\ang 
so  dearly  purchased,  Avas  now  about  to  lose.  The  country 
looked  for  a  man  who  was  capable  of  restoring  her  to 
tranquillity ;  but  as  yet  no  such  man  had  appeared.     A 

1  From  Fr.'jus  to  Ai.x  a  crowd  of  men  kindly  escorted  us,  carryiuf^ 
torches  alongside  the  carriage  of  the  General,  not  so  much  to  show  their 
enthusiasm  as  to  insure  our  safety  {Bourrifivie).  'i'hese  hrigands  hecame 
so  had  in  France  that  at  one  time  soldiers  wore  jilaccd  in  the  imperials  of 
all  the  diligences,  receiving  from  the  wits  the  curiously  auticipative  name 
of  "  imperial  armies  •" 


•2C)0  MKMOIRS   OF   NATOLEON    BONAI'AUri:.  1799. 

soldier  of  fortune  presented  himself,  covered  ^vith  glory; 
he  had  ]ilanted  the  standard  of  France  on  the  Cajiitol  and 
on  the  Pyramids.  The  whole  world  acknowk'dged  his  su- 
perior talt'ut;  his  character,  his  courage,  and  his  victories 
had  raised  him  to  the  very  highest  rank.  His  great  works, 
his  gallant  actions,  his  speeches,  and  his  proclamations 
ever  since  he  had  risen  to  eminence  left  no  doubt  of  his 
wish  to  secure  happiness  and  freedom  to  France,  his 
adopted  country.  At  that  critical  moment  the  necessity 
of  a  temporary  dictatorship,  which  sometimes  secures  the 
safety  of  a  state,  banished  all  reflections  on  the  conse- 
quences of  such  a  power,  and  nobody  .seemed  to  think 
glory  incompatible  with  personal  liberty.  All  eyes  were 
therefore  directed  on  the  General,  whose  past  conduct 
guaranteed  his  capability  of  defending  the  Republic 
abroad,  and  liberty  at  home,  —  on  the  General,  whom  his 
flatterers,  and  indeed  some  of  his  sincere  friends,  styled, 
"  the  hero  of  liberal  ideas,"  the  title  to  which  he  aspired. 

Under  every  point  of  view,  therefore,  he  was  naturally 
chosen  as  the  chief  of  a  generous  nation,  confiding  to  him 
her  destiny,  in  preference  to  a  troop  of  mean  and  fanati- 
cal hypocrites,  who,  under  the  names  of  republicanism 
and  liberty,  had  reduced  France  to  the  most  abject 
slavery. 

Among  the  schemes  which  Bonajiarte  was  incessantly 
revolving  in  his  mind  may  undoubtedly  be  ranked  the 
project  of  attaining  the  head  of  the  French  Government ; 
but  it  would  be  a  mistake  to  suppose  that  on  his  return 
from  Egypt  he  had  formed  any  fixed  plan.  There  was 
something  vague  in  his  ambitious  aspirations ;  and  he 
was,  if  I  may  so  express  myself,  fond  of  Iniilding  those 
imaginary  edifices  called  castles  in  the  air.  The  current 
of  events  was  in  accordance  with  his  wishes  ;  and  it  may 
truly  be  said  that  the  whole  Frencli  nation  smoothed  for 
Bonaparte  the  road  which  led  to  power.     Certainly  the 


1799.  ARRIVAL   IN  PARIS.  261 

unanimous  plaudits  and  universal  joy  which  accompanied 
him  along  a  journey  of  more  than  200  leagues  must  have 
induced  liim  to  regard  as  a  national  mission  that  step 
which  was  at  first  prompted  merely  by  his  wish  of  med- 
dling with  the  affairs  of  the  Eepublic. 

This  spontaneous  burst  of  popular  feeling,  unordered 
and  unpaid  for,  loudly  proclaimed  the  grievances  of  the 
people,  and  their  hope  that  the  man  of  victory  would  be- 
come their  deliverer.  The  general  enthusiasm  excited  by 
the  return  of  the  conqueror  of  Egypt  delighted  him  to 
a  degree  which  I  cannot  express,  and  was,  as  he  has  often 
assured  me,  a  powerful  stimulus  in  urging  him  to  the 
object  to  which  the  wishes  of  France  seemed  to  direct 
him. 

Among  people  of  all  classes  and  opinions  an  18th 
Brumaire  was  desired  and  expected.  Many  Eoyalists  even 
believed  that  a  change  would  prove  favourable  to  the 
King,  So  ready  are  we  to  persuade  ourselves  of  the 
reality  of  what  we  wish. 

As  soon  as  it  was  suspected  that  Bonaparte  would 
accept  the  power  offered  him,  an  outcry  was  raised  about 
a  conspiracy  against  the  Eepublic,  and  measures  were 
sought  for  preserving  it.  But  necessity,  and  indeed,  it 
must  be  confessed,  the  general  feeling  of  the  people,  con- 
signed the  execution  of  those  measures  to  him  who  was 
to  subvert  tlie  Eepublic.  On  his  return  to  Paris,  Bona- 
parte spoke  and  acted  like  a  man  who  felt  his  own  power ; 
he  cared  neither  for  flattery,  dinners,  nor  balls,  —  his 
mind  took  a  higher  flight. 

We  arrived  in  Paris  on  the  24th  Vend^miaire  (the  16th 
of  October).  As  yet  he  knew  nothing  of  what  was 
going  on ;  for  he  had  seen  neither  his  wife  nor  his 
brothers,  who  were  looking  for  him  on  the  Burgundy 
road.  The  news  of  our  landing  at  Frejus  had  reached 
Paris   by  a   telegraphic    despatch.     Madame    Bonaparte, 


262  MEMOIKS    OF   NArol.F.ON    HONAFAKTE.  1799. 

who  was  dining  with  M.  (Jnhier  wlien  that  despatch 
was  coinnmnicatv'd  to  him,  as  President  of  the  Directory, 
ininieiliately  set  ort'  to  nieL't  her  hushand,  well  knowing 
how  important  it  was  that  her  first  interview  with  him 
should  not  he  anticipated  hy  his  hrothers. 

The  imprudent  communications  of  Junot  at  the  foun- 
tains of  Messoudiah  will  he  rememhered  ;  hut,  after  the 
first  ebullition  of  jealous  rage,  all  traces  of  that  feeling 
had  apparently  disappeared.  Bonaparte,  however,  was 
still  harassed  by  secret  sus])icion,  and  the  jtainful  im]ires- 
sions  produced  by  Junot  were  either  not  entirely  ellaced 
or  were  revived  after  our  arrival  in  Paris.  We  reached 
the  capital  before  Jasephine  returned.  The  recollection 
of  the  past,  the  ill-natured  reports  of  his  brothers,^  and 
the  exaggeration  of  facts  had  irritated  Napoleon  to  the 
very  highest  pitch,  and  he  received  Josephine  with  studied 
coldness,  and  with  an  air  of  the  most  cruel  iiidin'erence. 
He  had  no  communication  with  her  for  three  days, 
during  which  time  he  frequently  spoke  to  me  of  suspi- 
cions which  his  imagination  converted  into  certainty  ;  and 
threats  of  divorce  escaped  his  lips  with  no  less  vehemence 
than  when  we  were  on  the  confines  of  Syria.  I  took  upon 
me  the  office  of  conciliator,  which  I  had  before  discharged 
with  success.  I  represented  to  him  the  dangers  to  be 
apprehended  from  the  publicity  and  scandal  of  such  an 
afifair ;  and  that  the  moment  when  liis  grand  views  might 
possibly  be  realised  was  not  the  fit  time  to  entertain 
France  and  Europe  with  the  details  of  a  charge  of  adul- 
tery. I  spoke  to  him  of  Hortense  and  P^ugi^ne,  to  whom 
he  was  much  attached,  licflection,  seconded  by  his  ar- 
dent affection  for  Josephine,  brought  about  a  complete 
reconciliation.     After  these  three  days  of  conjugal  mis- 

^  Joscpli  B()iia])arte  remarks  on  tliis  that  Napoleon  met  Josephine  at 
Paris  liefore  liis  l)rotlierH  arrived  there.  (Coni|)are  D'Abrautes,  vol.  i. 
pp.  260-262,  and  U.-nmsat,  tome  i.  i)p.  147,  148.) 


1799.  A  COLD  RECEPTION.  263 

understanding  their  happiness  was  never  afterwards   dis- 
turbed by  a  similar  cause.^ 

1  In  speakiug  of  tlie  unexpected  arrival  of  Bonaparte  from  Egypt,  and 
of  the  meeting  between  him  and  Josephine,  Madame  Jnnot  says :  — 

"  On  the  10th  <  )ctober,  Josephine  set  off  to  meet  her  husband,  but  without 
knowing  exactly  wiiat  road  he  woukl  take.  She  thought  it  likely  he  would 
come  by  way  of  Burgundy,  and  therefore  Louis  and  she  set  off  for  Lyons. 

"  Madame  Bonaparte  was  a  prey  to  great  and  well-founded  uneasiness. 
Whether  she  was  guilty  or  only  imprudent,  she  was  strongly  accused  by 
the  Bonaparte  family,  who  were  desirous  that  Xapoleou  should  obtain  a 
divorce.  The  elder  M.  de  Caulaincourt  stated  to  us  his  apprehensions  on 
tliis  point ;  but  whenever  the  subject  was  introduced,  my  mother  changed 
the  conversation,  because,  knowing  as  she  did  the  sentiments  of  the  Bona- 
parte family,  she  could  not  reply  without  either  committing  them  or  hav- 
ing recourse  to  falsehood.  She  knew,  moreover,  the  truth  of  many  circum- 
stances which  M.  de  Caulaincourt  seemed  to  doubt,  and  which  her  situation 
with  respect  to  Bonaparte  prevented  her  from  comnmnicating  to  him. 

"  Madame  Bonaparte  committed  a  great  fault  in  neglecting  at  this 
juncture  to  conciliate  her  mother-in-law,  who  might  have  protected  lier 
against  those  who  sought  her  ruin,  and  effected  it  nine  years  later ;  for 
the  divorce  in  1809  was  brought  about  by  the  joint  efforts  of  all  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Bonaparte  family,  aided  by  some  of  Napoleon's  most  con- 
fidential servants,  whom  Josephine,  either  as  Madame  Bonaparte  or  as 
Empress,  had  done  nothing  to  make  her  friends. 

"  Bonaparte,  on  his  arrival  in  Paris,  found  his  house  deserted  ;  but  his 
mother,  sisters,  and  sisters-in-law,  and,  in  short,  every  member  of  his 
family,  except  Louis,  who  had  attended  Madame  Bonaparte  to  Lyons, 
came  to  him  immediately.  The  impression  made  upon  him  by  the  solitude 
of  his  home  and  its  desertion  by  its  mistress  was  profound  and  terrible, 
and  nine  years  afterwards,  when  the  ties  between  him  and  Josephine  were 
severed  forever,  he  .showed  that  it  was  not  effaced.  From  not  finding  her 
with  his  family,  he  inferred  that  she  felt  herself  unworthy  of  their  ])res- 
ence,  and  feared  to  meet  the  man  she  had  wronged.  He  considered  iier 
journey  to  Lyons  as  a  mere  pretence. 

"  M.  de  B(jurrienne  says  that  for  some  days  after  Josephine's  return 
Bonaparte  treated  her  with  e.rtreinc  coldness.  As  he  was  an  eye-witness, 
why  does  he  not  state  the  whole  truth,  and  say  that  on  her  return  Bona- 
parte refused  to  see  her  and  did  not  see.  her  ?  It  was  to  the  earne.st  entreaties 
of  her  children  that  she  owed  the  recovery,  not  of  her  husband's  love,  for 
that  had  long  ceasetl,  liut  of  that  tenderness  acquireil  l)y  habit,  and  that 
intimate  intercourse  which  made  her  still  retain  the  rank  of  consort  to  the 
greatest  man  of  his  age.  Bona])arte  was  at  this  ])eriod  much  attached  to 
Kugi'ne  Beauharnais,  who,  to  do  him  justice,  was  a  charming  youth.  lie 
knew  less  of  Ilortense ;  but  her  youth  and  sweetness  of  temper,  and  the 


264  mi:m("Ii;s  ok  napoleon  Bonaparte.         1799. 

On  tilt'  (lay  after  his  arrival  Bonaparte  visited  the 
Directors.^  The  interview  was  cold.  On  the  24th  of  Oct- 
ober he  said  to  me,  "  I  dined  yesterday  at  (Jollier's;  .Siey^s 
was  present,  and  I  pretended  not  to  see  him.  I  observed 
how  much  he  was  enraged  at  this  mark  of  disrespect." 

"  Ikit  are  you  sure  he  is  against  you  ?"  inquired  I.  ''I 
know  nothing  yet;  but  he  is  a  scheming  man,  and  I  don't 
like  him."  I^'en  at  that  time  ]>onaparte  had  thoughts  of 
getting  himself  elected  a  member  of  the  Directory  in  the 
room  of  Sieyfes. 

protection  of  wliith,  as  his  adopted  daughter,  slie  hesonplit  him  not  to 
deprive  her,  jtroved  powerful  advocates,  and  overcame  liis  resistance. 

"  In  this  delicate  negotiation  it  was  good  policy  not  to  l)ring  any  other 
person  into  play,  whatever  might  he  their  influence  with  Honaparte,  and 
Madame  Ponaparte  did  not,  therefore,  have  recourse  either  to  Parras, 
Pourrioniie,  or  Pertiiier.  It  was  expedient  that  they  who  interceded  for 
her  should  he  aide  to  say  something  without  the  possihility  of  a  replv. 
Now  Ponaparte  could  not  with  any  degree  of  propriety  explain  to  such 
children  as  Eugene  or  Ilortense  the  particulars  of  their  mother's  conduct. 
He  was  therefore  constrained  to  silence,  and  had  no  argument  to  combat 
the  tears  of  two  innocent  creatures  at  his  feet,  exclaiming, '  Do  not  abandon 
onr  mother;  slie  will  lireak  her  heart!  And  ought  injustice  to  take  from 
us,  poor  orjdians,  whose  natural  protector  the  scaffold  has  alreadv  deprived 
us  of.  the  support  of  one  whom  Provi<lence  has  sent  to  replace  him  ?  ' 

"  The  scene,  as  Ponaparte  has  since  stated,  was  long  and  jiainful,  and 
the  two  chililren  at  length  introduced  their  mother,  and  placed  her  in  his 
arms.  The  unliappy  woman  had  awaited  his  decision  at  the  door  of  a 
small  hack  staircase;  extended  at  almost  full  length  upon  the  stairs,  suffer- 
ing the  acutest  pangs  of  mental  torture. 

"  Whatever  might  he  his  wife's  errors,  Ponaparte  appeared  entirely  to 
forget  them,  and  the  reconciliation  was  complete.  Of  all  the  members  of 
'the  family.  Madame  Leclerc  was  most  ve.xed  at  the  pardon  wiiicli  Napoleon 
had  granted  to  his  wife.  Pitnaparte's  mother  was  also  very  ill  pleased; 
but  she  said  nothing  Madame  .Jo.sejih  Ponajtarte,  who  was  always  very 
amiable,  took  no  part  in  these  family  quarrels;  therefore  she  could  easily 
determine  what  part  to  take  when  fortune  smiled  on  Jose])hine.  As  to 
Madame  Pacciocchi,  she  gave  free  vent  to  lier  ill  humour  and  disdain  ;  the 
consecpiencc  was,  that  her  sister  in-law  could  never  endure  her.  Christine, 
who  was  a  lieautiful  creature,  followed  the  e.xample  of  Madame  Joseph, 
ami  Caroline  was  so  young  that  her  opinion  couhl  have  no  weight  in  such  an 
affair.     As  to  Ponaparte's  brothers,  they  were  at  open  war  with  Josephine." 

1  The  Directors  at  this  time  were  Parra.s,  Sieyes,  Moulins,  Gohier,  and 
Roger  Duces. 


CHAPTEE   XXIII. 

1799. 

To  throw  a  clear  light  ou  the  course  of  the  great  events 
which  will  presently  be  developed,  it  is  necessary  to  state 
briefly  what  intrigues  had  been  hatched  and  what  ambi- 
tious hopes  had  risen  up  while  we  were  in  Egypt.  When 
in  Egypt,  Bonaparte  was  entirely  deprived  of  any  means 
of  knowing  what  was  going  on  in  France;  and  in  our  rapid 
journey  from  Fr^jus  to  Paris  we  had  no  opportunity  of 
collecting  much  information.  Yet  it  was  very  important 
that  we  should  know  the  real  state  of  aflairs,  and  the  senti- 
ments of  those  whom  Bonaparte  had  counted  among  his 
rivals  in  glory,  and  whom  he  might  now  meet  among  liis 
rivals  in  ambition. 

Moreau's  military  reputation  stood  very  high,  and  Ber- 
nadotte's  firmness  appeared  inflexible.  Generally  speak- 
ing, Bonaparte  might  have  reckoned  among  his  devoted 
partisans  the  companions  of  his  glory  in  Italy,  and  also 
those  whom  he  subsequently  denominated  "  his  Egyptians." 
But  brave  men  had  distinguished  themselves  in  the  Army 
of  the  Pihine  ;  and  if  they  did  not  withhold  their  admira- 
tion from  the  conqueror  of  Italy,  they  felt  at  least  more 
personally  interested  in  the  admiration  which  they 
lavished  on  him  who  had  repaired  the  disaster  of  Scherer. 
Besides,  it  must  be  borne  in  mind  that  a  republican  s])irit 
prevailed,  almost  without  exception,  in  the  army,  and  that 
the  Du'ectory  appeared  to  be  a  Government  invented  ex- 


2G6  MEMOIRS   OF   X.VrOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1799. 

pressly  to  afford  piitronage  to  iutriguer.s.  All  this  planted 
difticulties  in  our  way,  and  reiulered  it  indispensably 
necessary  tliat  we  should  know  our  ground.  We  had,  it 
is  true,  been  greeted  by  the  fullest  measure  of  popular 
enthusiasm  on  our  arrival;  but  this  was  not  enougli.  We 
wanted  sutlrages  of  a  more  solid  kind. 

During  the  campaign  of  Egyjit,  liernadntlc,  who  was  a 
zealous  lw'[)ublican,  had  been  War  Ministt-r,'  but  lie  had 
resigned  the  portfolio  to  Dubois-Cranc^  three  weeks  before 
PKtnaparte's  return  to  France.  Some  ])artisans  of  the  old 
Minister  were  endeavouring  to  get  him  recalled,  and  it  was 
very  important  to  Bonaparte's  interests  that  he  should 
prevent  the  succe.ss  of  this  design.  I  recollect  that  on  the 
second  day  of  our  arrival  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  "  I  iiave 
learned  many  things;  but  we  shall  see  wliat  will  hap])en. 
Bernadotte  is  a  singular  man.  When  he  was  War  Minis- 
ter, Augereau,  Salicetti,  and  some  others  informed  him  that 
the  Constitution  was  in  danger,  and  that  it  was  necessary 
to  get  rid  of  Sieyfes,  Barras,  and  Fouch^,  who  were  at  the 
head  of  a  plot.  What  did  Bernadotte  do  ?  Nothing. 
He  asked  for  proofs.  None  could  be  produced.  He  asked 
for  powers.  Who  could  grant  them  ?  Nobody.  He  should 
have  taken  them ;  but  he  would  not  venture  on  that.  He 
wavered.  He  said  he  could  not  enter  into  the  schemes 
which  were  proposed  to  him.  He  only  promised  to  be 
silent  on  condition  that  they  were  renounced.  Bernadotte 
is  not  a  help  ;  he  is  an  obstacle.  I  have  heard  from  good 
authority  that  a  great  number  of  influential  persons 
wished  to  invest  him  with  extensive  i)ower  for  the 
public  good;  but  he  was  obstinate,  and  would  listen  to 
nothing." 

After  a  brief  interval  of  silence,  during  which  Bona- 

1  Bernadotte  was  Minister  of  War  from  2<l  .July,  1799,  to  14tli  September, 
1799,  wlien,  a.s  lie  himself  wrote  to  tlie  Directory,  they  "  accepted  "  tlie 
resii'nati(jM  he  had  not  offered. 


1799.  BERNADOTTE   AND   MOREAU.  267 

parte  rubbed  his  forehead  with  his  right  hand,  he  thus 
resume  I:  "  I  beheve  I  shall  have  Bernadotte  and  Moreau 
against  me.  But  I  do  not  fear  Moreau.  He  is  devoid  of 
energy.  I  know  he  would  prefer  military  to  political 
power.  The  promise  of  the  command  of  an  army  would 
gain  him  over.  But  Bernadotte  has  Moorish  blood  in  his 
veins.  He  is  bold  and  enterprising.  He  is  allied  to  my 
brothers.^  He  does  not  like  me,  and  I  am  almost  certain 
that  he  will  oppose  me.  If  he  should  become  ambitious,  he 
will  venture  anything.  And  yet  you  recollect  in  wliat  a 
lukewarm  way  he  acted  on  the  ISth  Fructidor,  when  I 
sent  him  to  second  Aiigereau.  This  devil  of  a  fellow  is 
not  to  be  seduced.  He  is  disinterested  and  clever.  But, 
after  all,  we  have  but  just  arrived,  and  know  not  what 
may  happen." 

Bernadotte,  it  was  reported,  had  advised  that  Bonaparte 
should  be  brought  to  a  court-martial,  on  the  twofold 
charge  of  liaving  abandoned  his  army  and  violated  the 
quarantine  laws.  This  report  came  to  the  ears  of  Bona- 
parte ;  but  he  refused  to  believe  it,  and  he  was  right. 
Bernadotte  thought  liimself  bound  to  the  Constitution 
whicli  he  had  sworn  to  defend.  Hence  the  opposition  he 
manifested  to  tbe  measures  of  the  18th  Brumaire.  But 
he  cherished  no  personal  animosity  against  Bonaparte  as 
long  as  he  was  ignorant  of  his  ambitious  designs.  The 
extraordinary  and  complicated  nature  of  subsequent  events 
rendered  his  possession  of  the  crown  of  Sweden  in  no  way 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  and  Bernadotte  had  married  sisters.  Marie-Julie 
and  Eugenie- Bernardiiie-De'.siree  Clary.  The  feeling  of  Ronrrienne  for 
Bernadotte  makes  this  passage  doul)tfnl.  It  is  to  he  noticed  that  in  the 
same  conversation  he  makes  Napoleon  descril)e  Bernadotte  as  not  venturing 
to  act  without  powers  and  as  enterprisiug.  The  stern  Repuhlican  l)ecoming 
Prince  de  Monte-Corvo  and  King  of  Sweden,  in  a  way  compatilile  with 
his  fidelity  to  the  Constitution  of  the  year  III.,  is  good.  Lanfrev  attributes 
Bernadotte's  refusal  to  join  more  to  rivalry  than  to  principle  {hnifreii, 
tome  i.p.  440).  Hut  in  any  case  Napoleon  did  not  dread  Bernadotte,  and 
was  soon  threatening  to  slioothim,  see  "  Lucien,"  tome  ii.  p.  107. 


2G8  MKM»)1I{S   OF   NAI'(»LK()X    BONArAKTE.  1799. 

inconnintilile  ^vitll  his  litk'lity  to  the  Constitution  of  tlie 
year  HI. 

On  our  first  arrival  in  Paris,  though  1  was  ahuost  con- 
stantly with  the  (reneral,  yet,  as  our  routine  of  occupation 
was  not  yet  settled,  I  was  enabled  now  and  then  to  snatch 
an  hour  or  two  from  business.  This  leisure  time  I  spent 
in  the  society  of  my  family  and  a  few  friends,  and  in  col- 
lecting information  as  to  what  had  happened  during  our 
absence,  for  which  purpose  I  consulted  old  news})apers 
and  pamphlets.  T  was  not  surprised  to  learn  that  Bona- 
parte's brothers  —  that  is  to  say,  Joseph  and  Lucien  — 
had  been  engaged  in  many  intrigues.  I  was  told  that 
Sieyfes  had  for  a  moment  thought  of  calling  the  Duke  (»f 
Brunswick  to  the  head  of  the  Government;  that  Bairas 
would  not  have  been  very  averse  to  favouring  the  return 
of  the  Bourbons  ;  and  that  MouUns,  Roger  Duco>,  and 
Gohier  alone  believed,  or  affected  to  believe,  in  the  pos- 
sibility of  preserving  the  existing  form  of  government. 
From  what  I  heard  at  the  time  I  have  good  reasons  for 
believing  that  Joseph  and  Lucien  made  all  sorts  of  endeav- 
ours to  inveigle  Bernadntte  into  their  brother's  party,  and 
in  the  hope  of  accomplishing  that  object  they  had  as- 
sisted in  getting  him  appointed  "War  Minister.  However, 
I  cannot  vouch  for  the  trutli  of  this.  I  was  told  that 
Bernadotte  liad  at  first  sul)mitted  to  the  influence  of  Bona- 
parte's two  brotliers;  but  that  their  urgent  interference 
in  their  client's  behalf  induced  him  to  shake  them  off,  to 
proceed  freely  in  the  exercise  of  his  duties,  and  to  open 
the  eyes  of  the  Directory  on  what  the  Republic  might 
have  to  apprehend  from  the  enterprising  character  of  Bona- 
parte. It  is  certain  that  what  I  have  to  relate  respecting 
the  conduct  of  B.-rnadotte  to  Bonaparte  is  calculated  to 
give  credit  to  these  assertions. 

All  the  generals  who  were  in  Paris,  witli  the  exception 
of  Bernadotte,  had  visited  Bonaparte  during  the  first  three 


1799.  DISPUTES   ^YITH  BERNADOTTE.  269 

days  which  succeeded  his  arrival.  Bernadotte's  absence 
was  the  more  remarkable  because  he  had  served  under 
Bonaparte  in  Italy.  It  was  not  until  a  fortnight  had 
elapsed,  and  then  only  on  the  reiterated  entreaties  of 
Joseph  and  Madame  Joseph  Bonaparte  (his  sister-in-law), 
that  he  determined  to  go  and  see  his  old  General-in-Chief. 
I  was  not  present  at  their  interview,  being  at  that  mo- 
ment occupied  in  the  little  cabinet  of  the  Eue  Chantereiue. 
But  I  soon  discovered  that  their  conversation  had  been 
long  and  warm  ;  for  as  soon  as  it  was  ended,  Bonaparte 
entered  the  cabinet  exceedingly  agitated,  and  said  to  me, 
"  Bourrienne,  how  do  you  think  Bernadotte  has  behaved  ? 
You  have  traversed  France  with  me  —  you  witnessed  the 
enthusiasm  which  my  return  excited  —  you  yourself  told 
me  that  you  saw  in  that  enthusiasm  the  desire  of  the 
French  people  to  be  relieved  from  the  disastrous  position 
in  which  our  reverses  have  placed  them.  Well !  would 
you  believe  it  ?  Bernadotte  boasts,  with  ridiculous  exag- 
geration, of  the  brilliant  and  victorious  situation  of  France  ! 
He  talks  about  the  defeat  of  the  Russians,  the  occupation 
of  Genoa,  the  innumerable  armies  that  are  rising  up  every- 
where. In  short,  I  know  not  what  nonsense  he  has 
got  in  his  head."  —  "  What  can  all  this  mean  ?  "  said  I. 
"  Did  he  speak  about  Egypt  ?  "  —  "  Oh,  yes  !  Now  you  re- 
mind me.  He  actually  reproached  me  for  not  having 
brought  the  army  back  with  me  !  '  But,'  observed  I, 
*  have  you  not  just  told  me  that  you  are  absolutely  over- 
run with  troops ;  that  all  your  frontiers  are  secure,  that 
immense  levies  are  going  on,  and  that  you  will  have  200,- 
000  infantry  ?  —  If  this  be  true,  what  do  you  want  with 
a  few  thousand  men  who  may  insure  the  preservation  of 
Egypt  ? '  He  could  make  no  answer  to  this.  But  he  is 
quite  elated  by  the  honour  of  having  been  War  Minister ; 
and  he  told  me  boldly  that  he  looked  upon  the  Army  of 
Egypt  as  lost.     Nay,  more.     He  made  insinuations.     He 


270  MKMUIKS   OF  NAPOLEON   BONAl'AinE.  1799. 

spukt'  uf  (.'iiemies  abroad  and  tucinies  at  home  ;  and  as  lie 
uttered  tlie.se  last  words,  he  looked  signiticantly  at  ine.  I 
too  gave  him  a  glance  !  lint  stay  a  little.  The  pear  will 
soon  be  ripe  !  You  know  .losephine's  grace  and  address. 
She  was  i)resent.  The  scrutinising  glance  of  I>ernadotle 
did  not  escajie  her,  and  she  adroitly  turned  j:he  conver- 
sation. Bernadotte  saw  from  my  countenance  that  I  had 
had  enough  of  it,  and  he  took  his  leave.  But  don't  let 
me  interrupt  you  further.  I  am  g<»ing  back  to  speak 
to  Josephine." 

I  must  confess  that  this  strange  story  made  me  very  im- 
patient to  find  myself  alone  with  Madame  Bonaparte,  for 
I  wished  to  hear  her  account  of  the  scene.  An  opportun- 
ity occurred  that  very  evening.  I  repeated  to  her  what 
I  had  heard  from  the  General,  and  all  that  she  told  me 
tended  to  confirm  its  accuracy.  She  added  that  Berna- 
dotte seemed  to  take  the  utmost  pains  to  exhibit  to  the 
General  a  flattering  picture  of  the  prosperity  of  France ; 
and  she  rejiorted  to  me,  as  follows,  that  part  of  the  con- 
versation which  was  peculiarly  calculated  to  irritate  Bon- 
aparte :  "  '  I  do  not  despair  of  the  safety  of  the  Kepublic, 
which  I  am  certain  can  restrain  her  enemies  both  abroad 
and  —  at  home.'  As  Bernadotte  uttered  these  last  words," 
continued  Josephine,  "  his  glance  made  me  shudder. 
One  word  more,  and  Bonaparte  could  have  commanded 
himself  no  longer !  It  is  true,"  added  she,  "  that  it  was 
in  some  degree  his  own  fault,  for  it  was  lie  who  turned 
the  conversation  on  politics  ;  and  r)ernadotte,  in  describ- 
ing the  tiourishing  condition  of  France,  was  only  replying 
to  the  General,  who  had  drawn  a  very  opposite  picture 
of  the  state  of  things.  You  know,  my  dear  Bourrienne, 
that  Bonaparte  is  not  always  very  prudent.  I  fear  he 
has  said  too  much  to  Bernadotte  about  the  necessity  of 
changes  in  the  Government."  Josephine  had  not  yet  re- 
covered from  the  agitation  into  which  this  violent  scene 


1799.  A  DIPLOMATIC  VISIT.  271 

had  thrown  her.     After  I  took  leave  of  her,  T  made  notes 
of  what  she  had  told  me. 

A  few  days  after,  when  Bonaparte,  Josephine,  Hortense, 
Eugene,  and  I  were  together  in  the  drawing-room,  Berna- 
dotte  unexpectedly  entered.  His  appearance,  after  what 
had  passed,  was  calculated  to  surprise  us.  He  was 
accompanied  by  a  person  whom  he  requested  permission 
to  introduce  to  Bonaparte.  I  have  forgotten  his  name,  but 
he  was,  I  think,  secretary-general  while  Bernadotte  was 
in  office.  Bonaparte  betrayed  no  appearance  of  astonish- 
ment. He  received  Bernadotte  with  perfect  ease,  and  they 
soon  entered  into  conversation.  Bonaparte,  who  seemed 
to  acquire  confidence  from  the  presence  of  those  who  were 
about  him,  said  a  great  deal  about  the  agitation  which 
prevailed  among  the  Eepublicans,  and  expressed  himself 
in  very  decided  terms  against  the  Mandge  Club.^  I  sec- 
onded him  by  observing  that  M.  Moreau  de  Worms,  of  my 
department,  who  was  a  member  of  that  club,  had  himself 
complained  to  me  of  the  violence  that  prevailed  in  it. 
"  But,  General,"  said  Bernadotte,  "  your  brothers  were  its 
most  active  originators.  Yet,"  added  he  in  a  tone  of 
firmness,  "  you  accuse  me  of  having  favoured  that  club, 
and  I  repel  the  charge.  It  cannot  be  otherwise  than 
false.  When  I  came  into  office,  I  found  everything  in  the 
greatest  disorder.  I  had  no  leisure  to  think  about  any 
club  to  which  my  duties  did  not  call  me.  You  know  well 
that  your  friend  Salicetti,  and  that  your  brother,  who  is  in 
your  confidence,  are  both  leading  men  in  the  Manage 
Club.  To  the  instructions  of  /  knoiv  not  v:Jiom  is  to  be 
attributed  the  violence  of  which  you  complain."     At  these 

^  The  Manege  Club,  tlie  last  resort  of  the  Jacohins,  fonneil  in  1799,  and 
closed  seven  or  eight  months  afterwards.  Joseph  Bonaparte  [Erreurs, 
tome  i.  p.  251)  denies  that  he  or  T.ncien — for  whom  the  allusion  is  meant — 
were  members  of  this  club,  and  he  disputes  this  conversation  ever  having 
taken  place.  Lucien  (tome  i.  p.  219)  treats  this  club  as  opposed  to  his 
party. 


272  MKMOinS   OF   NAPOLEON   RoXArAim:.  1799. 

words,  ami  especially  tlie  tone  in  \\lii(]i  I'ernadotte 
uttered  /  kinno  not  ir/tom,  liuiiaparte  coiild  no  longer 
restrain  himself.  "  Well,  General,"  exclaimed  he  furi- 
ously, "  I  tell  you  plainly,  I  would  rather  live  wild  in  the 
woods  than  in  a  state  of  society  which  affoids  no  se- 
curity." I'.ernadotte  then  said,  with  great  dignity  of  man- 
ner, "Good  God!  (reneral,  what  security  would  you 
have?"  From  the  warmth  evinced  by  Bonaparte  I  saw 
plainly  that  the  conversation  would  soon  be  converted 
into  a  dispute,  and  in  a  whisper  I  requested  jMadame 
Bonaparte  to  change  the  conversation,  which  slie  imme- 
diately did  by  addressing  a  question  to  some  one  present. 
Bernadotte,  observing  Madame  Bonaparte's  design, 
checked  his  warmth.  The  subject  of  conversation  was 
chaniied,  and  it  became  general.  Bernadotte  soon  took 
up  his  hat  and  departed. 

One  morning,  when  I  entered  Bonaparte's  chamber,  — 
it  was,  I  believe,  three  or  four  days  after  the  second  visit 
of  Bernadotte, —  he  said,  — 

"  Well,  Bourrienne,  I  wager  you  will  not  guess  with 
whom  I  am  going  to  breakfast  this  morning  ?  "  — "  Pteally, 

General,  I "  —  "  With  Bernadotte  ;  and  the  best  of  the 

joke  is,  that  I  have  invited  myself.  You  would  have  seen 
how  it  was  all  brought  about  if  you  had  been  with  us  at 
the  Th(^atre  Francais,  yesterday  evening.  You  know  we 
are  going  to  visit  Joseph  to-day  at  Mortfontaine.  Well, 
as  we  were  coming  out  of  the  theatre  last  night,  finding 
my.self  side  by  side  with  Bernadotte,  and  not  knowing 
what  to  talk  about,  I  asked  him  whether  he  was  to  be 
of  our  party  to-day  ?  He  replied  in  the  affirmative  ;  and 
as  we  were  passing  his  house  in  the  Eue  Cisalpine,  ^  I 
told  liim,  without  any  ceremony,  that  I  should  be  hapjiy 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  lays  great  stress  on  tlie  fact  that  Napoleon  would 
not  have  passed  this  house,  which  was  far  from  the  theatre  {Erreurs, 
tome  i.  p.  251). 


1799.  A   DIPLOMATIC   VISIT.  273 

to  come  and  take  a  cup  of  coffee  with  him  in  the  morn- 
ing. He  seemed  pleased.  What  do  you  think  of  that, 
Bourrienne  ?  "  —  "  Why,  General,  I  hope  you  may  have 
reason  on  your  part  to  be  pleased  with  him."  —  "  Never 
fear,  never  fear.  I  know  what  I  am  about.  This  will  com- 
promise him  with  Gohier.  Eemember,  you  must  always 
meet  your  enemies  with  a  bold  face,  otherwise  they 
think  they  are  feared,  and  that  gives  them  confidence." 

Bonaparte  stepped  into  the  carriage  with  Josephine, 
who  was  always  ready  when  she  had  to  go  out  with  him, 
for  he  did  not  like  to  wait.  They  proceeded  first  to  Ber- 
nadotte's  to  breakfast,  and  from  thence  to  Mortfontaine. 
On  his  return  Bonaparte  told  me  very  little  about  what 
had  passed  during  the  day,  and  I  could  see  that  he  was 
not  in  the  best  of  humours.  I  afterwards  learned  that 
Bonaparte  had  conversed  a  good  deal  with  Bernadotte,  and 
that  he  had  made  every  effort  to  render  himself  agreeable, 
which  he  very  well  knew  how  to  do  when  he  chose !  but 
that,  in  spite  of  all  his  conversational  talent,  and  sup- 
ported as  he  was  by  the  presence  of  his  three  brothers, 
and  Regnault  de  St.  Jean  d'Ang(51y,  ^  he  could  not  with- 
stand the  republican  firmness  of  Bernadotte,  However, 
the  number  of  his  partisans  daily  augmented,  for  all  had 
not  the  uncompromising  spirit  of  Bernadotte ;  and  it 
will  soon  be  seen  that  Moreau  himself  undertook  charge 
of  the  Directors  who  were  made  prisoners  on  the  18th 
Brum  aire. 

Bernadotte's  shrewd  penetration  made  him  one  of  the 
first  to  see  clearly  into  Bonaparte's  de:<igns.  He  was  well 
convinced  of  his  determination  to  overthrow  the  constitu- 
tion and  possess  himself  of  power.     He  saw  the  Directory 

1  filtienne  Ronjnaiilt  <ir  Hp2;iian(l  (de  St.  Jean  d'.\ngely)  became  Coitite, 
and  a  Member  of  the  CJuiuicil  of  State,  Scrretmre  d'Elat  fie  la  Famille  Impe- 
ride,  etc.,  but  was,  tliuugh  mucli  employed  and  showing  much   devotion, 
never  given  office. 
VOL.  1.  —  18 


274  Mr.MnlKS    OF    NAl'OLKoX    HONArAUTK.  1799. 

divided  into  two  partios  :  the  one  dujted  l»y  tlie  promises 
and  assurances  of  Iii»iiai):irte,  and  the  (»ther  conniving 
with  him  for  tlie  accomplishment  of  his  plans.  In  these 
circumstances  Bernadotte  offered  his  services  to  all  persons 
connected  with  the  Oovernment  who,  like  himself,  were 
averse  to  the  change  which  he  saw  good  reason  to  appre- 
hend. Ihit  Ijonaparte  was  not  the  man  to  be  outdone  in 
cunning  or  activity  ;  and  every  moment  swelled  the  ranks 
of  his  adherents. 

On  the  16th  Drumaire  T  dined  in  the  Rue  de  la  Yictoire. 
Bernadotte  was  present,  and  I  believe  General  Jourdan 
also.  While  the  grand  conspiracy  was  hastening  to  its 
accomplishment,  Madame  l)0naparte  and  I  had  contrived 
a  little  plot  of  a  more  innocent  kind.  We  let  no  one  into 
our  secret,  and  our  16th  Brumaire  was  crowned  with  com- 
plete success.  "We  had  agreed  to  be  on  the  alert  to  pre- 
vent any  fresh  exchange  of  angry  words.  All  succeeded 
to  the  utmost  of  our  wishes.  The  conversation  languished 
during  dinner ;  but  it  was  not  dulness  that  we  were 
afraid  of.  It  turned  on  the  subject  of  war,  and  in  that 
vast  field  Bonaparte's  superiority  over  his  interlocutors 
was  undeniable. 

When  we  retired  to  the  drawing-rooms,  a  great  number 
of  evening  visitors  poured  in,  and  the  conversation  then 
became  animated,  and  even  gay.  Bonaparte  was  in  high 
spirits.  He  said  to  some  one,  smiling,  and  pointing  to 
Bernadotte,  "  You  are  not  aware  that  the  General  yonder 
is  a  Chouan."  —  "A  Chouan  ? "  repeated  Bernadotte,  also 
in  a  tone  of  pleasantry.  "  Ah  !  General,  you  contradict 
yourself.  Only  the  other  day  you  taxed  me  with  favour- 
ing the  violence  of  the  friends  of  the  Republic,  and  now 
you  accuse  me  of  protecting  the  Chouans.^      You  should 

*  The  "  Chouans,"  so  calleil  from  tlieir  use  of  the  cry  of  the  screech-owl 
(chathouan)  as  a  signal,  were  the  revolted  peasants  of  Brittany  and  of 
Maine. 


1799.  PROMOTION   OF   LUCIEN.  275 

at  least  be  consistent."  A  few  moments  after,  availinflf 
himself  of  the  confusion  occasioned  by  the  throng  of  vis- 
itors, Bernadotte  slipped  off. 

As  a  mark  of  respect  to  Bonaparte,  the  Council  of  the 
Five  Hundred  appointed  Lucien  its  president.  The  event 
proved  how  important  this  nomination  was  to  Napoleon. 
Up  to  the  19th  Brumaire,  and  especially  on  that  day, 
Lucien  evinced  a  degree  of  activity,  intelligence,  courage, 
and  presence  of  mind  which  are  rarely  found  united  in 
one  individual.  I  have  no  hesitation  in  stating  that  to 
Lucien's  nomination  and  CKortions  must  be  attributed 
the  success  of  the  19tli   Brumaire. 

The  General  had  laid  down  a  plan  of  conduct  from 
which  he  never  deviated  during  the  twenty-three  days 
which  intervened  between  his  arrival  in  Paris  and  the 
18th  Brumaire.  He  refused  almost  all  private  invitations, 
in  order  to  avoid  indiscreet  questions,  unacceptable  offers, 
and  answers  which  might  compromise  him. 

It  was  not  without  some  degree  of  hesitation  that  he 
yielded  to  a  project  started  by  Lucien,  who,  by  all  sorts  of 
manoeuvring,  had  succeeded  in  prevailing  on  a  great  number 
of  his  colleagues  to  be  present  at  a  grand  subscription  din- 
ner to  be  given  to  Bonaparte  by  the  Council  of  the  Ancients. 

The  disorder  which  unavoidably  prevailed  in  a  party 
amounting  to  upwards  of  250  persons,  animated  by  a  di- 
versity of  opinions  and  sentiments ;  the  anxiety  and  dis- 
trust arising  in  the  minds  of  those  who  were  not  in  the 
grand  plot,  —  rendered  this  meeting  one  of  the  most  dis- 
agreeable I  ever  witnessed.  It  was  all  restraint  and  dul- 
ness.  Bonaparte's  countenance  sufficiently  betrayed  his 
dissatisfaction  ;  besides,  the  success  of  his  schemes  de- 
manded liis  presence  elsewhere.  Almost  as  soon  as  lie  had 
finished  his  dinner,  lie  rose,  saying  to  Berthier  and  me,  "  I 
am  tired  :  let  us  be  gone."  He  went  round  to  the  differ- 
ent tables,  addressing  to  the  company  compliments  and 


276  MKMoIKS    OF    NAPOLEON    H(  •NAl'AK'Ii:.  1799. 

tritliiiiT  reiniuk-^,  and  <U'i)artt'(l,  leaviii^f  at  laMe  the  ])ersons 
by  wlioiii  lie  lial  Itei'u  invited. 

This  slmrt  |i«>litieal  crisis  was  luarUed  l>y  nolliing  more 
grand,  diunilifd,  (tr  noble  than  the  ])revious  revolutionary 
commotions.  All  those  plots  were  so  contem]»til»le,  «ind 
were  accompanied  by  so  much  trickery,  falsehood,  and 
treachery,  that,  for  tlie  honour  of  human  miture,  it  is  de- 
sirable to  cover  them  with  a  veil. 

General  Bonaparte's  thoughts  were  first  occu]>ied  with 
the  idea  he  had  conceived  even  when  in  Italy ;  namely,  to 
be  chosen  a  Director.  Nobody  dared  yet  to  accuse  him 
of  being  a  deserter  from  the  Army  of  the  East.  The  only 
difficulty  was  to  obtain  a  dispensation  on  the  score  of  age. 
And  was  thi.s  not  to  be  olitained  ?  No  sooner  was  he 
installed  in  his  humble  abode  in  the  Rue  de  la  Victoire 
than  he  was  assured  that,  on  the  retirement  of  Rewbell, 
the  majority  of  sulfrages  would  have  devolved  on  him 
had  he  been  in  France,  and  had  not  the  fundamental  law 
required  the  age  of  forty;  but  that  not  even  his  warmest 
partisans  were  dis])0sed  to  violate  the  yet  infant  Constitu- 
tion of  the  year  III. 

Bonaparte  soon  perceived  that  no  efl'orts  would  succeed 
in  overcoming  this  difficulty,  and  he  easily  resolved  to 
possess  himself  wholly  of  an  office  of  which  he  would 
nominally  have  had  only  a  fifth  part  had  he  been  a  mem- 
ber of  the  Directory. 

As  soon  as  his  intentions  became  manifest,  he  found  him- 
self surrounded  by  all  those  who  recognised  in  him  the 
man  they  had  long  looked  for.  These  persons,  who  were 
able  and  influential  in  their  own  circles,  endeavoured  to 
convert  into  friendship  the  animosity  which  existed  be- 
tween Siey^s  and  lionaparte.  This  angry  feeling  had  been 
increased  by  a  remark  made  by  Sieyes,  and  reported  to 
Bonaparte.  He  had  said,  after  the  dinner  at  which  Bona- 
parte treated  him  so  disrespectfully,  "  Do  you  see  how  that 


1799.  FALSELY  ACCUSED  BY  BAERAS.  277 

little  insolent  fellow  behaves  to  a  member  of  a  government 
which  would  do  well  to  order  him  to  be  SHOT?" 

But  all  was  changed  when  able  mediators  pointed  out 
to  Bonaparte  the  advantage  of  uniting  with  Sieves  for  the 
purpose  of  overthrowing  a  constitution  which  he  did  not 
like.  He  was  assured  liow  vain  it  would  be  to  thmk  of 
superseding  him,  and  that  it  would  be  better  to  flatter  him 
with  the  hope  of  helping  to  subvert  the  Constitution  and 
raising  up  a  new  one.  One  day  some  one  said  to  Bona- 
parte in  my  hearing,  "  Seek  for  support  among  the  party 
who  call  the  friends  of  the  Kepuljlic  Jacobins,  and  be 
assured  that  Siey^s  is  at  the  head  of  that  party." 

On  the  25th  Vend(^miaire  (17tli  of  October)  the  Direc- 
tory summoned  General  Bonaparte  to  a  private  sitting. 
"  They  offered  me  the  choice  of  any  army  I  would  com- 
mand," said  he  to  me  the  next  morning.  "  I  would  not 
refuse,  but  I  asked  to  be  allowed  a  little  time  for  the 
recovery  of  my  health  ;  and,  to  avoid  any  other  embarras- 
sing offers,  I  withdrew.  I  shall  go  to  no  more  of  their 
sittings."  [He  attended  only  one  after  this.]  "  I  am 
determined  to  join  Sieyfes'  party.  It  includes  a  greater 
diversity  of  opinions  than  that  of  the  profligate  Barras. 
He  proclaims  everywhere  that  he  is  the  author  of  my  for- 
tune. He  will  never  be  content  to  play  an  inferior  part, 
and  I  will  never  bend  to  such  a  man.  He  cherishes 
the  mad  ambition  of  being  the  support  of  the  Republic. 
Wliat  would  he  do  with  me  ?  Sieyfes,  on  the  contrary,  has 
no  political  ambition." 

No  sooner  did  Sieyfes  begin  to  grow  friendly  with  Bona- 
parte than  the  latter  learned  from  him  that  Barras  had 
said,  "  The  '  little  corporal '  has  made  his  fortune  in  Italy, 
and  does  not  w\ant  to  go  back  again."  Bonaparte  repaired 
to  the  Directory  for  the  sole  purpose  of  contradicting  tliis 
allegation.  He  complained  to  the  Directors  of  its  false- 
hood, boldly  affirmed  that  the  fortune  he  was  supposed  to 


278  MEMOIRS   OF   NAl'OLEON   BONAPARTE.  1799. 

possess  had  no  existence  ;  autl  that  even  if  he  liad  made  his 
fiiitnne,  it  was  not,  at  all  events,  at  the  e.xpense  of  the  Ke- 
puhlic.  "You  know,"  said  he  to  me, "  that  the  mines 
of  Hydria  have  furnished  the  greater  part  of  what  I  pos- 
sess."—  "  Is  it  possible,"  said  I,  "  that  liarras  could  have 
said  so,  when  you  know  so  well  of  all  the  peculations  of 
which  he  has  been  guilty  since  your  return  ?  " 

Bonaparte  had  confided  the  secret  of  liis  ])lans  to  very 
few  persons,  —  to  those  only  whose  assistance  he  wanted. 
The  rest  mechanically  followed  their  leaders  and  the  im- 
pulse which  was  given  to  them  ;  they  passively  awaited 
the  realisation  of  the  promises  they  had  received,  and  on 
the  faith  of  which  they  had  pledged  themselves. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

1799. 

The  parts  of  the  great  drama  which  was  shortly  to  be 
enacted  were  well  distributed.  During  the  three  days  pre- 
ceding the  18th  Brumaire  every  one  was  at  his  post.  Lu- 
cien,  with  equal  activity  and  intelligence,  forwarded  the 
conspiracy  in  the  two  Councils  ;  Sieyes  had  the  manage- 
ment of  the  Directoiy ;  R(^al,  ^  under  the  instructions  of 
Fouchd,  ^  negotiated  with  the  departments,  and  dexter- 
ously managed,  witliout  compromising  Fouchd,  to  ruin 
those  from  whom  that  Minister  had  received  his  power. 
There  was  no  time  to  lose  ;  and  Fouch^  said  to  me  on  the 
14th  Brumaire,  "Tell  your  General  to  be  speedy;  if  he 
delays,  he  is  lost." 

On  the  17th,  Eegnault  de  St.  Jean  d'Ang^ly  told  Bona- 
parte that  the  overtures  made  to  Cambac^rfes  and  Lebrun 
had  not  been  received  in  a  very  decided  way.  "  I  will 
have  no  tergiversation,"  replied  Bonaparte,  with  warmth. 
"  Let  them  not  Hatter  themselves  that  I  stand  in  need  of 

1  Pierre  Franoois  Ri'-al  (1757-1834),  public  accuser  before  the  revolu- 
tionary criminal  tribunal,  became,  under  Napoleon,  Conseiller  d'Etat  and 
Comte,  and  was  charged  with  the  affairs  of  the  "  haute  police." 

■■'Joseph  Fouche  (1754-1820),  Conventionalist;  member  of  extreme 
Jacobin  party;  Minister  of  Police  uniler  the  Directory,  August,  1799; 
retained  l)y  Napoleon  in  that  ministry  till  1802,  and  again  from  1804  to 
1810;  became  Due  d'Otrante  in  1809  ;  disgraced  in  1810,  and  sent  in  181.3 
as  governor  of  tlie  lilyrian  provinces ;  Minister  of  Police  during  tlie 
Vent  Jours  ;  President  of  the  Provisional  Government,  1815  ;  and  for  a 
short  time  Minister  of  Police  under  second  restoration. 


280  MKMolKS   OF   NAPOLEON   HoNArARTK.  1799. 

them.  They  must  deculo  to-dav  ;  to-iunrntw  will  be  too 
late.     I  feel  myself  strong  enough  now  to  stand  alone." 

Cambacdr^s  *  and  Lebrun  ^  were  almost  utter  stran- 
gers to  the  intrigues  which  preceded  the  ISth  Brumaire. 
liona])arte  had  cast  his  eyes  on  the  Minister  of  Justice  to 
be  one  of  his  colleagues  when  lie  should  be  at  lil)erty  to 
name  them,  because  his  pre\dous  conduct  had  pledged  him 
as  a  partisan  of  the  Revolution.  To  him  Bonajiarte  added 
Lebrun,  to  counterl)alance  the  first  choice.  Lebrun  was 
distinguished  for  honourable  conduct  and  moderate  prin- 
ciples. By  selecting  these  two  men,  Bonaparte  hoped  to 
please  every  one;  besides,  neither  of  them  were  al)le  to 
contend  against  his  fixed  determination  and  ambitious 
views. 

What  petty  intrigues  marked  the  17th  Brumaire  !  On 
that  day  I  dined  with  Bona])arte;  and  after  dinner  he 
said,  "  I  have  promised  to  dine  to-morrow  with  Gohier; 
but,  as  you  may  readily  suppose,  I  do  not  intend  going. 
However,  I  am  very  sorry  for  his  obstinacy.  By  way  of 
restoring  his  confidence,  Josephine  is  going  to  invite  him 
to  breakfast  with  us  to-morrow.  It  will  be  impossible  for 
him  to  suspect  anything.  I  saw  Barras  this  morning,  and 
left  him  much  disturbed.  He  asked  me  to  return  and 
visit  him  to-night.  I  promised  to  do  so,  but  I  shall  not 
go.  To-morrow  all  will  be  over.  There  is  but  little  time  ; 
he  expects  me  at  eleven  o'clock  to-night.  You  shall 
therefore  take  my  carriage,  go  there,  send  in  my  name, 

1  Cambacerbs  (J.  J.  Kepis  de)  (17.')3-1824),  ronventioiialist ;  Minister 
of  Justice  under  Directory,  1799;  Second  Consul,  2.5th  Decenilier,  1799  ; 
Arch-CIiancellor  of  the  Knipire,  1S04;  Due  do  Parma,  1806;  Minister  of 
Justice  during  the  Cent  Jours  :  took  groat  part  in  all  the  legal  and  admin- 
istrative projects  of  the  Consulate  and  Enij)ire. 

2  Charles  Fram/ois  Lelmin  (1737-1824),  Deputy  to  the  National  As- 
pemhly,  an<l  meml>er  of  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred  ;  Third  Consul, 
25th  December,  1799 ;  Arch  Treasurer  of  the  Empire,  1804;  Due  de  Plai- 
saiice,  180<);  (iovernor-General  of  Midland,  1805;  Lieutenant-Governor  of 
Holland,  1810  to  1813;  chiefly  engaged  in  financial  measures. 


1799.  THE   EIGHTEENTH   BRUMAIRE.  281 

and  then  enter  yourself.  Tell  him  that  a  severe  head- 
ache confines  me  to  my  bed,  but  that  I  will  be  with  him 
without  fail  to-morrow.  Bid  him  not  be  alarmed,  for  all 
will  soon  be  right  again.  Elude  his  questions  as  much 
as  possible ;  do  not  stay  long,  and  come  to  me  on  your 
return." 

At  precisely  eleven  o'clock  I  reached  the  residence  of 
Barras,  in  General  Bonaparte's  carriage.  Solitude  and 
silence  prevailed  in  all  the  apartments  through  which  I 
passed  to  Barras'  cabinet.  Bonaparte  was  announced,  and 
wlien  Barras  saw  me  enter  instead  of  him,  he  manifested 
the  greatest  astonishment  and  appeared  much  cast  down. 
It  was  easy  to  perceive  that  he  looked  on  himself  as  a  lost 
man.  I  executed  my  commission,  and  stayed  only  a  short 
time.  I  rose  to  take  my  leave,  and  he  said,  while  show- 
ing me  out,  "  I  see  that  Bonaparte  is  deceiving  me :  he  will 
not  come  again.  He  has  settled  everything  ;  yet  to  me  he 
owes  all."  I  repeated  that  he  would  certainly  come  to- 
morrow, but  he  shook  his  head  in  a  way  which  plainly 
denoted  that  he  did  not  believe  me.  When  I  gave  Bona- 
parte an  account  of  my  visit,  he  appeared  much  pleased. 
He  told  me  that  Joseph  was  going  to  call  that  evening  on 
Bernadotte,  and  to  ask  him  to  come  to-morrow.  I  replied 
that,  from  all  I  knew,  he  would  be  of  no  use  to  him.  "  I 
believe  so  too,"  said  he  ;  "  but  he  can  no  longer  injure  me, 
and  that  is  enough.  Well,  good-night ;  be  here  at  seven 
in  the  morning."     It  was  then  one  o'clock. 

I  was  with  him  a  little  before  seven  o'clock  on  the 
morning  of  the  18th  Brumaire,  and  on  my  arrival  I  found 
a  great  number  of  generals  and  officers  assembled.  I  en- 
tered Bonaparte's  chamber,  and  found  him  already  up,  —  a 
thing  rather  unusual  with  him.  At  this  moment  he  was 
as  calm  as  on  the  approach  of  a  battle.  In  a  few  moments 
Joseph  and  Bernadotte  arrived.  Joseph  had  not  found 
him  at  home  on  the  preceding  evening,  and  had  called  for 


282  MEMOIRS   OF  NAPOLEON   BONArAllTE.  1799. 

liiiii  that  inorniiiL;.  I  was  surprised  to  see  Bernadotte  in 
plain  clothes,  and  I  stepped  up  to  him  and  said  in  a  low 
voice,  "  General,  every  one  here,  except  you  and  me,  is  in 
uniform."  — "  Why  should  I  be  in  uniftjrm  ? "  said  he.  As 
he  uttered  these  words,  lionaparte,  struck  with  the  same 
surprise  as  myself,  stopi)ed  short  while  speaking  to  several 
])ersiins  around  him,  and  turning  quickly  towards  Berna- 
dotte said,  "  How  is  this  ?  you  are  not  in  uniform  ! "  —  "I 
never  am  on  a  morning  when  I  am  not  on  duty,"  replied 
Bernadotte.  —  " You  will  be  on  duty  presently."  —  "I 
have  not  heard  a  word  of  it :  I  should  have  received  my 
orders  sooner."  * 

Bonaparte  then  led  Bernadotte  into  an  adjoining  room. 
Their  conversation  was  not  long,  for  there  was  no  time  to 
spare. 

On  the  other  hand,  by  the  influence  of  the  principal 
conspirators,  the  removal  of  the  legislative  body  to  St. 
Cloud  was  determined  on  the  morning  of  the  18th 
Brumaire,  and  the  command  of  the  army  was  given  to 
Bonaparte. 

All  this  time  Barras  was  no  doubt  waiting  for  Bona- 
parte, and  Madame  Bonaparte  was  expecting  Gohier  to 
breakfast.  At  Bonaparte's  were  assembled  all  the  gen- 
erals who  were  devoted  to  him.  I  never  saw  so  great  a 
number  before  in  the  Rue  de  la  Victoire.  They  were  all, 
except  Bernadotte,  in  full  uniform ;  and  there  were,  be- 
sides, half  a  dozen  persons  there  initiated  in  the  secrets  of 
the  day.     The  little  hotel  of  the  conqueror  of  Italy  was 

1  All  this  account  is  denioil  hy  Joseph  Bonaparte,  who  says  (Krreurs, 
tome  i.  p.  '2'yl)  that  Hornadotte  did  not  .see  Nap<deon  nor  enter  his  house 
on  the  IStli  Hruinaire,  and  appeals  to  IJernadotte  himself,  then  alive. 
Thiers  (tome  v.  p.  494)  and  Lanfrev  (tome  i.  p.  451)  follow  IJourrienne. 
A  letter  of  Bernadotte  to  .Iosej)li  (Lurim,  tome  i.  pp.  .302,  363)  seems  to 
show  that  Bcrna<iotte,  Ixdieving  he  could  resist,  liad  yielded  to  Joseph's 
advice  ;  see  also  his  reference  to  his  youth  at  that  time  {Lucieii,  tome  ii. 
p.  393). 


1799.  MEETING   OF   THE   GENERALS.  283 

much  too  small  for  such  an  assemblage,  and  several  per- 
sons were  standing  in  the  courtyard.  Bonaparte  was 
acquainted  with  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  the  Ancients, 
and  only  waited  for  its  being  brought  to  him  before  he 
should  mount  his  horse.  That  decree  was  adopted  in  the 
Council  of  the  Ancients  by  what  may  be  called  a  false 
majority,  for  the  members  of  the  Council  were  summoned 
at  different  hours,  and  it  was  so  contrived  that  sixty  or 
eighty  of  them,  whom  Lucien  and  his  friends  had  not 
been  able  to  gain  over,  should  not  receive  their  notices  in 
time. 

As  soon  as  the  message  from  the  Council  of  the  Ancients 
arrived,  Bonaparte  requested  all  the  officers  at  his  house 
to  follow  him.  At  that  announcement  a  few  who  were  in 
ignorance  of  what  was  going  on  did  not  follow,  —  at  least 
I  saw  two  groups  separately  leave  the  hotel.  Bernadotte 
said  to  me,  "  I  shall  stay  with  you."  I  perceived  there 
was  a  good  deal  of  suspicion  in  his  manner.  Bonaparte, 
before  going  down  the  stairs  which  led  from  the  small 
round  dining-room  into  the  courtyard,  returned  quickly 
to  bid  Bernadotte  follow  him.  He  would  not,  and  Bona- 
parte then  said  to  me,  while  hurrying  off,  "  Gohier  is  not 
come  —  so  much  the  worse  for  him,"  and  leaped  on  his 
horse.  Scarcely  was  he  off  when  Bernadotte  left  me. 
Josephine  and  I  being  now  left  alone,  she  acquainted  me 
with  her  anxiety.  I  assured  her  that  everything  had 
been  so  well  prepared  that  success  was  certain.  She  felt 
much  interest  about  Gohier  on  account  of  her  friendship 
for  his  wife.  She  asked  me  whether  I  was  well  ac- 
quainted with  Gohier.  "  You  know,  Madame,"  replied  I, 
"  that  we  have  been  only  twenty  days  in  Paris,  and  that 
during  that  time  I  have  only  gone  out  to  sleep  in  the  Kue 
Martel.  I  have  seen  M.  Gohier  several  times,  when  lie 
came  to  visit  the  General,  and  have  talked  to  him  about 
the    situation   of    our   affairs   in   Switzerland,   Holland, 


284  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1799. 

France,  and  otlu'r  political  matters,  but  I  never  ex- 
changed a  word  with  him  as  to  what  is  now  going  on. 
This  is  the  whole  extent  of  my  aciiuaintance  with  him." 

"I  am  sorry  ft  »r  it,"  resumed  Josephine,  "  lieoause  I 
should  have  asked  you  to  write  to  him,  and  beg  him  to 
make  no  stir,  but  imitate  Siey6s  and  Koger,  who  will  vol- 
untarily retire,  and  not  to  join  Barras,  who  is  probably  at 
this  very  moment  forced  to  d<i  so.  Bonajiavte  has  told 
me  that  if  Ciohier  voluntarily  resigns,  he  will  do  every- 
thing for  him."  T  believe  Josephine  communicated  di- 
rectly with  the  President  of  the  Directory  through  a 
friend  of  ]Madame  Clohier's. 

Gohier  and  Moulins,  no  longer  depending  on  Siey^s 
and  Roger  Ducos,  waited  for  their  colleague,  Barras,  in 
the  hall  of  the  Directory,  to  adopt  some  measure  on  the 
decree  for  removing  the  Councils  to  St.  Cloud.  But  they 
were  disappointed ;  for  Barras,  whose  eyes  had  been 
opened  by  my  visit  on  the  preceding  night,  did  not  join 
them.  He  had  been  invisible  to  his  colleagues  from  the 
moment  that  r>ruix  and  M.  de  Talleyrand  had  informed 
him  of  the  reality  of  what  he  already  suspected,  and 
insisted   on   his   retirement. 

On  the  18th  Brumaire  a  great  number  of  military, 
amounting  to  about  10,000  men,  w^ere  assembled  in  the 
gardens  of  the  Tuileries,  and  were  reviewed  by  Bonaparte, 
accompanied  by  Generals  Beurnonville,  Moreau,  and  Mac- 
donald.  Bonaparte  read  to  them  the  decree  just  issued 
by  the  commission  of  inspectors  of  the  Council  of  the 
Ancients,  by  which  the  legislative  body  was  removed  to 
St.  Cloud,  and  by  wliich  he  himself  was  intrusted  with  the 
execution  of  that  decree,  and  appointed  to  the  command 
of  all  the  military  force  in  Paris,  and  afterwards  delivered 
an  address  to  the  troops. 

Wliilst  Bonaparte  was  haranguing  the  soldiers,  the 
Council  of    the   Ancients   published   an  address  to  the 


1799.  MOREAU'S   APPOINTMENT.  285 

rrench  people,  in  which  it  was  declared  that  the  seat 
of  the  legishitive  body  was  changed,  in  order  to  put  down 
the  factions,  whose  object  was  to  control  the  national 
representation. 

While  all  this  was  passing  abroad,  I  was  at  the  General's 
house  in  the  Rue  de  la  Yictoire ;  which  I  never  left  dur- 
ing the  whole  day.  Madame  Bonaparte  and  1  were  not 
without  anxiety  in  Bonaparte's  absence.  I  learned  from 
Josephine  that  Joseph's  wife  had  received  a  visit  from 
Adjutant-General  Rapatel,  who  had  been  sent  by  Bona- 
parte and  Mureau  to  bring  her  husband  to  the  Tuileries. 
Joseph  was  from  home  at  the  time,  and  so  the  message 
was  useless.  This  circumstance,  however,  awakened  hopes 
which  we  had  scarcely  dared  to  entertain.  Moreau  was 
then  in  accordance  with  Bonaparte,  for  Rapatel  was  sent 
in  the  name  of  both  generals.  This  alliance,  so  long 
despaired  of,  appeared  to  augur  favourably.  It  was  one 
of  Bonaparte's  happy  strokes.  Moreau,  who  was  a  slave 
to  military  discipline,  regarded  his  successful  rival  only  as 
a  cliief  nominated  by  the  Council  of  the  Ancients.  He 
received  his  orders,  and  obeyed  them.  Bonaparte  appointed 
him  commander  of  the  guard  of  the  Luxembourg,  where 
the  Directors  were  under  confinement.  He  accepted  the 
command,  and  no  circumstance  could  have  contributed 
more  etfectually  to  the  accomplishment  of  Bonaparte's 
views  and  to  the  triumph  of  his  ambition. 

At  length  Bonaparte,  whom  we  had  impatiently  ex- 
pected, returned.  Almost  everything  had  gone  well  with 
him,  for  he  had  had  only  to  do  with  soldiers.  In  the 
evening  he  said  to  me,  "  I  am  sure  that  the  committee  of 
inspectors  of  the  hall  are  at  this  very  moment  engaged 
in  settling  what  is  to  be  done  at  St.  Cloud  to-morrow.  It 
is  better  to  let  them  decide  the  matter,  for  by  that  means 
their  vanity  is  flattered.  I  will  obey  orders  which  I  have 
myself  concerted."     What  Bonaparte  was  speaking  of  had 


286  Mr.MolPvS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1799. 

been  ananged  nearly  two  or  three  days  previously.  The 
coniniittee  of  inspectors  was  under  the  influence  of  the 
priii('i]>al  consjtirators. 

In  the  evening  of  this  anxious  day,  which  was  destined 
to  be  succeeded  by  a  stormy  morrow,  Bonaparte,  pleased 
with  having  gained  over  Morean,  spoke  to  me  of  Berna- 
dotte's  visit  in  the  morning.  "  I  saw,"  said  he,  "  that  you 
were  as  mueh  astonished  as  I  at  l^ernadotte's  behaviour. 
A  general  out  of  uniform  !  He  might  as  well  have  come 
in  .slippers.  Do  you  know  what  passed  when  I  took  him 
aside?  I  told  him  all;  I  thunglit  that  the  best  way.  I 
assured  him  that  his  Directory  was  hated,  and  his  Consti- 
tution worn  out ;  that  it  was  necessary  to  turn  them  all 
off",  and  give  another  impulse  to  the  Government.  'Go 
and  put  on  your  uniform,'  said  I  ;  '  I  cannot  w\iit  for  you 
long.  You  will  find  me  at  the  Tuileries,  with  the  rest  of 
our  comrades.  Do  not  depend  on  Moreau,  Beurnonville, 
or  the  generals  of  your  party.  "When  you  know  them 
better,  you  will  find  that  they  promise  much,  but  perform 
little.  Do  not  trust  them.'  I'ernadotte  then  said  that  he 
would  not  take  part  in  what  he  called  a  rebellion.  A 
rebellion  !  Bourrienne,  only  think  of  that !  A  set  of  im- 
beciles, who  from  morning  to  night  do  nothing  but  debate 
in  their  kennels  !  But  all  was  in  vain.  I  could  not  move 
Bernadotte.  He  is  a  bar  of  iron.  I  asked  him  to  give  me 
his  word  that  he  would  do  nothing  against  me ;  what  do 
you  think  was  his  answer?"  —  "Something  unpleasant, 
no  doubt."  —  "  Unpleasant !  that  is  too  mild  a  word.  He 
said,  *  I  will  remain  quiet  as  a  citizen  ;  but  if  tlie  Direc- 
tory order  me  to  act,  I  will  march  against  all  disturbers.' 
But  I  can  laugh  at  all  that  now.  My  measures  are  taken, 
and  he  will  have  no  command.  However,  I  set  him  at 
ease  as  to  what  would  take  place.  I  flattered  him  with  a 
picture  of  private  life,  the  jileasures  of  the  country,  and 
the  charms  of  Malmaison  ;  and  I  left  him  with  his  head 


1799.  THE   NINETEENTH  BRUMAIRE.  287 

full  of  pastoral  dreams.  In  a  word,  I  am  very  well  satis- 
fied with  my  day's  work.  Good-niglit,  Bourrienne;  we 
shall  see  what  will  turn  up  to-morrow." 

On  the  19th  I  went  to  St.  Cloud  with  my  friend  La 
Vallette.^  As  we  passed  the  Place  Louis  XV.,  now  Louis 
XVI.,  he  asked  me  what  was  doing,  and  what  my  opinion 
was  as  to  the  coming  events  ?  Without  entering  into  any 
detail,  I  replied,  "  My  friend,  either  we  shall  sleep  to-mor- 
row at  the  Luxembourg,  or  there  will  be  an  end  of  us." 
Who  could  tell  which  of  the  two  things  would  happen  ? 
Success  legalised  a  bold  enterprise,  wliich  the  slightest 
accident  might  have  changed  into  a  crime. 

The  sitting  of  the  Ancients,  under  the  presidency  of 
Lemercier,  commenced  at  one  o'clock.  A  warm  discussion 
took  place  upon  the  situation  of  affairs,  the  resignation  of 
the  members  of  the  Directory,  and  the  immediate  elec- 
tion of  others.  Great  heat  and  agitation  prevailed  dur- 
ing the  debate.  Intelligence  was  every  minute  carried  to 
Bonaparte  of  what  was  going  forward,  and  he  determined 
to  enter  the  hall  and  take  part  in  the  discussion.  He 
entered  in  a  hasty  and  angry  way,  which  did  not  give  me 
a  favourable  foreboding  of  what  he  was  about  to  say. 
We  passed  through  a  narrow  passage  to  the  centre  of  the 
hall ;  our  backs  were  turned  to  the  door.  Bonaparte  had 
the  President  to  his  right.  He  could  not  see  him  full  in 
the  face.  I  was  close  to  the  General  on  his  right.  Berthier 
was  at  his  left. 

All  the  speeches  which  have  been  subsequently  passed 
off  as  having  been  delivered  by  Bonaparte  on  this  occa- 
sion differ  from  each  other ;  as  well  they  may,  for  he 
delivered  none  to  the  Ancients,  unless  his  confused  con- 

^  Marie  Chamans,  Comte  de  La  Vallette  ( 1 769-1  S.10),  aidc-ilp-camp  to 
Napoleon  from  1796;  married,  1798,  Louise  Eniile  de  Beanharnais,  niece 
of  .losepliine ;  Minister  of  I'osts  from  1800  to  1814,  and  durini^  the  Cent 
Jours;  condemned  to  death  l>y  tlie  Bourbons  in  1815,  but  esca])ed. 


288  Mr.MOlUS   OF   napoleon   B0\APARTE.  1799. 

versation  with  the  President,  which  was  ahke  devoid  of 
dignity  and  sense,  is  to  be  called  a  speech.  He  talked  of 
his  "  brothers  in  arms  "  and  the  "  frankness  of  a  soldier." 
The  questions  of  the  President  followed  each  other 
rapidly  :  tlu-y  were  clear;  but  it  is  impossible  to  conceive 
anything'  more  confused  or  worse  delivered  than  the  am- 
bij,nious  and  perplexed  replies  of  Bonaparte.  He  talked 
without  end  of  "  volcanoes,  secret  agitations,  victories, 
a  violated  constitution  !  "  He  blamed  the  proceedings  of 
the  18th  Fructidor,  of  which  he  was  the  first  promoter 
and  the  most  powerful  sup])orter.  He  pretended  to  b3 
ign(n-ant  of  everything  until  the  Council  of  Ancients  had 
called  him  to  the  aid  of  his  country.  Then  came  "Csesar 
—  Cromwell — tyrant!"  and  he  several  times  repeated, 
"  I  have  nothing  more  to  say  to  you  !"  tliough,  in  fact,  he 
had  said  nothing.  He  alleged  that  he  had  been  called  to 
assume  the  supreme  authority,  on  his  return  from  Italy, 
by  the  desire  of  the  nation,  and  afterwards  by  his  com- 
rades in  arms.  Next  followed  the  words  "  lil)erty  —  equal- 
ity ! "  though  it  was  evident  he  had  not  come  to  St.  Cloud 
for  the  sake  of  either.  No  sooner  did  he  utter  these 
words  than  a  meml)er  of  the  Ancients,  named,  I  think, 
Linglet,  interrupting  him,  exclaimed,  "  You  forget  the 
Constitution  !  "  His  countenance  immediately  lighted  up  ; 
yet  nothing  could  bo  distinguished  but  "  The  18th  Fructi- 
dor —  the  30th  Prairial  —  hypocrites  —  intriguers  —  I 
will  disclose  all  !  —  I  will  resign  my  power,  when  the 
danger  which  threatens  the  Republic  shall  have  passed 
away  ! " 

Bonaparte,  believing  all  his  assertions  to  l)e  admitted 
as  proved,  assumed  a  little  confidence,  and  accused  the 
two  directors,  Barras  and  Moulins,  "  of  having  proposed 
to  put  him  at  the  head  of  a  party  whose  object  was 
to  oppose  all  men  professing  liberal  ideas." 

At  these  words,  the  falsehood  of  which  was  odious,  a 


1799.  INCOHERENT  ACCUSATIONS.  289 

great  tumult  arose  in  the  hall.  A  general  committee  was 
loudly  called  for  to  hear  the  disclosures.  "  No,  no  !  "  ex- 
claimed others,  "  no  general  committee !  Conspirators 
have  been  denounced  :  it  is  right  that  France  should  know 
all!" 

Bonaparte  was  then  re(|uired  to  enter  into  the  particu- 
lars of  his  accusation  against  Barras  and  Moulins,  and  of 
the  proposals  which  had  been  made  to  him  :  "  You  must 
no  longer  conceal  anything." 

Embarrassed  by  these  interruptions  and  interrogatories, 
Bonaparte  believed  that  he  was  completely  lost.  Instead 
of  giving  an  explanation  of  what  he  had  said,  he  began  to 
make  fresh  accusations  ;  and  against  whom  ?  The  Coun- 
cil of  the  Five  Hundred,  who,  he  said,  wished  for  "  scaf- 
folds, revolutionary  committees,  and  a  complete  overthrow 
of  everytliing." 

Violent  murmurs  arose,  and  his  language  became  more 
and  more  incoherent  and  inconsequent.  He  addressed 
himself  at  one  moment  to  tlie  representatives  of  the  peo- 
ple, who  were  quite  overcome  by  astonishment ;  at  an- 
other to  the  military  in  the  courtyard,  who  could  not  hear 
him.  Then,  by  an  unaccountable  transition,  he  spoke 
of  "  the  thunderbolts  of  war  ! "  and  added  that  he  was 
"attended  by  the  God  of  war  and  the  God  of  fortune." 

The  President,  with  great  calmness,  told  him  that  he  saw 
nothing,  absolutely  nothing,  upon  which  the  Council  could 
deliberate ;  that  there  was  vagueness  in  all  he  had  said. 
"  Explain  yourself ;  reveal  the  plot  which  you  say  you 
were  urged  to  join." 

Bonaparte  repeated  again  the  same  things.  But  only 
those  who  were  present  can  form  any  idea  of  his  manner. 
There  was  not  the  slightest  connection  in  what  he  stam- 
mered out.  Bonaparte  was  then  no  orator.  It  may  well 
be  supposed  that  he  was  more  accustomed  to  the  din  of 
war  than  to   the  discussions  of  the  tribunes.     He  was 

VOL.1.  —19 


2'.)0  MEMOIUS   OF   NAPOLKON   BONAI>AIiTE.  1799. 

more  at  hoine  before  a  battery  than  before  a  President's 
chair. 

Perceiving  tlie  bad  effeet  wliich  this  unconnected  bab- 
blint:  priiduccd  on  the  asseiul)lv,as  well  as  the  eniltarrass- 
ment  of  Bonaparte,  I  said,  in  a  low  voice,  pulling  him 
gently  by  the  skirt  of  his  coat,  "  Withdraw,  General ; 
you  know  not  what  you  are  saying."  I  made  signs  to 
lierthier,  who  was  on  his  left,  to  second  me  in  persuading 
him  to  leave  the  hall  ;  and  all  at  once,  after  having  stam- 
mered out  a  few  more  words,  he  turned  round,  exclaiming, 
"  Let  those  who  love  me  follow  me!"  The  sentinels  at 
the  door  otlered  no  opposition  to  his  passing.  The  person 
who  went  before  him  quietly  drew  aside  the  tapestry 
which  concealed  the  door,  and  General  Bonaparte  leaped 
upon  his  horse,  which  stood  in  the  courtyard.  It  is 
hard  to  say  what  would  have  happened  if,  on  seeing  the 
General  retire,  the  President  had  said,  "  Grenadiers,  let 
no  one  pass  ! "  Instead  of  sleeping  next  day  at  the  Luxem- 
bourg, he  would,  I  am  convinced,  have  ended  his  career  ou 
the  Place  de  la  Kt^volutiou. 


CHAPTER   XXV. 

1799. 

The  scene  which  occurred  at  the  sitting  of  the  Council 
of  the  Ancients  was  very  different  from  that  which  passed 
outside.  Bonaparte  had  scarcely  reached  the  courtyard 
and  mounted  his  horse  when  cries  of  "  Vive  Bonaparte ! " 
resounded  on  all  sides.  But  this  was  only  a  sunbeam 
between  two  storms.  He  had  yet  to  brave  the  Council  of 
the  Five  Hundred,  which  was  far  more  excited  than  the 
Council  of  the  Ancients.  Everything  tended  to  create  a 
dreadful  uncertainty ;  but  it  was  too  late  to  draw  back. 
We  had  alread}^  staked  too  heavily.  The  game  was 
desperate,  and  everything  was  to  be  ventured.  In  a  few 
hours  all  would  be  determined. 

Our  apprehensions  were  not  without  foundation.  In 
the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred  agitation  was  at  its 
height.  The  most  serious  alarm  marked  its  deliberations. 
It  had  been  determined  to  announce  to  the  Directory  the 
installation  of  the  Councils,  and  to  inquire  of  the  Coun- 
cil of  the  Ancients  their  reasons  for  resolving  upon  an 
extraordinary  convocation.  But  the  Directory  no  longer 
existed.  Sieyfes  and  Roger  Ducos  had  joined  Bonaparte's 
party.  Gohier  and  Moulins  were  prisoners  in  the  Luxem- 
bourg, and  in  the  custody  of  General  JMoreau ;  and  at  the 
very  moment  when  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred  had 
drawn  up  a  message  to  the  Directory,  the  Council  of  the 
Ancients  transmitted  to  them  the  following  letter,  received 
from  Barras.     This  letter,  which  was  addressed  to  the 


292  MK.MoIUS   OF    NAroLHOX    H(  IXATA  IMI].  1799. 

Council  of  llie  Ancients,  was  innncdialcly  reail  by  Lucicu 
Bonaparte,  who  was  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Ilundrcd. 

CiTiZKN  President, — Having  entered  into  piiMic  affairs  solely 
from  niy  love  of  liberty,  I  consented  to  share  the  lirst  magistracy 
of  tlio  State  only  tliat  1  might  l)e  able  t<>  defend  it  in  danger; 
to  protect  against  their  enemies  the  j)atri(its  ct)mj)romised  in  its 
cause;  and  to  insure  to  tlie  defenders  of  their  country  that 
attention  to  their  interests  which  no  one  was  more  calculated  to 
feel  than  a  citizen,  long  the  witness  of  their  heroic  virtues,  and 
always  sensible  to  their  wants. 

The  glory  wliich  accompanies  the  return  of  the  ilhustrious 
warrit)r  to  wlioni  I  had  the  honour  of  opening  the  ])ath  of  glory, 
the  striking  marks  of  confidence  given  him  by  the  legislative 
body,  and  the  decree  of  the  National  Convention,  convince  me 
that,  to  whatever  post  he  may  henceforth  be  called,  the  dangers 
to  liberty  will  be  averted,  and  tlie  interests  of  the  army  insured. 

I  cheerfully  return  to  the  rank  of  a  private  citizen  :  happy, 
after  so  mauy  storms,  to  resign,  unimpaired,  and  even  more 
glorious  than  ever,  the  destiny  of  the  Republic,  which  has  been, 
in  part,  committed  to  my  care.  (Signed)     Barras. 

This  letter  occasioned  a  great  sensation  in  the  Council 
of  the  Five  Hundred.  A  second  reading  was  called  for, 
and  a  question  was  started,  whether  the  retirement  was 
leiial,  or  was  the  result  of  collusion,  and  of  the  intiuence 
of  Bonaparte's  agents ;  whether  to  believe  Barras,  who 
declared  the  dangers  of  liberty  averted,  or  the  decree  for 
the  removal  of  the  legislative  corps,  which  was  passed 
and  executed  under  the  pretext  of  the  existence  of  im- 
minent peril  ?  At  that  moment  Bonaparte  appeared, 
followed  by  a  party  of  grenadiers,  who  remained  at  the 
entrance  of  the  hall. 

I  did  not  accompany  him  to  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Hundred.     He  had  directed  me  to  send  off  an  express  to 


1799.      .     BONAPARTE   AND   THE   EIVE   HUNDRED.  293 

ease  the  apprehensions  of  Josephine,  and  to  assure  her 
that  everything  would  go  well.  It  was  some  time  before 
1  joined  him  again. 

However,  without  speaking  as  positively  as  if  I  had 
myself  been  an  eye-witness  of  the  scene,  I  do  not  hesitate 
to  declare  that  all  that  has  been  said  about  assaults  and 
poniards  is  pure  invention.  1  rely  on  what  was  told  me, 
on  tlie  very  night,  by  persons  well  worthy  of  credit,  and 
who  were  witnesses  of  all  that  passed. 

As  to  what  passed  at  the  sitting,  the  accounts,  given 
both  at  the  time  and  since,  have  varied  according  to 
opinions.  Some  have  alleged  that  unanimous  cries  of 
indignation  were  excited  by  the  appearance  of  the  mili- 
tary. From  all  parts  of  the  hall  resounded, "  The  sanctu- 
ary of  the  laws  is  violated.  Down  with  the  tyrant !  — 
down  with  Cromwell !  —  down  with  the  Dictator  ■  "  Bona- 
parte stammered  out  a  few  words,  as  he  had  done  before 
the  Council  of  the  Ancients,  but  his  voice  was  immediately 
drowned  by  cries  of  "  Vive  la  Edpublique ! "  "  Vive  la 
Constitution!"  "Outlaw  the  Dictator!"  The  grenadiers 
are  then  said  to  have  rushed  forward,  exclaiming,  "  Let  us 
save  our  General!"  at  which  indignation  reached  its 
height,  and  cries,  even  more  violent  than  ever,  were 
raised  ;  —  that  Bonaparte,  falling  insensible  into  the  arms 
of  the  grenadiers,  said,  "  They  mean  to  assassinate  me  I " 
All  that  regards  the  exclamations  and  threats  I  believe 
to  be  correct ;  but  I  rank  witli  the  story  of  the  poniards 
the  assertion  of  the  members  of  the  Five  Hundred  being 
provided  with  firearms,  and  the  grenadiers  rushing  into 
the  hall ;  because  Bonaparte  never  mentioned  a  word  of 
anything  of  tlie  sort  to  me,  either  on  the  way  home,  or 
when  I  was  with  him  in  liis  chamber.  Neither  did  he 
say  anything  on  the  subject  to  his  wife,  who  had  been 
extremely  agitated  by  the  different  reports  which  reached 
her. 


294  MF.MOIRS  OF  NArOLEON    HOXAPARTE.  1799. 

After  I'-oniqiarle  left  tlie  Ci)uncil  of  the  Five  Hundred, 
the  delihenitiuiis  were  edutinued  with  great  violence. 
The  excitement  caused  by  the  appearance  of  Bonaparte 
was  nothinL,'  like  subsided  when  ]tro])()sitions  of  the  most 
furious  nature  were  made.  The  President,  Lucien,  did  all 
in  his  power  to  restore  tranquillity.  As  soon  as  he  could 
make  iiimself  heard,  he  said,  "  The  scene  which  has  just 
taken  place  in  the  Council  proves  what  are  the  sentiments 
of  all,  —  sentiments  which  1  declare  are  also  mine.  It  was, 
however,  natural  to  believe  that  the  General  had  no  other 
object  than  to  render  an  account  of  the  situation  of  affairs, 
and  of  something  interesting  to  the  pul)lic.  ]^>ut  I  think 
none  of  you  can  suppose  him  cajiable  of  projects  hostile 
to  liberty." 

Each  sentence  of  Lucien's  address  was  interrupted  by 
cries  of  "  Bonaparte  has  tarnished  his  glory !  He  is  a  dis- 
grace to  the  Republic  ! " 

Lucien^  made  fresh  efforts  to  be  heard,  and  wished  to 
be  allowed  to  address  the  assembly  as  a  member  of  the 
Council,  and  for  that  purpose  resigned  the  Presidentship 
to  Chasal.  He  begged  that  the  General  might  be  intro- 
duced again  and  heard  with  calmness.  But  this  proposi- 
tion was  furiously  oppo.sed.  Exclamations  of  "  Outlaw 
Bonaparte  !  outlaw  him  !  "  rang  through  the  assembly,  and 
were  the  only  reply  given  to  the  President.  Lucien,  who 
had  reassumed  the  President's  chair,  left  it  a  second  time, 
that  he   might  not  be  constrained  to  put  the  question  of 

1  Tlie  next  younger  brother  of  Napoleon,  President  of  tlio  Coiincil  of 
the  Five  Hundred  in  1799;  Minister  of  tlie  Interior,  1st  Deceinhcr,  1799,  to 
1801  ;  Ambassador  in  Spain,  1801,  to  December,  1801  ;  h^ft  France  in  dis 
grace  in  1804;  retireil  to  Papal  States;  pri.soner  in  Malta  ami  England, 
1810  to  1814;  created  by  Pope  in  1814  Prince  de  Canino  and  Due  dc  Mu- 
signano;  married  firstly,  1794,  Ciiristine  Boyer,  who  died  1800  ;  married 
secondly,  1S()2  or  1803,  a  Madame  Joulierthon.  Of  ids  part  in  the  18th 
lirumaire,  Na]>oleon  said  to  him  in  1807,  "1  well  know  that  you  were 
use/id  to  me  on  tiie  18th  Hruniaire,  but  it  is  not  so  clear  to  me  that  you 
saved  nie  then  "  (lung's  Lucien,  tome  iii.  p.  89). 


The  Eighteenth  Bnirnaire. 
Photo-Etching.  —  From  Painting  by  Bouchot. 


1799.  LUCIEN  APPEALS   TO   THE   TROOPS.  295 

outlawry  demanded  against  his  brother.  Braving  tiie  dis- 
pleasure of  the  assembly,  he  mounted  the  tribune,  resigned 
the  Presidentship,  renounced  liis  seat  as  a  deputy,  and 
threw  aside  his  robes. 

Just  as  Lucien  left  the  Council,  I  entered.  Bonaparte, 
who  was  well  informed  of  all  that  was  passing,^  had  sent 
in  soldiers  to  the  assistance  of  his  brother ;  they  carried 
him  off  from  the  midst  of  the  Council,  and  Bonaparte 
thought  it  a  matter  of  no  little  importance  to  have  with 
him  the  President  of  an  assembly  which  he  treated  as  re- 
bellious. Lucien  was  reinstalled  in  office ;  but  he  was 
now  to  discharge  his  duties,  not  in  the  President's  chair, 
but  on  horseback,  and  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  troops 
ready  to  undertake  anything.  Roused  by  the  danger  to 
which  both  his  brother  and  himself  were  exposed,  he 
delivered  on  horseback  the  following  words,  which  can 
never  be  too  often  remembered,  as  showing  what  a  man 
then  dared  to  say,  who  never  was  anything  except  from 
the  reflection  of  his  brother's  glory:  — 

Citizen's  !  Soldiers  !  —  The  President  of  the  Council  of  the 
Five  Htuuh-ed  dechires  to  you  that  the  majority  of  tliat  Council 
is  at  this  moment  hehl  in  terror  by  a  few  representatives  of  the 
people,  who  are  armed  with  stilettoes,  and  who  surround  the 
tribune,  threateniuLj  their  colleagues  with  death,  and  maintain- 
ing most  atrocious  discussions. 

I  declare  to  you  tliat  these  hrigands,  who  are  doubtless  in  the 
pay  of  England,  have  risen  in  rebellion  against  the  Council  of 
the  Ancients,  and  have  dared  to  talk  of  outlawing  the  General, 
who  is  charged  with  the  execution  of  its  decree,  as  if  the  word 
"  outlaw  "  was  still  to  be  regarded  as  the  death-warrant  of  persons 
most  beloved  by  their  country. 

^  Lucien  distinctlv  states  that  he  himself,  actinc;  witliin  liis  rifijht  as 
President,  iiad  demanded  an  escort  of  the  fjrenadicrs  of  the  Councils  as 
soon  as  he  saw  liis  withdrawal  mi<:jht  he  o])posed.  Thus  the  first  entry  of 
the  soMiers  with  Napoleon  would  he  illegal.  The  second,  to  withdraw 
Lucien,  was  nominally  legal  (see  lung's  Lucien,  tome  i.  pp.  318-322). 


200  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONATARTE.  1799. 

I  declare  to  yon  tliat  tliese  niadmon  have  outlawed  themselves 
l)y  their  attempts  upuii  the  liberty  of  the  Council.  In  tlie  name 
of  that  people,  whicli  for  so  many  years  have  been  the  sport  of 
terrorism,  1  consign  to  you  tlic  charge  of  rescuing  the  majority  of 
their  representatives  ;  so  that,  delivered  from  stilettnes  by  bay- 
onets, tliey  may  deliberate  on  the  fate  of  the  Republic. 

General,  and  you,  soMiers,  and  you,  citizens,  yon  will  not  ac- 
knowledge, as  legislators  of  France,  any  but  those  who  rally 
rovnid  me.  As  for  those  who  remain  in  the  orangery,  let  force 
expel  them.  They  are  not  the  representatives  of  the  jjcople, 
but  the  representatives  of  the  poniard.  Let  that  be  their  title, 
and  let  it  follow  them  everywhere;  and  whenever  they  dare 
show  themselves  to  the  people,  let  every  finger  point  at  them, 
and  every  tongue  designate  them  by  the  -well-merited  title  of 
representatives  of  the  poniard  ! 

Vive  la  Ilcpubliqno  ! 

Xotwithstamlingtlie  cries  of  "Vive  Bonaparte!"  which 
followed  this  harangue,  the  troops  still  hesitated.  It  was 
evident  that  they  were  not  fully  prepared  to  turn  their 
swords  against  the  national  representatives.  Lucien  then 
drew  his  sword,  exclaiming,  "  I  swear  that  I  will  stab  my 
own  brother  to  the  heart  if  he  ever  attempt  anything 
against  the  liberty  of  Frenchmen."  This  dramatic  action 
was  perfectly  successful ;  hesitation  vanished ;  and  at  a 
signal  given  by  Bonaparte,  ]\Iurat,  at  the  head  of  his 
grenadiers,  rushed  into  the  hall,  and  drove  out  the  repre- 
sentatives. Every  one  yielded  to  the  reasoning  of  bayonets, 
and  thus  terminated  the  employment  of  the  armed  force 
on  that  memorable  day. 

At  ten  o'clock  at  night  the  palace  of  St.  Cloud,  where 
so  many  tumultuous  scenes  had  occurred,  was  perfectly 
tranquil.  All  the  deputies  were  still  there,  pacing  the 
hall,  the  corridors,  and  the  courts.  Most  of  them  had  an 
air  of  consternation  ;  others  affected  to  have  foreseen  the 
event,  and  to  appear  satisfied  with  it ;  but  all  wished  to 


1799.         BOXAPARTE'S   ADDRESS  TO   THE   TEOPLE.  297 

return  to  Paris,  which  they  could  not  do  until  a  new  order 
revoked  the  order  for  the  removal  of  the  Councils  to  St. 
Cloud. 

At  eleven  o'clock  Bonaparte,  who  had  eaten  nothing  all 
day,  but  who  was  almost  insensible  to  physical  wants  in 
moments  of  great  agitation,  said  to  me,  "  We  must  go 
and  write,  Bourrienne;  I  intend  this  very  night  to  address 
a  proclamation  to  the  inhabitants  of  Paris.  To-morrow 
morning  I  shall  be  all  the  conversation  of  the  capital." 
He  then  dictated  to  me  the  following  proclamation,  which 
proves,  no  less  than  some  of  his  reports  from  Egypt,  how 
much  Bonaparte  excelled  in  the  art  of  twisting  the  truth 
to  his  own  advantage  :  — • 

To  THE  People, 

19th  Brumaire,  11  o'clock,  p.  m. 

Frenchmen!  —  On  my  return  to  Fiance  I  found  division 
reigning  amongst  all  the  authorities.  Tliey  agreed  only  on  this 
single  point,  that  tlie  Constitution  was  half  destroyed,  and  was 
unable  to  protect  liberty  ! 

Each  party  in  turn  came  to  me,  confided  to  me  their  designs, 
imparted  their  secrets,  and  requested  my  support.  I  refused  to 
be  the  man  of  a  party. 

The  Council  of  the  Ancients  appealed  to  me.  I  answered 
their  appeal.  A  plan  of  general  restoration  had  been  concerted 
by  men  wliom  the  nation  has  been  accustomed  to  regard  as  the 
defenders  of  liberty,  equality,  and  property.  This  plan  required 
calm  and  free  deliberation,  exempt  from  all  influence  and  all  fear. 
The  Ancients,  therefore,  resolved  upon  the  removal  of  the  legis- 
lative bodies  to  St.  Cloud.  They  placed  at  my  disposal  the  force 
necessary  to  secure  their  independence.  I  was  bound,  in  duty 
to  my  fellow-citizens,  to  the  soldiers  perishing  in  our  armies, 
and  to  the  national  glory,  acquired  at  the  cost  of  so  mucli  blood, 
to  accept  the  command. 

The   Councils  assembled    at    St.  Cloud.     Republican  troops 


298  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   IJoNAI'ARTE.  1799 

guaranteetl  tlioir  safety  fmin  witliout,  but  assassins  created 
termr  witliiii.  Many  meiubers  of  tlie  Council  of  the  Five 
Ihnulred,  arnied  witli  stilettos  and  pistols,  spread  menaces  of 
death  arounil  them. 

The  plans  which  ought  to  have  been  developed  were  with- 
held. The  majority  of  the  Council  was  rendered  ineflicient  ; 
tlie  boldest  orators  were  disconcerted,  and  the  inutility  of  sub- 
mitting any  salutary  proposition  was  quite  evident. 

I  proceeded,  Idled  with  indignation  and  grief,  to  the  Council 
of  the  Ancients.  I  besought  them  to  carry  their  no})le  dfsigns 
into  execution.  I  directed  their  attention  to  the  evils  of  the 
nation,  which  were  their  motives  for  conceiving  those  designs. 
They  concurred  in  giving  me  new  proofs  of  their  uniform  good- 
will. 

I  presented  myself  before  the  Council  of  the  Five  Hundred, 
alone,  unarmed,  my  head  iincovereil,  just  as  the  Ancients  had 
received  and  applauded  me.  M}'  object  was  to  restore  to  the 
majority  the  expression  of  its  will,  and  to  secure  to  it  its  jiower. 

The  stilettos  which  had  menaced  the  deputies  were  instantly 
raised  against  their  deliverer.  Twenty  assassins  rushed  upon  me 
and  aimed  at  my  breast.  The  grenadiers  of  the  legislative  body, 
whom  I  had  left  at  the  door  of  the  hall,  ran  forward,  and  placed 
themselves  between  me  and  the  assassins.  One  of  these  brave 
grenadiers  (Thome)  ^  had  his  clothes  pierced  by  a  stiletto.  They 
bore  me  off. 

At  the  same  moment  cries  of  "  Outlaw  him  !  "  were  raised 
against  the  defender  of  the  law.  It  was  the  horrid  cr}^  of  assassins 
against  the  power  destined  to  repress  tliern. 

They  crowded  round  the  President,  uttering  threats.  With 
arms  in  their  hands  they  commanded  him  to  declare  "  the  out- 
lawrj'."  I  was  informed  of  this.  I  ordered  him  to  be  rescued 
from  their  fury,  and  six  grenadiers  of  the  legislative  body 
brought  him  out.  Immediately  afterwards  .some  grenadiers  of 
the  legislative  body  cliarged  into  the  hall  and  cleared  it. 

^  Thome  morcly  ha<l  a  small  part  of  his  coat  torn  hy  a  deputy,  who  took 
him  by  tlie  collar.  This  constituted  the  whole  of  the  attempted  assassi- 
nations of  the  19th  Brumaire.  — Dourrientie. 


1799.  A   COUNCIL   OF   THIRTY.  299 

The  factious,  intiinidiited,  dispersed  and  fled.  The  majority, 
freeil  from  their  assaults,  returned  freely  and  peaceably  into  the 
hall,  listened  to  the  propositions  made  for  the  public  safety,  de- 
liberated, and  drew  up  the  salutary  resolution  which  will  become 
the  new  and  provisional  law  of  the  Republic. 

Frenchmen,  you  doubtless  recognise  in  this  conduct  the  zeal 
of  a  soldier  of  liberty,  of  a  citizen  devoted  to  the  Republic.  Con- 
servative, tutelary,  and  lilieral  ideas  resumed  their  authority 
upon  the  dispersion  of  tlie  factious,  who  domineered  in  the 
Councils,  and  who,  in  rendering  themselves  the  most  odious  of 
men,  did  not  cease  to  be  the  most  contemptible. 

(Signed)      Bonaparte,  Generocl,  etc. 

The  day  had  been  passed  in  destroying  a  govern- 
ment ;  it  was  necessary  to  devote  the  night  to  framing  a 
new  one.  Talleyrand,  Ertderer,  and  Sieves  were  at  St. 
Cloud.  The  Council  of  the  Ancients  assembled,  and 
Lucien  set  himself  about  finding  some  members  of  the 
Five  Hundred  on  whom  he  could  reckon.  He  succeeded 
in  getting  together  only  thirty,  who,  with  their  President, 
repre.sented  the  numerous  assembly  of  which  they  formed 
part.  This  ghost  of  representation  was  essential,  for  Bona- 
parte, notwithstanding  his  violation  of  all  law  on  the 
preceding  day,  wished  to  make  it  appear  that  he  was 
acting  legally.  Tlie  Council  of  the  Ancients  had,  how- 
ever, already  decided  that  a  provisional  executive  commis- 
sion should  be  appointed,  composed  of  three  members,  and 
was  about  to  name  the  members  of  the  commission — a 
measure  which  should  have  originated  with  the  Five 
Hundred — when  Lucien  came  to  acquaint  Bonaparte 
that  his  chamber  introuvahle  was  assembled. 

This  chamber,  which  called  itself  the  Council  of  the 
Five  Hundred,  though  that  Council  was  now  nothing 
but  a  C(juncil  of  Thirty,  hastily  passed  a  decree,  the  first 
article   of  which  was  as  follows :  — 


300  MEMOIKS   OF   NATOLKOX   KONAl'AirrE.  179a 

"  The  Directory  exists  no  longer  ;  and  t!io  imlividuals  hereafter 
named  are  no  lunger  members  of  the  national  representation,  on 
account  of  the  excesses  and  illegal  acts  which  they  have  con- 
stantly committed,  and  more  ]iarticularly  the  greatest  part  of 
them,  in  the  sitting  ()f  this  morning." 

Then  follow  the  names  of  sixty-one  members  expelled. 

By  other  articles  of  the  same  decree  the  Council  in- 
stituted a  provisional  commission,  similar  to  thnt  which 
the  Ancients  had  proposed  to  appoint,  resolved  that  the 
said  commission  should  consist  of  three  members,  who 
shonld  assume  the  title  of  Consuls ;  and  nominated  .is 
Consuls  Sieves,  lioger  Ducos,  and  Bonajiarte.  The  other 
provisions  of  the  nocturnal  decree  of  St.  Cloud  had  for 
their  object  merely  the  carrying  into  effect  those  already 
descril'ed.  This  nocturnal  sitting  ^vas  very  calm,  and 
indeed  it  would  have  been  strange  had  it  been  otherwise, 
for  no  opposition  could  be  feared  from  the  members 
of  the  Five  Hundred,  who  were  ytrepared  to  concur  with 
Lucien.  All  knew  beforehand  what  they  would  have  to 
do.  Everything  was  concluded  by  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning  ;  and  the  palace  of  St.  Cloud,  which  had  been  so 
agitated  since  the  previous  evening,  resumed  in  the  morn- 
ing its  wonted  stillness,  and  presented  the  appearance  of 
a  vast  solitude. 

All  the  hurrying  about,  the  brief  notes  which  I  had  to 
write  to  many  friends,  and  the  conversations  in  which  I 
was  compelled  to  take  part,  prevented  me  from  dining 
before  one  o'clock  in  the  morning.  It  was  not  till  then 
that  Bonaparte,  having  gone  to  take  the  oath  as  Consul 
before  tlie  Five  Hundred,  afforded  me  an  opportunity  of 
taking  some  refreshment  with  Admiral  Brui.x  and  some 
other  officers. 

At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  T  accompanied  Bona- 
parte in  his  carriage  to  Paris.     He  was  extremely  fatigued 


1799.  GOHIER   AND  BERNADOTTE.  301 

after  so  many  trials  and  fatigues.  A  new  future  was 
opened  before  him.  He  was  completely  absorbed  in 
thought,  and  did  not  utter  a  single  word  during  the  jour- 
ney. But  when  he  arrived  at  his  house  in  the  Kue  de  la 
Victoire,  he  had  no  sooner  entered  his  chamber  and 
wished  good-morning  to  Josephine,  who  was  in  bed,  and 
in  a  state  of  the  greatest  anxiety  on  account  of  his  ab- 
sence, than  he  said  before  her,  "  Bourrienne,  I  said  many 
ridiculous  things  ?  "  —  "  Not  so  very  bad.  General."  —  "  I 
like  better  to  speak  to  soldiers  than  to  lawyers.  Those 
fellows  disconcerted  me.  I  have  not  been  used  to  public 
assemblies  ;  but  that  will  come  in  time." 

We  then  began,  all  three,  to  converse.  Madame  Bona- 
parte became  calm,  and  Bonaparte  resumed  his  wonted 
confidence.  The  events  of  the  day  naturally  formed  the 
subject  of  our  conversation.  Josephine,  who  was  much 
attached  to  the  Gohier  family,  mentioned  the  name  of  that 
Director  in  a  tone  of  kindness.  "  What  would  you  have, 
my  dear  ?  "  said  Bonaparte  to  her.  "  It  is  not  my  fault. 
He  is  a  respectable  man,  but  a  simpleton.  He  does  not 
understand  me  !  I  ought,  perhaps,  to  have  him  trans- 
ported. He  wrote  against  me  to  the  Council  of  the 
Ancients ;  but  I  have  his  letter,  and  they  know  nothing 
about  it.  Poor  man  !  he  expected  me  to  dinner  yesterday. 
And  this  man  thinks  liimself  a  statesman  !  Speak  no 
more  of  him." 

During  our  discourse  the  name  of  Bernadotte  was  also 
mentioned.  "  Have  you  seen  him,  Bourrienne  ? "  said 
Bonaparte  to  me.  "  No,  General."  —  "  Neither  have  I.  I 
have  not  heard  him  spoken  of.  Would  you  imagine  it  ? 
1  had  intelligence  to-day  of  many  intrigues  in  which  he  is 
concerned.  Would  you  believe  it  ?  he  wished  nothing 
less  than  to  be  appointed  my  colleague  in  authority.  He 
talked  of  mounting  his  hor.se  and  marching  with  the 
troops  that  might  be  placed  under  his  command.     He 


302  MKMoIKS   or   NAPOLKOX    nONAI'AUTE.  1799. 

wished,  lie  said,  to  inaiiitaiu  the  ('niistituiiou  :  nay,  more; 
I  am  assured  that  he  had  the  audacity  to  add  that,  if  it 
were  necessary  to  oiillaw  me,  the  (lovernment  mij^ht 
come  to  liim  and  he  wouUl  find  sohliers  ca])able  of  carry- 
ing the  decree  into  executii)n."  —  "  All  this.  General,  should 
give  you  an  idea  how  inllexible  his  principles  are."  —  "  Yes, 
I  am  well  aware  of  it,  there  is  something  in  that:  he  is 
honest.  But  for  his  obstinacy,  my  brothers  would  have 
brought  him  over.  Tiiey  are  related  to  him.  His  wife, 
who  is  Joseph's  sister-in-law,  has  ascendency  over  him. 
As  for  me,  have  I  not,  I  ask  you,  made  sufficient  advances 
to  him  ?  You  have  witnessed  them.  Moreau,  who  has  a 
higher  military  reputation  than  he,  came  over  to  me  at 
once.  However,  I  repent  of  having  cajoled  Bernadotte. 
I  am  thinking  of  separating  him  from  all  his  coteries 
without  any  one  being  able  to  find  fault  with  the  pro- 
ceeding. I  cannot  revenge  myself  in  any  other  manner. 
Joseph  likes  him.  I  should  have  everybody  against  me. 
These  family  considerations  are  follies !  (lood-night, 
Bourrienne.  By  the  way,  we  will  sleep  in  the  Luxem- 
bourg to-morrow." 

I  then  left  the  General,  whom,  henceft>rth,  I  will  call 
the  First  Consul,  after  having  remained  with  him  con- 
stantly during  nearly  twenty-four  hours,  with  the  excep- 
tion of  the  time  when  he  was  at  the  Council  of  the  Five 
Hundred.  I  retired  to  my  lodging,  in  the  Bue  Martel,  at 
five  o'clock  in  the  morning. 

It  is  certain  that  if  Gohier  had  come  to  breakfast  on 
the  morning  of  the  18th  Brumaire,  according  to  Madame 
Bonaparte's  invitation,  he  would  have  been  one  of  the 
members  of  the  Government.  But  Gohier  acted  the  part 
of  the  stern  republican.  He  placed  himself,  according  to 
the  common  phrase  of  the  time,  astride  of  the  Constitu- 
tion of  the  year  III. ;  and  as  his  steed  made  a  sad  stumble, 
he  fell  with  it. 


1799.  CASTILIAN   ETIQUETTE.  303 

It  was  a  singular  circumstance  which  prevented  the 
two  Directors,  Goliier  and  Moulins,  from  defending  their 
beloved  Constitution.  It  was  from  their  respect  for  the 
Constitution  that  they  allowed  it  to  perish,  because  they 
would  have  been  obliged  to  violate  the  article  which  did 
not  allow  less  than  three  Directors  to  deliberate  together. 
Thus  a  king  of  Castile  was  burned  to  death,  because  there 
did  not  happen  to  be  in  his  apartment  men  of  such  rank 
as  etiquette  would  permit  to  touch  the  person  of  the 
monarch. 


CHAPTER   XXVI. 

1799. 

It  cannot  he  denied  that  France  hailed,  almost  with 
unanimous  voice,  Bonaparte's  accession  to  the  Consulship 
as  a  hlessing  of  Providence.  I  do  not  speak  now  of  tlie 
ulterior  consequences  of  that  event;  I  speak  only  of  the 
fact  itself,  and  its  first  results,  such  as  the  repeal  of 
the  law  of  hostages,  and  the  compulsory  loan  of  a  hun- 
dred millions.  Doubtless  the  legality  of  the  acts  of  the 
18th  Brumaire  may  he  disputed  ;  but  who  will  venture 
to  say  that  the  immediate  result  of  that  day  ought  not  to 
be  regarded  as  a  great  blessing  to  France  ?  Whoever 
denies  this  can  have  no  idea  of  the  wretched  state  of 
every  branch  of  the  administration  at  that  de])lorahle 
epoch.  A  few  persons  blamed  the  18th  Brumaire  ;  but 
no  one  regretted  the  Directory,  with  the  exception,  per- 
haps, of  the  five  Directors  themselves.  But  we  will  say 
no  more  of  the  Directorial  Government.  What  an  admin- 
istration !  In  what  a  state  were  the  finances  of  France  ! 
Would  it  be  believed  ?  on  tlie  second  day  of  the  Con- 
sulate, when  Bonaparte  wished  to  send  a  courier  to  Gen- 
eral Championet,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  of 
Italy,  the  treasury  had  not  1,200  francs  disposable  to 
give  to  the  courier ! 

It  may  be  supposed  that  in  the  first  moments  of  a  new 
government  money  would  be  wanted.  M.  Collot,  who 
had  served  under  Bonaparte  in  Italy,  and  whose  conduct 


1799  IN  THE  LUXEMBOURG.  305 

and  administration  deserved  nothing  but  praise,  was  one 
of  the  first  who  came  to  the  Consul's  assistance.  In  this 
instance  M.  Collot  was  as  zealous  as  disinterested.  He 
gave  the  Consul  500,000  francs  in  gold,  for  which  service 
lie  was  badly  rewarded.  Bonaparte  afterwards  behaved 
to  M.  Collut  as  though  he  was  anxious  to  punish  him  fur 
being  rich.  This  sura,  which  at  the  time  made  so  fine  an 
appearance  in  the  Consular  treasury,  was  not  repaid  for  a 
long  time  after,  and  then  without  interest.^  This  was 
not,  indeed,  the  only  instance  in  which  M.  Collot  had 
cause  to  complain  of  Bonaparte,  who  was  never  inclined 
to  acknowledge  his  important  services,  nor  even  to  render 
justice  to  his  conduct. 

On  the  morning  of  the  20th  Brumaire,  Bonaparte  sent 
his  brother  Louis  to  inform  the  Director  Gohier  that  he 
was  free.  This  haste  in  relieving  Gohier  was  not  witliout 
a  reason,  for  Bonaparte  was  anxious  to  install  himself  in 
the  Luxembourg,  and  we  went  there  that  same  evening. 

Everything  was  to  be  created.  Bonaparte  had  with 
him  almost  the  whole  of  the  army,  and  on  the  soldiers  he 
could  rely.  But  the  military  force  was  no  longer  suffi- 
cient for  him.  Wishing  to  possess  a  great  civil  power 
established  by  legal  forms,  he  immediately  set  about  the 
composition  of  a  Senate  and  Tribunate;  a  Council  of  State 
and  a  new  legislative  body,  and,  finally,  a  new  Con- 
stitution.2 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  states,  however,  that  this  sum  was  lent  hy  M.  Collot 
with  an  exjjress  declaration  that  he  did  not  wish  to  receive  interest  {Erreuis, 
tome  i.  p.  254). 

2  The  Constitution  of  the  year  VIII.  was  presented  on  the  13th  of 
December,  179'J  (22d  Friniaire,  year  VIII.),  and  accepted  liv  the  peojile  on 
the  7th  of  February,  1800  (18th  i^hiviose,year  VIII.).  Tt  established  a  Con- 
sular Government,  composed  of  Bonaparte,  First  Consul,  appointed  tor  ten 
years  ;  Cambace'rcs,  Second  Consul,  also  for  ten  years  ;  and  Lebrun,  Third 
Consul,  appointed  for  five  years.  It  established  a  conservative  Senate,  a 
legi.slative  l)ody  of  300  members,  and  a  Triiiunate  composed  of  100  members. 
The  establishment  of  tiie  Council  of  State  took  place  ou  the  24th  of  Decem- 

VOL.  I.  — 20 


306  MKMOIKS   OF  NAPOLEON    I5<  >XArAK  IK.  1799. 

As  rxmapaite  liad  not  time  to  make  himself  ac([uainteil 
with  the  persons  by  whom  he  was  about  to  be  surrounded, 
he  re(iuested  from  the  most  dislinj^Miished  men  of  the 
period,  well  acciuainted  with  France  and  the  lievolution, 
notes  respecting  the  individuals  worthy  and  capable  of 
enterinji  the  Senate,  the  Tribunate,  and  the  Council  of 
State.  From  the  manner  in  which  all  these  notes  were 
drawn  nj),  it  was  evident  that  the  writers  of  them  studied 
to  make  their  recommendation  correspond  with  what  they 
conceived  to  Ite  Bonaparte's  views,  and  that  they  imag- 
ined he  participated  in  the  opinions  which  were  at  that 
time  popular.  Accordingly  they  stated,  as  grtninds  for 
preferring  particular  candidates,  their  patriotism,  their 
republicanism,  and  their  having  had  seats  in  preceding 
assemblies. 

Of  all  qualities,  that  which  most  influenced  the  choice 
of  the  First  Consul  was  inflexible  integrity  ;  and  it  is  but 
just  to  say  that  in  this  particular  he  was  rarely  deceived. 
He  sought  earnestly  for  talent ;  and  although  he  did  not 
like  the  men  of  the  Revoluti(jn,  he  was  convinced  that  he 
could  not  do  without  them.  He  had  conceived  an  ex- 
treme aversion  for  mediocrity,  and  generally  rejected  a 
man  of  that  character  when  recommended  to  him ;  but  if 
he  had  known  such  a  man  long,  he  yielded  to  the  influ- 
ence of  habit,  dreading  nothing  so  much  as  change,  or,  as 
he  was  accustomed  to  say  himself,  new  faces. ^ 

Bonaparte  then  proceeded  to  organise  a  complaisant 
Senate,  a  mute  legislative  body,  and  a  Tribunate  which 
was  to  have  the  semldance  of  Ijeing  independent,  by  the 

bcr,  1799.  Tlie  installation  of  the  new  legislative  body  ami  the  Tribunate 
was  fixed  for  the  1st  of  .Fanuary,  1800.  —  Buiirrlennc  Lanfroy  (tinne  i.  p. 
329)  sees  tliis  Constitution  foreshadowed  in  that  proposed  by  Napoleon  in 
1797  for  tlie  Cisalpine  Hepublic. 

'  Napoleon  loved  only  men  with  .strong  passions  and  great  weaknesses; 
he  judged  the  most  opposite  qualities  in  men  by  these  defects  {Metiernich, 
tome  iii.  p.  589). 


1799.  FIRST   CONSULAR   MINISTRY.  307 

aid  of  some  fine  speeches  and  high-sounding  phrases. 
He  easily  appointed  the  Senators,  hut  it  was  different 
with  the  Tribunate.  He  hesitated  long  before  he  fixed 
upon  the  candidates  for  that  body,  which  inspired  him 
with  an  anticipatory  fear.  However,  on  arriving  at  power 
he  dared  not  oppose  himself  to  the  exigencies  of  the 
moment,  and  he  consented  for  a  time  to  delude  the  am- 
bitious dupes  who  kept  up  a  buzz  of  fine  sentiments  of 
liberty  around  him.  He  saw  that  circumstances  were 
not  yet  favourable  for  refusing  a  share  in  the  Constitution 
to  this  third  portion  of  power,  destined  apparently  to 
advocate  the  interests  of  the  people  before  the  legislative 
body.  But  in  yielding  to  necessity,  the  mere  idea  of  the 
Tribunate  filled  him  with  the  utmost  uneasiness;  and,  in 
a  word,  Bonaparte  could  not  endure  the  public  discussions 
on  law  projects.  ^ 

Bonaparte  composed  the  first  Consular  Ministry  as 
follows  :  Berthier  was  Minister  of  War  ;  Gaudin,  formerly 
employed  in  the  administration  of  the  Post  Office,  was 
appointed  Minister  of  Finance ;  Cambacdrfes  remained 
Minister  of  Justice  ;  Forfait  was  Minister  of  Marine  ;  La 
Place  of  the  Interior ;  Fouchd  of  Police  ;  and  Reinhard 
of  Foreign  Affairs.  - 

1  Tlie  Trilmnate  under  this  Constitution  of  the  year  VIII.  Avas  the  only 
body  allowed  to  debate  in  puldic  on  proposed  laws,  the  legislative  body  sim- 
ply iiearing  in  silence  tiie  oi-jitors  sent  by  tlie  Council  of  State  and  bv  the 
Tribunate  to  state  reasons  for  or  against  propositions,  and  then  voting 
in  silence.  Its  orators  were  constantly  giving  uml)rage  to  Napoleon.  It 
■was  at  first  j)urified,  early  in  1802,  by  the  Senate  naming  the  members  to 
go  out  in  rotation,  then  reduced  to  from  100  to  oO  members  later  in  1802, 
and  suppressed  in  1807  ;  its  disappearance  being  regarded  by  Napoleon  as 
his  last  lireak  with  tlie  Revolution. 

2  Berthier  remained  Minister  of  War  till  1807;  Gaudin,  later  Due  de 
Gaeta,  held  the  same  office  till  the  end  of  Napoleon's  reign  ;  Camhace'res 
was  soon  replaced  by  Alnial ;  Korfait  was  replaced  l)y  i;)ecres  ;  Fouche  held 
the  Police  till  1802,  when  the  Ministry  was  su|)pressed  ;  and  afain  from 
its  re-establishment  in   1804  till  1810.     He  liecame  Due  d'Otrante. 

In  giving  to  Abrial  the  portfolio  of  the  Ministry  of  Justice,  Bonaparte 


308  MEMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAl'APvTE.  1799. 

Reinliard  and  La  Place  were  snon  replaced,  the  former 
by  the  aide  M.  Talleyrand,  the  latlcr  by  Lucieu  l^oiia- 
parte.^  It  may  be  said  that  Lucien  merely  passed  through 
the  Ministry  on  his  way  to  a  lucrative  embassy  in  S]iain. 
As  to  La  Place,  l>onaparte  always  entertained  a  hi^di 
opinion  of  his  talents.  His  ajipointment  to  the  ^linistry 
of  the  Interior  was  a  comi)liment  paid  to  science;  but  it 
was  not  long  before  the  First  Consul  repented  of  his 
choice.  La  Place,  so  happily  calculated  for  science,  dis- 
played the  most  inconceivable  n'cdiocrity  in  administra- 
tion. He  was  incompetent  to  the  most  trilling  matters ; 
as  if  his  mind,  formed  to  endirace  the  system  of  the  world, 
and  to  interpret  the  laws  of  Newton  and  Kepler,  could 
not  descend  to  the  level  of  subjects  of  detail,  or  apply 
itself  to  the  duties  of  the  department  with  which  he  was 
intrusted  for  a  short,  but  yet,  with  regard  to  him,  too 
long  a  time. 

On  the  26th  Brumairc  (17th  November,  1799)  the  Con- 
suls issued  a  decree,  in  which  they  stated  that,  conform- 
ably with  Article  III.  of  the  law  of  the  19th  of  the  same 
month,  which  especially  charged  them  with  the  re-estab- 
lishment of  public  tranquillity,  they  decreed  that  thirty- 
eight  individuals,  who  were  named,  should  quit  the 
continental  territory  of  the  Eepublic,  and  for  that  pur- 
pose should  proceed  to  llochefort,  to  be  afterwards  con- 
ducted to,  and  detained  in,  the  department  of  French 
Guiana.     They  likewise  decreed  that  twenty-three  other 

saiil  to  him,  "  Citizen  ALrial,  I  <lo  not  know  you,  but  I  am  told  you  are 
tho  honeste.st  man  in  the  magistracy,  and  that  is  why  I  name  you  Min- 
ister of  .Justice." — Boiirrienne. 

'  \Vhpn  I  ((uittod  the  service  of  the  First  Consul,  Talleyrand  was  still  at 
the  head  of  the  Foreign  Department.  I  have  frequently  l)een  present  at 
tiiis  great  statesman's  conferences  with  Napoleon,  and  I  can  declare  that 
I  never  saw  him  Hatter  his  dreams  of  amhition  ;  l>nt,  on  the  contrary, 
he  always  endeavoured  to  make  him  sensible  of  ids  true  interests. — 
Bourrienne. 


1799.  BONAPARTE   BECOMES   FIRST   CONSUL.  309 

individuals,  who  were  named,  should  proceed  to  the  com- 
mune of  Rochelle,  in  the  department  of  the  lower  Cha- 
rente,  in  order  to  be  afterwards  fixed  and  detained  in  such 
part  of  that  department  as  should  be  pointed  out  by  the 
Minister  of  General  Police.  I  was  fortunate  enough  to 
keep  my  friend  M.  Moreau  de  Worms,  deputy  from  the 
Yonne,  out  of  the  list  of  exiles.  This  proscription  pro- 
duced a  mischievous  effect.  It  bore  a  character  of 
wanton  severity  quite  inconsistent  with  the  assurances 
of  mildness  and  moderation  given  at  St.  Cloud  on  the 
19tli  Brumaire.  Cambac^rfes  afterwards  made  a  report, 
in  which  he  represented  that  it  was  unnecessary  for  the 
maintenance  of  tranquillity  to  subject  the  proscribed  to 
banishment,  considering  it  sufficient  to  place  them  under 
the  supervision  of  the  superior  police.  Upon  receiving 
the  report,  the  Consuls  issued  a  decree,  in  which  they 
directed  all  the  individuals  included  in  the  proscription 
to  retire  respectively  into  the  different  communes  which 
should  be  fixed  upon  by  the  Minister  of  Justice,  and  to 
remain  there  until  further  orders. 

At  the  period  of  the  issuing  of  these  decrees,  Sieyes  was 
still  one  of  the  Consuls,  conjointly  with  Bonaparte  and 
Eoger  Ducos ;  and  although  Bonaparte  had,  from  the  first 
moment,  possessed  the  whole  power  of  the  government, 
a  sort  of  apparent  equality  was,  nevertheless,  observed 
amongst  them.  It  was  not  until  the  25th  of  Decemljer 
that  Bonaparte  assumed  the  title  of  First  Consul,  Cani- 
bacdr^s  and  Lebrun  being  then  joined  in  the  office  with 
him.  He  had  fixed  his  eyes  on  them  previously  to  the 
18th  Brumaire,  and  he  had  no  cause  to  reproach  them 
with  giving  him  much  embarrassment  in  his  rapid  pro- 
gress towards  the  imperial  throne. 

I  have  stated  that  I  was  so  fortunate  as  to  rescue  M. 
INIoreau  de  Worms  from  the  list  of  proscription.  Some 
days  after,  Sieyfes  entered  Bonaparte's  cabinet  and  said  to 


310  MKMOinS   OF   XAI'OLEON    BONAl'ARTK.  1799. 

him,  "  Wt'll,  this  M.  Mureaii  de  Worms,  wliom  M.  Bour- 
rienne  induced  you  to  save  from  baiiisliment,  is  acting 
very  finely  !  I  told  you  how  it  would  he  !  I  have  received 
from  Sens,  his  native  place,  a  letter  which  informs  me  that 
Moreau  is  in  that  town,  where  he  has  assembled  the  peo- 
])le  in  the  market-place,  and  indulged  in  the  most  violent 
declamations  against  the  18tli  Drumaire."  —  "Can  you 
rely  upon  your  agent  ? "  asked  Bonaparte.  "  Perfectly.  I 
can  answer  for  the  truth  of  his  communication."  Bona- 
parte showed  me  the  bulletin  of  Sieyfes'  agent,  and  re- 
proached me  bitterly.  "  What  would  you  say,  General," 
I  observed,  "  if  I  should  present  this  same  M.  Moreau  de 
Worms,  who  is  declaiming  at  Sens  against  the  18th  Bru- 
maire,  to  you  within  an  hour  ?"  —  "I  defy  you  to  doit."  — 
''  I  have  made  myself  responsilde  for  him,  and  I  know 
what  I  am  about.  He  is  violent  in  his  politics;  but  he 
is  a  man  of  honour,  incapalde  of  failing  in  his  word."  — 
"  Well,  we  shall  see.  Go  and  find  him."  I  was  very  sure 
of  doing  what  I  had  promised,  for  within  an  hour  before 
I  had  seen  M.  Moreau  de  Worms  lie  had  been  con- 
cealed since  the  19th  lirumaire,  and  had  not  ([uitted 
Paris.  Nothing  was  easier  than  to  find  him,  and  in 
three-quarters  of  an  hour  he  was  at  the  Lu.xembourg. 
I  presented  him  to  Bonaparte,  who  conversed  with  him  a 
long  time  concerning  the  18th  Brumaire,  When  M. 
Moreau  departed,  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  "  You  are  right. 
That  fool  Siey^s  is  as  inventive  as  a  Cassandra.  This 
proves  that  one  should  not  l)e  too  ready  to  believe  the 
reports  of  the  wretches  whom  we  are  obliged  to  employ 
in  the  police."  Afterwards  he  added,  "  Bourrienne, 
Moreau  is  a  nice  fellow:  I  am  satisfied  with  him;  I  will 
do  something  for  him."  It  was  not  long  before  M. 
Moreau  experienced  the  efiect  of  the  Consul's  good  opin- 
ion. Some  days  after,  whilst  framing  the  council  of  prizes, 
he,  at  my  mere  suggestion,  appointed  M.  Moreau  one  of 


1799.  LITE   AT  THE  LUXEMBOURG.  311 

the  members,  with  a  salary  of  10,000  francs.  On  what 
extraordinary  circumstances  the  fortunes  of  men  fre- 
quently depend !  As  to  Sieves,  in  the  intercourse,  not 
very  frequent  certainly,  which  I  had  with  him,  he  ap- 
peared to  be  far  beneath  the  reputation  which  he  then 
enjoyed.  ^  He  reposed  a  blind  confidence  in  a  multitude 
of  agents,  whom  he  sent  into  all  parts  of  France.  When 
it  happened,  on  other  occasions,  that  I  proved  to  him,  by 
evidence  as  sufficient  as  that  in  the  case  of  M.  Moreau, 
the  falseness  of  the  reports  he  had  received,  he  replied, 
with  a  confidence  truly  ridiculous,  "  I  can  rely  on  my 
men."  Sieves  had  written  in  his  countenance,  "  Give  me 
money  !  "  I  recollect  that  I  one  day  alluded  to  this  ex- 
pression in  the  anxious  face  of  Siey^s  to  the  First  Consul. 
"  You  are  right,"  observed  he  to  me,  smiling  ;  "  when 
money  is  in  question,  Sieyfes  is  quite  a  matter-of-fact 
man.  He  sends  his  ideology  to  the  right  about,  and  thus 
becomes  easily  manageable.  He  readily  abandons  his 
constitutional  dreams  for  a  good  round  sum,  and  that  is 
very  convenient."  ^ 

Bonaparte  occupied,  at  the  Little  Luxembourg,  the 
apartments  on  the  ground-floor  which  lie  to  the  right  on 
entering  from  the  Rue  de  Vaugirard.  His  cabinet  was 
close  to  a  private  staircase,  which  conducted  me  to  the 

1  M.  de  Talleyrand,  who  is  so  capable  of  estimatinjr  men,  and  whose  ad- 
mirable sayinj^s  well  deserve  to  occupy  a  place  in  history,  iiad  long  enter- 
tained a  similar  opinion  of  Sieves.  One  day,  wiien  he  was  conversing 
with  the  Second  Consul  concernini;  Sieyi-s,  Cambacercs  said  to  him, 
"  Sieycs,  however,  is  a  very  profound  man." — ''  Profound  ?  "  said  Talley- 
rand. "Yes,  he  is  a  cavity,  a  perfect  cavity,  as  you  would  say.'^ — 
JBourrienne. 

2  Everybody  knows,  in  fact,  that  Sieycs  refused  to  resicjn  his  consular 
dignities  unless  he  received  in  exchange  a  lieautifnl  farm  situated  in  the 
park  of  Versailles,  and  worth  about  15,()()0  livres  a  year.  The  good 
abbe  consoled  himself  for  no  longer  forming  a  third  of  the  republican 
sovereignty  by  making  himself  at  home  in  the  ancient  domain  of  the 
Kings  of  France.  —  Bourrienne. 


312      -Mi:.M(»II{S  OF  NAPOLEON  BOXArAUTK.      1799 

first  floor,  whcri'  Joscpliine  tlwolt.  My  aiiartiiieiit  was 
above. 

After  Itreakfast,  which  was  served  at  ten  o'clock,  I>ona- 
parte  would  converse  for  a  few  moments  with  his  usual 
guests ;  that  is  to  say,  his  aides-de-camp,  the  persons  he 
invited,  and  myself,  who  never  left  him.  He  was  also 
visited  very  often  by  Defermont,  liegnault  (of  the  town 
of  St.  Jean  d'Ang(?ly),  Boulay  (de  la  Meurthe),  Monge, 
and  Berlicr,  who  were,  with  his  brothers,  Joseph  and 
Lucieii,  those  whom  he  most  dcliffhted  to  see;  lie  con- 
versed familiarly  with  them.  Cambacdr5s  generally  came 
at  midday,  and  stayed  some  time  with  him,  often  a  whole 
hour.  Lebrun  visited  but  seldom.  Notwithstandin;^'  Ids 
elevation,  his  character  remained  unaltered  ;  and  Bona- 
parte considered  him  too  moderate,  because  he  always 
opposed  his  ambitious  views  and  his  plans  to  usurp 
power.  When  Bonaparte  left  the  lirenkfast-taldc  it  was 
seldom  that  he  did  not  add,  after  bidding  Josephine  and 
her  daughter  Hortense  good-day,  "  Come,  Bourrienne, 
come,  let  us  to  work." 

After  the  morning  audiences  I  stayed  with  Bonaparte 
all  the  day,  either  reading  to  him,  or  writing  to  his  dicta- 
tion. Three  or  four  times  in  the  week  he  would  go  to 
the  Council.  On  his  way  to  the  hall  of  delil)eration  he 
was  obliged  to  cross  the  courtyard  of  the  Little  Luxem- 
bourg, and  ascend  the  grand  staircase.  This  always  vexed 
him,  and  the  more  so  as  the  weather  was  very  bad  at  the 
time.  This  annoyance  continued  until  the  25th  of  De- 
cember, and  it  was  with  much  satisfaction  that  he  saw 
himself  quit  of  it.  After  leaving  the  Council  he  used  to 
enter  his  cabinet  singing,  and  God  knows  how  wretchedly 
he  sung!  He  examined  whatever  work  he  had  ordered 
to  be  done,  signed  documents,  stretched  himself  in  his 
armchair,  and  read  the  letters  of  the  preceding  day  and 
the  publications  of  the  morning.     "When  there  was  no 


2799.  LIFE   AT  THE   LUXEMBOURG.  313 

Council  he  remained  in  liis  cabinet,  conversed  with  me, 
always  sang,  and  cut,  according  to  custom,  the  arm  of  his 
chair,  giving  himself  sometimes  quite  the  air  of  a  great 
boy.  Then,  all  at  once  starting  up,  he  would  describe  a 
plan  for  the  erection  of  a  monument,  or  dictate  some  of 
those  extraordinary  productions  wliich  astonished  and 
dismayed  the  world.  He  often  became  again  the  same 
man  who,  under  the  walls  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre,  had  dreamed 
of  an  empire  worthy  his  ambition. 

At  five  o'clock  dinner  was  served  up.  When  that  was 
over,  the  First  Consul  went  upstairs  to  Josephine's  apart- 
ments, where  he  commonly  received  the  visits  of  the 
Ministers,  He  was  always  pleased  to  see  among  the 
number  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  especially  since 
the  portfolio  of  that  department  had  been  intrusted  to 
the  hands  of  M.  de  Talleyrand.  At  midnight,  and  often 
sooner,  he  gave  the  signal  for  retiring  by  saying  in  a  hasty 
manner,  "  Allons  nous  coucher." 

It  was  at  the  Luxembourg,  in  the  salons  of  which  the 
adorable  Josephine  so  well  performed  the  honours,  tliat 
the  word  Madame  came  again  into  use.  This  first  return 
towards  the  old  French  politeness  was  startling  to  some 
susceptible  Eepublicans ;  but  things  were  soon  carried 
farther  at  the  Tuileries  by  the  introduction  of  Voire 
Altesse  on  occasions  of  state  ceremony,  and  Monseigneur 
in  the  family  circle. 

If,  on  the  one  hand,  Bonaparte  did  not  like  the  men  of 
the  Revolution,  on  the  other,  he  dreaded  still  more  the 
partisans  of  the  Bourbons.  On  the  mere  mention  of  the 
name  of  tliose  princes  he  experienced  a  kind  of  inward 
alarm;  and  he  often  spoke  of  the  necessity  of  raising  a 
wall  of  brass  between  France  and  them.  To  this  feeling, 
no  doubt,  must  be  attributed  certain  nominations,  and 
the  spirit  of  some  recommendations  contained  in  the 
notes  with  which  he  was  supplied  on  the  characters  of 


314  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON    noXAPAUTE.  1799. 

canilitlates,  and  wliidi  for  ivady  ivfiTciice  were  arranged 
alphabetically.  Soim'  of  the  notes  just  mentioned  were 
in  the  handwriting  of  Krgnault  de  St.  Jean  d'Ang(?ly, 
and  some  in   Lucien   Pxinaparte'.s.^ 

At  the  commencement  of  the  First  Consul's  adminis- 
tration, though  he  always  consulted  the  notes  he  liad 
collected,  he  yet  received  with  attention  the  recommenda- 
tions of  persons  with  whom  he  was  well  aecjuainted  ;  hut 
it  was  not  safe  for  them  to  recommend  a  rogue  or  a  fool. 
The  men  whom  he  most  disliked  were  those  whom  he 
called  babblers,  who  are  continually  prating  of  everything 
and  on  everything.  He  often  said,  "  I  want  more  head 
and  less  tongue."  What  he  thought  of  the  regicides  will 
be  >^QQ\\  farther  on,  but  at  first  the  more  a  man  had  given 
a  gage  to  the  Ilevolution,  the  more  he  considered  him  as 
ottering  a  guarantee  against  the  return  of  the  former 
order  of  things.  Besides,  Bonaparte  was  not  the  man  to 
attend  to  any  consideration  when  once  his  policy  was 
concerned. 

*  Aniong  them  was  the  following,  under  the  title  of  "  General  Observa- 
tions": "In  choosing  among  tlie  men  who  were  members  of  the  Con- 
stituent Assembly  it  is  necessary  to  be  on  guard  against  the  Orleans 
party,  which  is  not  altogether  a  ciiimera,  and  may  one  day  or  other  jjrove 
dangerous. 

"  There  is  no  doul)t  that  the  partisans  of  that  family  are  intriguing 
secretly;  and  among  many  other  proofs  of  this  fact  the  following  is  a 
striking  one:  tlie  journal  called  the  '  Aristaniue,'  which  undi.sguiscdly 
supports  royalism,  is  conducted  byu  man  of  the  name  of  \'oidel,  one  of  the 
hottest  patriots  of  tlie  Revolution.  He  was  for  several  months  president 
of  the  committee  of  iucpiiry  which  caused  tlie  Marquis  de  Favras  to  l)e 
arrested  and  hanged,  and  gave  so  much  uneasiness  to  the  Court.  'I'here 
was  no  one  in  the  ('onstituent  Asseml)ly  more  hateful  to  the  Court  tiian 
^'oidel,  as  much  on  account  of  his  violence  as  for  his  connection  with  the 
Duke  of  Orleans,  whose  advocate  and  counsel  he  wa.s.  When  the  Duke 
of  r)rleaMs  was  arrested,  Voidel,  liraving  the  fury  of  the  revolutionary 
triliunals,  had  the  courage  to  defend  him,  and  placarded  all  the  walls  of 
Paris  with  an  apology  for  the  Duke  and  his  two  sons.  This  man,  writing 
now  in  favour  (jf  royalism,  can  have  no  other  ohject  than  to  advance  a 
member  of  the  Orleans  family  to  the  throne."  —  Bourrienne. 


1799.         PLACES   UNDER   THE   NEW   GOVERNMENT.         315 

As  I  have  said  a  few  pages  back,  on  taking  the  govern- 
ment into  his  own  hands  Bonaparte  knew  so  little  of  the 
Kevolution  and  of  the  men  engaged  in  civil  employments 
that  it  was  indispensably  necessary  for  him  to  collect  in- 
formation from  every  quarter  respecting  men  and  things. 
But  when  the  conflicting  passions  of  the  moment  became 
more  calm  and  the  spirit  of  party  more  prudent,  and 
when  order  had  been,  by  his  severe  investigations,  intro- 
duced where  hitherto  unbridled  confusion  had  reigned, 
he  became  gradually  more  scrupulous  in  granting  places, 
whether  arising  from  newly-created  ofhces,  or  from  those 
changes  which  the  different  departments  often  experi- 
enced. He  then  said  to  me,  "  Bourrienne,  I  give  up  your 
department  to  you.  Name  whom  you  please  for  the 
appointments ;  but  remember  you  must  be  responsible 
to  me." 

What  a  list  would  that  be  which  should  contain  the 
names  of  all  the  prefects,  sub-prefects,  receivers-general, 
and  other  civil  officers  to  whom  I  gave  places !  I  have 
kept  no  memoranda  of  their  names  ;  and  indeed,  what 
advantage  would  there  have  been  in  doing  so  ?  It  was 
impossible  for  me  to  have  a  personal  knowledge  of  all  the 
fortunate  candidates ;  but  I  relied  on  recommendations 
in  which  I  had  confidence. 

I  have  little  to  complain  of  in  those  I  obliged  ;  though 
it  is  true  that,  since  my  separation  from  Bonaparte,  I  have 
seen  many  of  tliem  take  the  opposite  side  of  the  street  in 
which  I  was  walking,  and  by  that  delicate  attention  save 
me  the  trouble  of  raising  my  hat. 


CHAPTET^    XXVIT. 

1799-1800. 

WiiKN  a  new  government  rises  on  llie  ruins  of  one  that 
has  been  overthrown,  its  best  chance  of  conciliating  the 
favour  of  the  nation,  if  that  nation  be  at  war,  is  to  liokl 
out  the  prospect  of  peace  ;  for  peace  is  always  dear  to  a 
people,  lionaparte  was  well  aware  of  this ;  and  if  in  his 
heart  he  wished  otherwise,  he  knew  how  important  it  was 
to  seem  to  desire  peace.  Accordingly,  immediately  after 
his  installation  at  the  Luxembourg  he  notified  to  all  the 
foreign  [lOwers  his  accession  to  the  Consulate,  and,  for 
the  same  purpose,  addressed  letters  to  all  the  diplomatic 
agents  of  the  French  Government  abroad. 

The  day  after  he  got  rid  of  his  first  two  colleagues. 
Sieves  and  Eoger  Ducos,  he  prepared  to  open  negotiations 
with  the  Cabinet  of  London.  At  that  time  we  were  at 
war  with  almost  the  whole  of  Europe.  We  had  also  lost 
Italy.  The  Emperor  of  Germany  was  ruled  by  his 
Ministers,  who  in  their  turn  were  governed  by  England. 
It  was  no  easy  matter  to  manage  equally  the  organisation 
of  the  Consular  Government  and  the  no  less  imjiortant 
afi'airs  aliroad  ;  and  it  was  very  important  to  the  interests 
of  the  First  Consul  to  intimate  to  foreign  powers,  while 
at  the  same  time  he  assured  himself  against  the  return  of 
the  Bourljons,  that  the  system  whicli  he  proposed  to  adopt 
was  a  system  of  order  and  regeneration,  unlike  either  the 
demafTomc  violence  of  the  Convention  or  the  imbecile  arti- 
fice  of  the  Directory.     In  fulfilment  of  this  object,  Bona- 


1799-1800.  FIRST   CONSUL   TO   GEORGE   THE   THIRD.  317 

parte  directed  M.  de  Talleyrand,  the  new  Minister  for 
Foreign  Affairs,  to  make  the  first  friendly  overtures  to 
the  English  Cabinet.  A  correspondence  ensued,  which 
was  puljlished  at  the  time,  and  which  showed  at  once  the 
conciliatory  policy  of  Bonaparte  and  the  aiTogant  policy 
of  England.^ 
^  We  give  here  the  opening  letters  of  this  remarkable  correspondence  : 

Paris, le  5  Nivose,  an  VIII.  (26th  December,  1799). 
French  Republic. 

SOVEREIGXTY  OF    THE  PeOPLE  LiBERTT EQUALITY. 

Bonaparte,  First  Consul  of  the  Republic,  to  His  Majestjj,  the  King  of  Great 
Britain  and  Ireland. 

Called  by  the  wishes  of  the  French  nation  to  occupy  the  First  Magistracy 
of  the  Repul>lic,  I  have  thought  proper,  in  commencing  the  discharge  of 
the  duties  of  this  office,  to  communicate  the  event  directly  to  your 
Majesty. 

Must  the  war  which  for  eight  years  has  ravaged  the  four  quarters  of  the 
world  be  eternal  ?  Is  there  no  room  for  accommodation  ?  How  can  the 
two  most  enlightened  nations  in  Europe,  stronger  and  more  powerful 
than  is  necessary  for  their  safety  and  independence,  sacrifice  commercial 
advantages,  internal  prosperity,  and  domestic  happiness  to  vain  ideas 
of  grandeur  ?  Whence  is  it  that  tliey  do  not  feel  peace  to  be  the  first 
of  wants  as  well  as  the  first  of  glories  ? 

These  sentiments  cannot  be  new  to  the'heart  of  your  ^lajesty,  who  rules 
over  a  free  nation  with  no  other  view  than  to  render  it  happy. 

Your  Majesty  will  see  in  this  overture  only  my  sincere  desire  to  contri- 
bute effectually,  for  the  second  time,  to  a  general  pacification  by  a  prompt 
step  taken  in  confidence,  and  freed  from  those  forms  which,  however 
neces.sary  to  disguise  tlie  apprehensions  of  feelde  States,  only  serve  to 
discover  in  those  that  are  powerful  a  mutual  wish  to  deceive. 

France  and  England  may,  by  the  abuse  of  their  .strength,  long  defer  the 
period  of  its  utter  exhaustion,  unhappily  for  all  nations.  But  I  will  ven- 
ture to  say  that  the  fate  of  all  civilised  nations  is  concerned  in  the  termi- 
nation of  a  war  the  flames  of  which  are  raging  throughout  the  whole 
world. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  etc., 

(Signed)     Bonaparte. 

Lord  Grenville  in  reply  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Relations  at  Paris. 
Downing  Street,  4th  January,  1800. 
Sir, —  I  have  received  and  laid  before  the  King  the  two  letters  which 
you  have  transmitted  to  me ;  and  his  Majesty,  seeing  no  reason  to  depart 


318  .MK.MKlUS   OF   NAPOLICON    J'.oN Al'AK  TK.  17'JO- 

Tlic  excliaiiLie  of  notes  wiiich  took  place  was  attondiid 
by  lit)  imiiR'diale  result.  However,  tlie  First  Consul  had 
]>arlly  attained  liis  object:  if  the  British  Government 
would  not  enter  into  ne<^fotiations  for  peace,  there  was  at 
least  reason  to  presume  that  subsequent  overtures  of  the 
Consular  Goveriiincnt  nii;j;ht  be  listened  to.  The  corre- 
spondence had  at  all  events  afl'orded  Uonaparte  the  oppor- 
tunity of  declaring  his  principles,  and,  above  all,  it  had 
enalded  him  to  ascertain  that  the  return  of  the  Bour- 
bons to  France  [mentioned  in  the  official  reply  of  Lord 
Grenville]  would  not  be  a  si7ie  qua  non  condition  for  the 
restoration  of  peace  between  the  two  powers. 

Since  M.  de  Talleyrand  had  been  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs  the  business  of  that  dei)artment  had  jiroceeded 
with  great  activity.  It  was  an  important  advantage  to 
Bona})arteto  find  a  nobleman  of  the  old  regime  among  the 
Republicans.  The  choice  of  ]\I.  de  Talleyrand  was  in  some 
sort  an  act  of  courtesy  to  the  foreign  courts.  It  was  a 
delicate  attention  to  the  diplomacy  of  Europe  to  introduce 
to  its  members,  for  the  purpose  of  treating  with  them,  a 
man  whose  rank  was  at  least  equal  to  their  own,  and  wlio 
was  universally  distinguished  for  a  polished  elegance  of 
manner  combined  with  solid  good  qualities  and  real 
talents. 

It  was  not  only  with  England  that  Bonaparte  and  his 
Minister  endeavoured  to  ojien  negotiations;  tlie  Consular 
Cabinet  also  offered  peace  to  the  House  of  Austria ;  but 

from  those  forms  whicli  have  long  been  estalilished  in  Europe  for  transact- 
inrr  |)usiiiess  witli  foreijijn  states,  has  coiiiiuanded  me  to  return,  in  liis 
iiamo,  the  official  answer  wliich  I  semi  you  herewith  enclosed. 

I  have  the  honour  to  be,  with  high  consideration,  Sir,  your  most  obedient 
humble  servant, 

(Signed)    Grenville. 

The  official  letter  of  Lord  Grenville  to  the  Minister  of  Foreign  .Affairs, 
ami  Talleyrand's  rf'idy  to  it,  will  be  found  in  the  edition  of  1836,  but  are 
too  lengthy  to  reproduce  here. 


1800.  BONArAirrE'S   yiE\YS   ON   THE   EAST.  319 

not  at  tlie  same  time.  Tlie  object  of  this  offer  was  to 
sow  discord  between  the  two  powers.  Speaking  to  me 
one  day  of  his  earnest  wish  to  obtain  peace,  Bonaparte 
said,  "  You  see,  Bourrienne,  I  have  two  great  enemies  to 
cope  with.  I  will  conclude  peace  with  the  one  I  find 
most  easy  to  deal  with.  Tliat  will  enable  me  immediately 
to  assail  the  other.  I  frankly  confess  that  I  should  like 
best  to  be  at  peace  with  England.  Nothing  would  then 
be  more  easy  than  to  crush  Austria.  She  has  no  money 
except  what  she  gets  through  England." 

For  a  long  time  all  negotiations  proved  abortive.  None 
of  the  European  powers  would  acknowledge  the  new 
Government,  of  which  Bonaparte  was  the  head  ;  and  the 
battle  of  Marengo  was  required  before  the  peace  of 
Amiens  could  be  obtained. 

Though  the  affairs  of  the  new  Government  afforded 
abundant  occupation  to  Bonaparte,  he  yet  found  leisure  to 
direct  attention  to  the  East,  —  to  that  land  of  despotism 
whence,  judging  from  his  subsequent  conduct,  it  might  be 
presumed  he  derived  his  first  principles  of  government. 

On  becoming  the  head  of  the  State  he  wished  to  turn 
Egypt,  which  he  had  conquered  as  a  general,  to  the  ad- 
vantage of  his  policy  as  Consul.  If  Bonaparte  triumphed 
over  a  feeling  of  dislike  in  consigning  the  command  of 
the  army  to  Kldber,  it  was  because  he  knew  Kldber  to  be 
more  capable  than  any  other  of  executing  the  plans  he 
had  formed  ;  and  Bonaparte  was  not  the  man  to  sacrifice 
the  interests  of  policy  to  personal  resentment.  Tt  is  cer- 
tainly true  that  he  then  put  into  practice  that  charming 
phrase  of  Molifere's,  —  "I  pardon  you,  but  you  shall  pay 
me  for  this  !  " 

With  respect  to  all  whom  he  had  left  in  Egypt,  Bona- 
parte stood  in  a  very  singular  situation.  On  becomhig 
Chief  of  the  Government,  he  was  not  only  the  depositary 
of  all  communications  made  to  the  Directory ;  but  letters 


320  MEMOinS   OF   NAPOLKOX   HOXAl'ARTE.  1799- 

sent  to  one  address  were  delivered  to  another,  and  the 
First  Consul  received  the  e(inii)laints  made  against  the 
General  who  had  so  altrni>tly  ([uitted  Kgvpt.  In  almost 
all  the  letters  that  were  delivered  to  us  he  was  the  object 
of  serious  accusation.  According  to  some  he  had  not 
avowed  his  dei)arture  until  the  very  day  of  his  embarka- 
tion ;  and  he  had  deceived  everybody  by  means  of  false 
and  dissembling  proclamations.  Others  canvassed  his 
conduct  while  in  Egypt:  the  army  which  had  triumphed 
under  his  command  he  had  abandoned  when  reduced  to 
two-thirds  of  its  original  force  and  a  prey  to  all  the  hor- 
rors of  sickness  and  want.  It  must  be  confessed  that  these 
complaints  and  accusations  were  but  too  well  founded, 
and  one  can  never  cease  wondering  at  the  chain  of  for- 
tunate circumstances  which  so  rapidly  raised  l>onaparte 
to  the  Consular  seat.  In  the  natural  order  of  things,  and 
in  fulfilment  of  the  design  which  he  himself  had  formed, 
he  should  have  disem])arked  at  Toulon,  where  the  quar- 
antine laws  would  no  doubt  have  been  observed ;  instead 
of  which,  the  fear  of  the  English  and  the  uncertainty  of 
the  pilots  caused  him  to  go  to  Frdjus,  where  the  quaran- 
tine laws  were  violated  by  the  very  persons  most  inter- 
ested in  respecting  them.  Let  us  suppose  that  Bonaparte 
had  been  forced  to  perform  quarantine  at  Toulon.  What 
would  have  ensued  ?  The  charges  against  him  would 
have  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  Directory,  and  he  would 
probaldy  have  been  suspended,  and  put  upon  his  trial. 

Among  the  letters  which  fell  into  Bonaparte's  hands, 
by  reason  of  the  abrupt  change  of  government,  was  an 
official  despatcli  (of  the  4th  Venddmiaire,  yearVIII.)  from 
General  Kleber  at  Cairo  to  the  Executive  Directory,  in 
which  that  general  spoke  in  very  stringent  terms  of  the 
sudden  departure  of  lionaparte  and  of  the  state  in  which 
the  army  in  Kgy]>t  liad  been  left.  General  Klelier  further 
accused  him  of  having  evaded,  by  his  flight,  the  difficulties 


1800.  LETTERS   FROM  THE   EAST.  321 

which  he  thus  transferred  to  his  successor's  shoulders, 
aud  also  of  leaving  the  army  "  without  a  sou  in  the  chest," 
with  pay  in  arrear,  and  very  little  supply  of  munitions  or 
clothing. 

The  other  letters  from  Egypt  were  not  less  accusatory 
than  Kldber's  ;  and  it  cannot  be  doubted  that  cliarges  of 
so  precise  a  nature,  brought  by  the  general  who  had  now 
become  commander-in-chief  against  his  predecessor,  would 
have  had  great  weight,  especially  backed  as  they  were  by 
similar  complaints  from  other  quarters.  A  trial  would 
have  been  inevitable  ;  and  then,  no  18th  Brumaire,  no 
Consulate,  no  Empire,  no  conquest  of  Europe  —  but  also,  it 
may  be  added,  no  St.  Helena.  None  of  these  events 
would  have  ensued  had  not  the  English  squadron, 
when  it  appeared  off  Corsica,  obliged  the  Muiron  to 
scud  about  at  hazard,  and  to  touch  at  the  tirst  land  she 
could   reach. 

The  Egyptian  expedition  filled  too  important  a  place  in 
the  life  of  Bonaparte  for  him  to  neglect  frequently  re- 
viving in  the  public  mind  the  recollection  of  his  conquests 
in  the  East.  It  was  not  to  be  forgotten  that  the  head  of 
the  llepublic  was  the  first  of  her  generals.  While 
Moreau  received  the  command  of  the  armies  of  the 
Ehine ;  while  Massena,  as  a  reward  for  the  victory  of 
Zurich,  was  made  Cuniniander-in-Chief  in  Italy ;  and 
while  Brune  was  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  Batavia, 
Bonaparte,  whose  soul  was  in  the  camps,  consoled  him- 
self for  his  temporary  inactivity  l)y  a  retrospective  glance 
on  his  past  triumphs.  He  was  unwilling  that  Fame 
should  for  a  moment  cease  to  blazon  his  name.  Accord- 
ingly, as  soon  as  he  was  established  at  the  head  of  the 
Government,  he  caused  accounts  of  his  Egyptian  expedi- 
tion to  be  from  time  to  time  published  in  the  "  Mouiteur." 
He  frequently  expressed  his  satisfaction  that  the  accusa- 
tory correspondence,  and,  above  all,  Kldber's  letter,  had 

VOL.    I.  —  21 


322  MKMDIKS    OF   NAPOLEON    15UN ArAUTK.  1800. 

fallen  into  liis  own  hands. ^  Such  was  I>unaj)aite's  perfect 
Sc'lf-cummand  that  ininiediately  after  perusing  that  letter 
he  dictated  to  ine  the  following  proclamation,  addresi?cd 
to  the  Army  of  the  East :  — 

"SoLDiEiw  !  —  Tlie  Consuls  of  the  Frencli  licpublic  frequoiitly 
direct  their  attention  to  the  Army  of  the  East. 

"  France  acknowledges  all  the  iuHuence  of  your  conquests  on 
the  restoration  of  her  trade  and  the  civilisation  of  the  world. 

"The  eyes  of  uU  Europe  are  upon  you,  and  in  thought  I  am 
often  with  you. 

"  In  whatever  situation  the  chances  of  war  may  place  you,  prove 
yourselves  still  the  soldiers  of  Eivoli  and  Aboukir — yon  will  be 
invincible. 

"  Place  in  Kleber  the  boundless  confidence  w  hich  you  rej^osed 
in  nie.      He  de.serves  it. 

"  Soldiers,  think  of  the  day  when  you  will  return  victorious  to 
the  sacred  territory  of  France.  That  will  be  a  glorious  day  for 
the  whole  nation." 

Nothing  can  more  forcibly  show  the  character  of  Bona- 
parte than  the  above  allusion  to  Kl<iber,  after  lie  had  seen 
the  way  in  which  Klt^ber  spoke  of  him  to  the  Directory. 
Could  it  ever  have  been  imagined  that  the  correspondence 
of  the  army,  to  whom  he  addressed  this  proclamation, 
teamed  with  accusations  against  him  ?  Though  the  major- 
ity of  these  accusations  were  strictly  just,  yet  it  is  but  fair 
to  state  that  the  letters  from  Egypt  contained  some 
calumnies.  In  answer  to  the  well-founded  portion  of 
the  charges  Bonaparte  said  little  ;   but  he  seemed  to  feel 

1  .Joseph  Bonaparte  (Erreurs,  tome  i.  p.  25.5)  remarks  on  this  pa.s.<»age: 
"  Having  communicated  this  letter  to  me,  the  Consul,  langliiug  at  my 
indignation,  said,  '  If  Kle'ber  were  here,  1  would  appoint  him  Oovernor 
of  I'aris,  and  he  would  do  good  service.'  "  IJut  see  also  Miot's  account  of 
the  reception  of  the  news  of  the  dcatii  of  Klcher,  wlien  he  says  N.npoleon 
{a»  reported  by  Joseph,  it  is  true)  looked  ou  it  as  a  fresh  favour  of  fortune 
(AJiot,  tome  i.  p.  290). 


1800.  INDIVIDUAL  FAVOURS  AND  DISGRACES.  323 

deeply  the  falsehoods  that  were  stated  against  him,  one  of 
which  was,  that  he  had  carried  away  millions  from  Egypt. 
I  cannot  conceive  what  could  have  given  rise  to  this  false 
and  impudent  assertion.  So  far  from  having  touched  the 
army  chest,  Bonaparte  had  not  even  received  all  his  own 
pay.  Before  he  constituted  himself  the  Government,  the 
Government  was  his  debtor. 

Though  he  knew  well  all  that  was  to  be  expected  from 
the  Egyptian  expedition,  yet  those  who  lauded  that  affair 
were  regarded  with  a  favourable  eye  by  Bonaparte.  The 
correspondence  wdiich  had  fallen  into  his  hands  was  to  him 
of  the  highest  importance  in  enabling  him  to  ascertain  the 
opinions  which  particular  individuals  entertained  of  him. 
It  was  the  source  of  favours  and  disgraces  which  those 
who  were  not  in  the  secret  could  not  account  for.  It 
serves  to  explain  why  many  men  of  mediocrity  were  ele- 
vated to  the  highest  dignities  and  honours,  while  other 
men  of  real  merit  fell  into  disgrace  or  were  utterly 
neglected.^ 

1  Bonaparte's  praise  of  General  Kleber,  after  that  general's  attack  upon 
him  to  the  Directory  alhuled  to  over  leaf,  which  may  be  due  oiily  to  the 
policy  of  the  moment,  should,  however,  be  borue  in  mind. 


CHAPTER  XXVIIT. 

1800. 

In  perusing  the  history  of  the  distinguished  characters 
of  past  ages,  how  often  do  we  regret  that  the  historian 
sliuuld  have  portrayed  the  hero  ratlier  than  the  man !  "We 
wish  to  know  even  the  most  trivial  hahits  of  those  whom 
great  talents  and  vast  reputation  have  elevated  above  their 
fellow-creatures.  Is  this  the  effect  of  mere  curiosity,  or 
rather  is  it  not  an  involuntary  feeling  of  vanity  which 
prompts  us  to  console  ourselves  for  the  superiority  of 
great  men  by  reflecting  on  their  faults,  their  weaknesses, 
their  absurdities ;  in  short,  all  the  points  of  resemblance 
between  them  and  common  men  ?  For  the  satisfaction  of 
those  who  are  curious  in  details  of  this  sort,  I  will  here 
endeavour  to  paint  Bonaparte,  as  I  saw  him,  in  person  and 
in  mind ;  to  describe  what  were  his  tastes  and  habits,  and 
even  his  whims  and  caprices. 

Bonaparte  was  now  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  about  thirty. 
The  person  of  Bonaparte  has  served  as  a  model  for  the 
most  skilful  painters  and  sculptors  ;  many  able  French 
artists  have  successfully  delineated  his  features,  and  yet  it 
may  be  said  that  no  perfectly  faithful  portrait  of  him  exists. 
His  finely  shaped  head,  his  superb  forehead,  his  pale 
countenance,  and  his  usual  meditative  look,  have  been 
transferred  to  the  canvas  ;  but  the  versatility  of  his  ex- 
pression was  beyond  the  reach  of  imitation.  All  the 
various  workings  of  his  mind  were  instantaneously  de- 
picted in  his  countenance ;  and  his  glance  changed  from 


1800.  PORTRAIT   OF   BONAPARTE.  325 

mild  to  severe,  and  from  angry  to  good-humoured,  almost 
with  the  rapidity  of  lightning.  It  may  truly  be  said  that 
he  had  a  particular  look  for  every  thought  that  arose  in 
his  mind. 

Bonaparte  had  beautiful  hands,  and  he  was  very  proud 
of  them ;  while  conversing  he  would  often  look  at  them 
with  an  air  of  self-complacency.  He  also  fancied  he 
had  fine  teeth,  but  liis  pretension  to  that  advantage 
was  not  so  well  founded  as  his  vanity  on  the  score  of 
his  hands. 

When  walking,  either  alone  or  in  company  with  any  one, 
in  his  apartments  or  in  his  gardens,  he  had  the  habit  of 
stooping  a  little,  and  crossing  his  hands  behind  his  back. 
He  frequently  gave  an  involuntary  shrug  of  his  right 
shoulder,  which  was  accompanied  by  a  movement  of  his 
mouth  from  left  to  right.  This  habit  was  always  most 
remarkable  when  his  mind  was  absorbed  in  the  considera- 
tion of  any  profound  subject.  It  was  often  while  walk- 
ing that  he  dictated  to  me  his  most  important  notes.''     He 

1  Napoleon  always  walked  while  dictating.  He  sometimes  began  while 
seated,  but  at  tlie  first  word  he  rose.  He  began  walking  in  the  room  where 
he  was,  and  walked  up  and  down  it.  This  promenade  lasted  all  the  time 
he  was  dictating.  As  he  entered  into  his  subject,  he  experience<l  a  sort  of 
"  tic,"  consisting  in  a  movement  of  his  right  arm,  which  he  twisted,  while 
pulling  with  his  hand  the  lining  of  the  cuff  of  his  coat.  Still,  his  delivery- 
was  not  quickened  by  this  movement ;  his  step  was  also  slow  and  measured. 

Expressions  came  without  effort  to  render  his  thoughts.  H  they  were 
sometimes  incorrect,  this  very  incorrectness  added  to  their  euergv,  and 
always  marvellously  depicted  to  the  mind  what  he  wished  to  sav.  .  .  . 
Napoleon  seldom  wrote  himself.  Writing  was  a  fatigue  for  him.  His 
hand  could  not  follow  the  rapidity  of  his  conception.  His  writing  was  an 
a.ssemblage  of  indecipheralde  characters  without  connection.  Half  of  the 
letters  of  each  wcjrd  were  deficient.  He  could  not  read  it  over  hitnself,  or 
would  not  take  the  troulde  to  do  so.  H  any  explanation  were  asked  of  him, 
he  retook  his  draft,  which  he  tore  or  threw  into  the  fire,  while  he  dictated 
afresh,  giving  tiie  .same  ideas,  but  with  different  expressions  and  words. 
His  s])elling  was  incorrect,  though  he  knew  well  enough  to  point  out  errors 
in  the  writings  of  others.  .  .  .  Iti  figures,  wiierc  there  is  absolute  and  posi- 
tive exactness,  Napoleon  also  committed  errors.     It  is,  however,  riglit  to 


326  MKMOms   OF   NAPOLEON    liONArAIlTE.  ISOO. 

could  eudun*  {^ivat  fiitiguc,  imt  only  on  li(irs('l)ack,  Imt  on 
foot;  he  would  sometimes  walk  for  five  or  six  hours  in 
succession  without  l>ein,<f  aware  of  it. 

When  walkin;^'  witli  any  person  whom  he  treated  with 
familiarity,  he  would  link  his  arm  into  that  of  his  com- 
panion, and  lean  on  it. 

He  used  often  to  say  to  me,  "You  see,  Bourrienne,  how 
temperate,  and  how  thin  I  am  ;  but,  in  spite  of  that,  I 
cannot  help  thinking  that  at  forty  I  shall  become  a  great 
eater,  and  get  very  fat.  I  foresee  that  my  constitution 
will  undergo  a  change.  I  take  a  great  deal  of  exercise ; 
but  yet  I  feel  assured  that  my  presentiment  will  be  ful- 
filled." This  idea  gave  him  great  uneasiness;  and,  as  I 
observed  nothing  which  seemed  to  warrant  his  apprehen- 
sions, I  omitted  no  opportunity  of  assuring  him  that 
they  were  groundless.  But  he  would  not  listen  to  me, 
and  all  the  time  I  was  al)0ut  him,  he  was  haunted  by 
this  presentiment,  which,  in  the  end,  was  but  too  well 
veritied. 

His  i)artiality  for  the  bath  he  mistook  for  a  necessity. 
He  would  usually  remain  in  the  bath  two  hours,  during 
which  time  I  used  to  read  to  him  extracts  from  the  jour- 
nals and  pamphlets  of  the  day,  for  he  was  anxious  to  hear 
and  know  all  that  was  going  on.  While  in  the  bath  he 
was  continually  turning  on  the  warm  water  to  raise  the 
temperature,  so  that  I  was  sometimes  enveloped  in  such  a 

say  that  these  error.s  were  not  always  committed  un(1e.«igneilly.  For  in- 
.stance,  he  always  increased  the  total  of  the  imnil)er  of  men  composing  his 
battalions,  rej;;iments,  and  divisions.  Whatever  representations  were  made 
to  liim  lie  repulsed  the  evidence,  and  ol)stinatcly  persisted  iu  his  voluntary 
error  in  calculation.  His  writing  was  illcgilde,  and  he  detested  any  writ- 
ings which  wore  difficult  to  read.  His  notes,  or  the  few  lines  he  happened 
to  write,  and  which  did  not  require  any  effort  of  the  mind,  were  generally 
exempt  from  faults  of  spelling,  except  in  certain  words  which  were  always 
wrong.  For  instance,  he  wrote  "  cabiuet "  as  "_</abiuet"  {Meneval,  tome 
iii.  pp.  118-121). 


1800.  BONAPARTE'S   TEMPERANCE.  327 

dense  vapour  that  I  could  not  see  to  read,  and  was  obliged 
to  open  the  door.^ 

Bonaparte  was  exceedhigly  temperate,  and  averse  to  all 
excess.  He  knew  the  absurd  stories  that  were  circulated 
about  him,  and  he  was  sometimes  vexed  at  them.  It  has 
been  repeated,  over  and  over  again,  that  he  was  subject  to 
attacks  of  epilepsy  ;  but  during  the  eleven  years  that  I 
was  almost  constantly  with  him  I  never  observed  any 
symptom  which  in  the  least  degree  denoted  that  malady. 
His  health  was  good,  and  his  constitution  sound.  If  his 
enemies,  by  way  of  reproach,  have  attributed  to  him  a 
serious  periodical  disease,  his  flatterers,  probably  under 
the  idea  that  sleep  is  incompatible  with  greatness,  have 
evinced  an  equal  disregard  of  truth  in  speaking  of  his 
night-watching.  Bonaparte  made  others  watch,  but  he 
himself  slept,  and  slept  well.  His  orders  were  that  I 
should  caP.  him  every  morning  at  seven.  I  was  therefore 
the  first  to  enter  his  chamber  ;  but  very  frequently  when 
I  awoke  him  he  would  turn  himself,  and  say,  "  Ah, 
Bourrienne  !  let  me  lie  a  little  longer."  "When  there  was 
no  very  pressing  business,  I  did  not  disturb  him  again  till 
eight  o'clock.  He  in  general  slept  seven  hours  out  of  the 
twenty -four,  besides  taking  a  short  nap  in  the  afternoon  .^ 

1  At  St.  Helena  he  is  said  to  have  continued  in  the  hath  three  hours  nt 
a  time.  May  not  liis  immoderate  use  of  batlis  of  very  liiijh  temperature 
have  contriliuted  to  produce  the  premature  corjmlency  which  ho  so  greatly 
dreaded  ?  I  recollect  having  several  times  hinted  such  a  possibility  to 
him.  —  Bourrienne. 

2  Bonaparte  rose  at  uncertain  hours,  hut  ordinarily  at  seven  o'clock. 
When  he  awoke  in  the  night,  he  sometimes  l)egan  to  work,  or  he  bathed  or 
ate.  His  awakening  was  generally  melancholy,  and  ajipearod  ])ainful.  Not 
infrequently  he  had  convulsive  spasms  in  the  stomach,  which  made  him 
vomit.  Sometimes  he  seemed  much  disquieted  by  such  attack.s,  as  if  he 
dreaded  having  been  poisoned,  and  then  there  was  great  difficulty  to  pre- 
vent him  increasing  this  tendency  by  trying  all  be  could  to  excite  the 
vomiting.  I  have  this  detail  from  Corvisart,  his  chief  physician  (Reniusat, 
tome  ii.  p.  .335). 

Napoleon  kuew  that  I  (Meneval)  did  not  possess  the  precious  faculty 


328  MKMnlHS   OF    NAr()Li:OX    B<  >NA1'AK  IK  1800. 

Among  the  private  instructions  which  r)t)na])arte  gave 
me,  one  was  very  curious.  "  During  the  night,"  said  he, 
"enter  my  chamber  as  scUhun  as  possible.  Do  not  awake 
me  when  you  have  any  good  news  to  communicate  :  with 
that  there  is  no  luirry.  But  when  you  bring  bad  news, 
rouse  me  instantly ;  for  then  there  is  not  a  moment 
to  be  lost." 

This  was  a  wise  regulation,  and  Bonaparte  found  his 
advantage  in  it. 

As  soon  as  he  rose,  his  valet  de  chamhre  shaved  him  and 
dressed  his  hair.  AVhile  he  was  being  shaved,  I  read  to 
him  the  newspapers,  beginning  always  with  the"Moni- 
teur."  ^   He  paid  little  attention  to  any  but  the  German 

enjoved  liv  him  of  sleepinpj  at  will,  and  that  it  was  impossible  for  me  to 
pleop  fiurinj?  the  day.  After  any  work  whirli  had  occujtiod  part  of  the 
uiuht  he  rorommended  me  to  take  a  bath,  and  often  lie  hinisfdf  jrave  orders 
for  pn-jiarinsione  for  me.  Sumetinies  he  pa.s<ed  entire  days  witliout  work- 
ing, and  still  he  diil  not  leave  his  pal.ace  or  even  his  cabinet.  He  .seemed 
jjuzzlfd  how  to  employ  his  time  on  such  days  of  an  idleness  which  was 
onlv  apparent,  for  if  tlie  body  were  inactive,  his  mind  was  not.  He  would 
pa.ss  an  liour  with  the  Empress,  then  return,  sit  on  his  sofa  and  sleep,  or 
appear  to  sleep,  for  .some  moments.  He  would  tlien  .sit  on  a  corner  of  my 
desk,  or  on  the  arm  of  my  chair,  sometimes  on  my  knees ;  lie  would  put 
his  arm  round  my  neck,  and  amu.se  himself  by  fjently  ]iulling  my  ear,  or 
striking  me  on  the  shoulder  or  cheek.  He  talkeil  disjointedly  of  himself, 
his  fancies,  his  organisation,  of  me,  or  of  any  plan  he  had  in  his  head.  He 
liked  to  jest  on  one.  but  never  in  a  rough  or  disagreeable  manner,  but, 
on  the  contrary,  laughingly  and  with  real  kindness.  ...  He  read  aloud, 
then  he  closed  the  book  and  w.alked  up  and  down,  ded.aiming.  .  .  . 
The  passages  he  repeated  with  the  most  plea-sure  were,  — 

"  J'ai  servi,  commande,  vaincii,  quarante  annc'-es." 
"  I>u  nionde  entre  mes  mains  j'ai  vu  les  deslinees." 
"  Rt  j'ai  toujoiirs  connu  qu'en  chaqiie  ('-vcnement." 
"  I,e  destin  des  Etats  d('-pendaitd'un  moment.".  .  . 

When  he  was  tired  of  reading  poetry  he   would    sing  witli  a  strong  but 
false  voice  (Minevitl,  tome  iii.  pp    124-1 2fi). 

'  Often  enough  I  took  the  morning  papers  to  the  Emperor,  and  while  he 
finislierl  dressing  I  read  to  liim  the  articles  he  pointed  out  to  me,  or  tho.se  I 
beliived  likelv  to  attra't  his  attention.  They  almost  always  caused  him 
to  make  some  oliservations.  His  chief  physician,  Corvis.art,  or  liis  snrgeon- 
in-ordiuary,  Ivan,  sometimes  were  present  at  his  toilet.     The   Emperor 


1800.  BONAPARTE'S  TASTES   AND   HABITS.  329 

and  English  papers.  "  Pass  over  all  that,"  he  would  say, 
while  I  was  perusing  the  French  papers;  "I  know  it 
already.  They  say  only  what  they  think  will  please 
me."  I  was  often  surprised  that  his  valet  did  not  cut 
him  while  I  was  reading ;  for  whenever  he  heard  anything 
interesting,  he  turned  quickly  round  towards  me.' 

When  Bonaparte  had  finished  his  toilet,  which  he  did 
with  gr''at  attention,  for  he  was  scrupulously  neat  in  his 
person,  we  went  down  to  his  cabinet.  There  he  signed 
the  orders  on  important  petitions  which  had  been  analysed 
by  me  on  the  preceding  evening.  On  reception  and  pa- 
rade days  he  was  particularly  exact  in  signing  these  orders, 
because  I  used  to  remind  him  that  he  w^ould  be  likely  to 
see  most  of  the  petitioners,  and  that  they  would  ask  him 
for  answers.  To  spare  him  this  annoyance,  I  used  often 
to  acquaint  tliem  beforehand  of  what  had  been  granted  or 
refused,  and  what  had  been  the  decision  of  the  First  Con- 
sul. He  next  perused  the  letters  which  I  had  opened 
and  laid  on  his  taV»le,  ranging  them  according  to  their 

liked  challcniijinf!^  Corvisart  about  medical  matters,  and  he  always  did  so 
hy  .^allies  and  hitter  remarks  ap;ainst  doctors.  Corvisart,  while  acknowl- 
edging the  uncertainty  of  medicine,  defended  its  utility  with  arguments 
strong  enougli  to  often  stop  tlie  sarcasms  of  his  antagonist  on  his  very 
lips  (Me'nr-ral,  tome  i.  pp.  143,  144). 

^  It  was  Constant's  task  to  shave  Bonaparte,  and  lie  thus  speaks  of 
the  difficulties  he   experienced  in  the  discharge  of  this  duty,  — 

"  While  I  was  shaving  him,  he  would  often  converse,  read  the  journals, 
move  restlessly  in  his  chair,  or  turn  round  suddenly,  so  that  I  was  obliged 
to  ol)serve  the  utmost  caution  in  order  to  avoid  cutting  him.  Luckily  that 
misfortune  never  occurred  to  me.  When  i)y  chance  he  was  not  engaged 
in  conversation  or  reading,  he  would  sit  as  motionless  as  :i  statue,  and  I 
could  not  get  him  to  raise,  lower,  or  incline  his  liead  to  facilitate  my  o|)er- 
ation.  He  had  a  singular  whim  of  having  only  one  side  of  his  face  soaped 
and  shaved  at  once ;  ami  he  would  not  allow  me  to  proceed  to  the  other 
side  until  the  first  was  finisiied"  {Memoires  de  Constant). 

Constant  adds  that  Honaparte  could  not  shave  himself  until  he  in- 
structed him  in  the  mode  of  holding  and  aj)])lying  the  razor;  but  that, 
owing  to  his  natural  impatience  and  hastiness  of  manner,  he  never 
attempted  the  operation  without  severely  cutting  himself. 


330  MKMollJS    (»F    NATnLKOX    I}(  t.N  Al'AKTK.  1800. 

iuiportaiice.  Jle  diivcted  me  to  answer  iheiii  in  his 
name  ;  he  occasionally  wrote  the  answers  himself,  but 
not  often. 

At  ten  o'clock  the  maitre  d'hdtel  eulinvd,a\n\  nuuonnced 
breakfast,  saying,  "  The  General  is  served."  *  We  went 
to  bieakfast,  and  the  repast  was  exceedin<;ly  simple.  He 
ate  almost  every  m<»rninjf  snme  chicken,  dressed  with  oil 
and  onions.  This  dish  "was  then,  I  believe,  called  poulet 
a  la  Provcn^-ale  ;  but  our  restaurateurs  have  since  con- 
ferred upon  it  the  more  ambitious  name  of  poulet  a  la 
Mareiifju.'^ 

^  This,  of  course,  refers  to  the  time  when  we  were  at  the  Luxembourg. 
—  lioiirneniie. 

-  Napoleon  was  irregular  in  his  meals,  and  ale  fast  ami  ill ;  but  there 
again  was  to  he  traceii  tliat  al)sulute  will  which  he  carried  into  everything 
which  he  did.  Tlie  moment  appetite  w:is  felt  it  was  necessary  that  it 
should  he  satistieij,  and  his  estaiilisliment  wa.s  so  arrangeil  that  in  all 
places,  and  at  all  hours,  chicken,  cutlets,  and  coffee  might  be  forthcoming 
at  a  word  {lirillut  Sararin,  tome  i.  p.  2.52). 

The  hai>it  of  eating  f;ist  and  carrlessly  is  supposed  to  have  paralysed 
Napoleon  on  two  uf  tlie  mo.>t  critical  occ;vsions  of  his  life,  —  tlie  liattics  of 
Borodino  and  Leipzig.  On  each  of  these  occasions  he  is  known  to  have 
been  suffering  from  indigestion.  On  the  third  day  of  Dresden,  too  (as  the 
German  novelist  Il<iffman,  who  was  in  the  town,  a.«serts).  the  Emperor's 
energies  were  imjiaired  hy  the  effects  of  a  shoulder  of  niuiton  stuffed  with 
onions.  There  can  he  no  doui)t  that  Napoleon's  irregularity  as  to  meals 
injured  his  health  and  shortened  his  life. 

The  general  order  to  his  household  to  have  cutlets  and  roast  chicken 
ready  at  all  iiours,  night  and  day,  was  observed  to  the  letter  by  his  inaitre 
d'holel,  Dunand,  who  had  been  a  celebrated  cook.  In  his  more  dignified 
capacity  he  contrived  to  fall  in  with  the  humours  of  his  imjierial  master, 
and  by  so  doing  to  be  of  e.>isential  use  at  critical  emergencies  when  an 
hour  of  prolongeil  flurry  or  irritation  might  have  cost  a  province  or  a 
throne.  <  )n  one  occasion,  when  matters  had  gone  wrong  in  some  (juarter. 
Napoleon  returned  from  the  Vonseil  d'Etat  in  one  of  his  worst  temjiers 
and  most  discontented  moods.  A  dejeuner  A  la  fourrhetle  comprising  his 
favourite  dishes  was  served  up.  and  Napoleon,  who  had  fasted  since  day- 
break, took  his  seat.  Hut  he  had  hardly  swallowed  a  mouthful  when 
apparently  some  inopportune  thought  or  recollection  stung  his  brain  to 
ma<lness  ;  receding  from  the  taide  without  rising  from  his  chair,  he  uplifted 
his  foot,  and  cr.osh  went  the  dijeuner  to  the  ground,  while  the  Lmperor, 
springing  up,  paced  the  room  with  rapid  and  perturbed  strides,  indicative 


1800.  BONAPARTE'S  TASTES  AND   HABITS.  331 

Bonaparte  drank  little  wine,  always  either  claret  or 
Burgundy,  and  the  latter  by  preference.  After  breakfast, 
as  well  as  after  dinner,  he  took  a  cup  of  strong  coffee.^  I 
never  saw  him  take  any  between  his  meals,  and  I  cannot 
imagine  what  could  have  given  rise  to  the  assertion  of 
his  being  particularly  fond  of  coffee  When  he  worked 
late  at  night  he  never  ordered  coffee,  but  chocolate,  of 
which  he  made  me  take  a  cup  with  him.  But  this 
only  happened  wlien  our  business  was  prolonged  till 
two  or  three  in  the  morning.'^ 

All  that  has  been  said  about  Bonaparte's  immoderate 
use  of  snuff  has  no  more  foundation  in  truth  than  his  pre- 
tended partiality  for  coffee.     It  is  true  that  at  an  early 

of  frenzied  rage.  Dunand  looked  on  without  moving  a  muscle,  and 
quietly  gave  the  fitting  orders  to  his  staff.  Quick  as  tliouglit  the  wreck 
was  cleared  away,  an  exact  duplicate  of  tlie  dejeuner  appeared  as  if  by 
magic,  and  its  ])resence  was  quietly  announced  by  the  customary  "  Sa 
Majeste  est  servie."  Napoleon  felt  the  delicacy,  and  appreciated  the  tact 
of  this  mode  of  service.  "  Merci  bien,  mon  cher  Dunand  !  "  and  one  of  his 
inimitable  smiles  showed  that  the  hurricane  had  bli)wn  over  (Hayward's 
Art  of  Dining,  p.  62.) 

1  M.  Brillat  de  Savarin,  whose  memory  is  dear  to  all  gourmands,  had 
estaldished,  as  a  gastronomic  principle,  tliat  "he  who  does  not  take  coffee 
after  each  meal  is  assuredly  not  a  man  of  taste."  —  Bournenne. 

2  Mcneval  says  of  tiie  night  work  of  the  Emperor  :  "I  would  find  him  in 
his  white  dressing  gown,  with  a  Madras  handkerchief  on  his  head,  walk- 
ing up  and  down  iiis  caljinot,  with  his  hands  crossed  l)eliiud  his  back,  or 
else  dipping  in  his  snntf-box.  less  from  liking  than  from  preoccupation,  for 
he  only  smelt  the  siiuff,  and  his  handkerchiefs  of  wiiite  cambric  were  not 
soiled  by  it.  His  ideas  developed  under  his  dictation  with  an  abundance 
and  a  clearness  that  sliowod  his  attention  was  niucli  drawn  to  the  object 
of  his  work.  They  leapt  from  his  iiead  as  Minerva,  all  armed,  from  the 
head  of  Jn]>iter.  When  tlie  work  was  ended,  and  sometimes  in  the  middle 
of  it,  he  had  ices  or  sherbet  brought.  He  asked  me  which  I  preferred, 
and  his  care  went  so  far  as  to  advise  me  which  he  thought  best  for  my 
health.  After  this  he  returned  to  bed,  if  it  were  only  for  an  hour, 
and  fell  asleep  again  as  if  he  had  not  l)een  interrupted.  .  .  .  When  the 
Emperor  rose  in  tlie  night  without  any  object  except  to  occupy  his  sleep- 
less hours,  lie  forbade  my  being  awakened  before  seven  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  Then  I  founil  my  desk  covered  with  reports  and  papers  anno- 
tated by  him  "  {Mcneval,  tome  i.  pp.  l.'34-135). 


3;V2  MKMOIKS    OK    NAPOLKON    n(  tNAl'AKTE.  1800. 

j.L'riiMl  .)t'  his  lit\'  he  Letran  to  take  sniilV,  hut  it  was  very 
spaviiijily,  and  always  out  of  a  box;  and  it'  he  bore  any 
resemblance  to  Frederick  the  Great,  it  Mas  n(»t  by  filling 
his  \vaistetiat-i>oekets  with  snufV,  for  I  must  again  observe 
he  carried  his  notions  of  i)ersonal  neatness  to  a  fastidious 
degree.^ 

Bonaparte  had  two  rulint:  passions,  glory  and  war. 
He  was  never  more  gay  than  in  the  cam]),  and  never  more 
morose  than  in  the  inactivity  of  jxace.  IMans  for  the  con- 
struction of  public  monuments  also  ]liased  his  imagina- 
tion, a!id  tilled  up  the  void  caused  by  the  want  of  active 
occupation.  He  was  aware  that  monuments  f(»rm  i)art  of 
the  history  of  nations,  of  whose  civilisation  they  bear 
evidence  for  ages  after  those  who  created  them  have  dis- 
appeared from  the  earth,  and  that  they  likewise  often 
bear  false  witness  to  remote  posterity  of  the  reality  of 
merely  fabulous  conquests.  Bonaparte  was,  however, 
mistaken  as  to  the  mode  of  accomplishing  the  object  he 
had  in  view.  His  cijjhers,  his  trophies,  and  subsequently 
his  eagles,  splendidly  adorned  the  monuments  of  his  reign. 

^  It  has  l)pen  allec^ecl  that  his  Majesty  took  an  innrtlinate  deal  of  srinff, 
and  tliat  in  order  to  take  it  with  tlie  greater  facility  he  earried  it  in  his 
■waistcoat-poekets,  which  for  that  purpose  were  lined  with  leather.  This 
is  altogether  untrue.  The  fact  is,  the  Kniperor  never  took  snuff  except 
from  a  snuff-liox,  and  tliough  lie  used  a  great  deal,  he  actually  took  hut 
verv  little.  He  would  frecjuently  h<dd  the  snuff  box  to  his  nose  merely  to 
sm(dl  the  snuff  ;  at  other  times  he  would  take  a  ])inch,  and  after  smelling 
it  for  a  moment,  he  would  throw  it  away.  Tims  it  frecpiently  ha])pened 
that  the  sj)ot  where  he  was  sitting  or  standing  was  strewed  with  snuff; 
hut  his  liandkerrhiefs.  which  were  of  the  finest  caml)ric,  were  scarcely 
ever  soiled.  Xajioleon  had  a  great  collection  of  snuff-hoxes  ;  hut  those 
which  he  preferred  were  of  dark  tortoise-shell,  lined  with  gold,  and  orna- 
mented with  cameos  oranti(|ue  medals  in  gold  or  silver.  Tlieir  form  was 
ainirrow  oval,  with  hingeil  lids.  He  did  not  like  round  boxes,  because  it 
was  neces.sarv  to  employ  both  hands  to  open  them,  ami  in  this  operation 
he  not  unfrequently  let  the  box  or  the  lid  fall.  His  snuff  was  generally  a 
verv  coarse  rappee  ;  but  he  sometimes  lilted  to  have  several  kinds  of  snuff 
mixed  together  (Mtfmoires  de  Cvnstuni). 


J 800.  BONAPARTE'S   TASTES   AND   HABITS.  333 

But  why  did  he  wish  to  stamp  false  initials  on  things  with 
which  neither  he  nor  his  reign  had  any  connection ;  a.s, 
for  example,  the  old  Louvre  ?  Did  he  imagine  that  the 
letter  "  N,"  which  everywhere  obtruded  itself  on  the  eye, 
had  in  it  a  charm  to  controvert  the  records  of  history,  or 
alter  the  course  of  time?^ 

Be  this  as  it  may,  Bonaparte  well  knew  that  the  fine 
arts  entail  lasting  glory  on  great  actions,  and  consecrate 
the  memory  of  princes  who  protect  and  encourage  them. 
He  oftener  than  once  said  to  me,  "  A  great  reputation  is  a 
great  noise  ;  the  more  there  is  made,  the  farther  off  it  is 
heard.  Laws,  institutions,  monuments,  nations,  all  fall ; 
but  the  noise  continues  and  resounds  in  after  ages." 
This  was  one  of  his  favourite  ideas.  "  My  power,"  he 
would  say  at  other  times,  "  depends  on  my  glory,  and  my 
glory  on  my  victories.     My  power  would  fall  were  I  not 

^  When  Louis  XVIII.  returued  to  tlie  Tuileries  in  1814,  he  found  that 
Bonaparte  had  heen  an  excellent  tenant,  and  that  lie  had  left  everything 
in  very  good  condition.  Some  one  having  called  his  attention  to  the 
profusion  of  N's  which  were  conspicuous  in  every  part  of  the  palace,  the 
monarch  appropriately  quoted  the  following  lines  of  La  Fontaine  :  — 

"II  aura  volontiers  ocrit  siirson  chapeau, 
C'estmoi  qui  suis  Guiilut,  berger  de  ce  troupeau."  —  Bourrienne. 

The  Bourhons  might  have  been  more  grateful  for  the  improvements  in 
the  Tuileries  made  by  Napoleon.  When  the  Comte  d'Artois  entered 
I'aris  in  1814,  "  he  was  struck  when  ho  saw  how  much  had  been  made  of 
the  Tuileries,  the  beauty  of  the  Place  du  Carrousel  and  of  the  garden. 
'Canyon  imagine  that  I  have  heard  a  hundred  times  peo])le  saying  at 
Versailles  that  there  was  nothing  to  he  made  of  the  Tuileries,  and  that 
it  was  made  up  of  a  lot  of  garrets  ?  And  iiere  are  convenient  and  mag- 
nificent apartments  !  What!  it  was  an  officer  of  Bonaparte's  Court  that 
occupied  the  rooms  where  we  now  are!  It  is  incredible!'"  {Beuffnot, 
tome  ii.  p.  122).  Indeed,  Louis  himself  seems,  later,  to  have  acknowleilged 
this,  as  on  iMetternicli  remarking  that  he  had  passed  many  hours  with 
Napoleon  in  the  same  room  in  which  in  1814  he  found  the  King,  "  It  must 
be  allowed,"  answered  the  King,  "  tliat  Napoleon  was  a  very  good  tenant. 
He  made  everything  most  comfortable.  He  lias  arranged  everything 
excellently  for  me!"  (MeUenuch,  tome  i.  p.  243). 


334  MEMOIRS    or    NATOLKON    IU)\A1'ARTE.  1800. 

to  siii>i)orL  it  by  new  ^'loiy  and  new  victories.  Con(|uest 
has  niaile  me  what  I  am,  and  conquest  alone  can  main- 
tain me."  This  was  then,  and  probably  always  conthiued 
to  be,  his  predominant  idea,  and  that  wiucli  prompted 
him  continually  to  scatter  the  seeds  of  war  through 
Europe.  He  thought  that  if  he  remained  stationary  he 
would  fall,  and  he  was  tormented  with  the  desire  of 
continually  advancing.  Not  to  do  something  great  and 
decided  was,  in  his  opinion,  to  do  nothing.  "A  newly- 
born  government,"  said  he  to  me,  "  must  dazzle  and 
astonish.  When  it  ceases  to  do  that,  it  falls."  It  was 
vain  to  look  for  rest  from  a  man  who  was  restlessness 
itself. 

His  sentiuicnts  towards  France  now  differed  widely 
from  what  I  had  known  them  to  be  in  his  youth.  He 
long  indignantly  cherished  the  recollection  of  the  con- 
quest of  Corsica,  which  he  was  once  content  to  regard  as 
his  country.  But  that  recollection  was  effaced,  and  it 
might  be  said  that  he  now  ardently  loved  France.  His 
imagination  was  tired  by  the  very  thought  of  seeing  her 
great,  happy,  and  powerful,  and,  as  the  first  nation  in  the 
world,  dictating  laws  to  the  rest.  He  fancied  his  name 
inseparably  connected  with  France,  and  resounding  in  the 
ears  of  posterity.  In  all  his  actions  he  lost  sight  of  the 
present  moment,  and  thought  only  of  futurity  ;  so,  in  all 
places  where  he  led  the  way  to  glory,  the  opinion  of 
France  was  ever  present  in  his  thoughts.  As  Alexander 
at  Arbela  prided  himself  less  in  having  conquered  Darius 
than  in  having  gained  the  suffrage  of  the  Athenians,  so 
Bonaparte  at  ^larengo  was  haunted  by  the  idea  of  what 
would  be  said  in  France. 

Before  he  fought  a  battle,  Bonaparte  thought  little 
about  what  he  should  do  in  case  of  success,  but  a  great 
deal  about  what  he  should  do  in  case  of  a  reverse  of 
fortune.     I  mention  this  as  a  fact  of  which  I   have  often 


1800.         BONAPARTE'S   ILL   OPINION   OF   MANKIND.         3.35 

been  a  witness,  and  I  leave  to  his  brothers  in  arms  to 
decide  whether  his  calculations  were  always  correct.  He 
bad  it  in  bis  power  to  do  much,  for  he  risked  everything 
and  spared  nothing.  His  inordinate  ambition  goaded  him 
on  to  the  attainment  of  power;  and  power  when  possessed 
served  only  to  augment  his  ambition.  Bonaparte  was 
thoroughly  convinced  of  the  truth  that  trifles  often  decide 
the  greatest  events;  therefore  he  watched  rather  than  pro- 
voked opportunity,  and  when  the  right  moment  approached, 
he  suddenly  took  advantage  of  it.  It  is  curious  that, 
amidst  all  the  anxieties  of  war  and  government,  the  fear 
of  the  Bourbons  incessantly  pursued  him,  and  the  Fau- 
bourg St.  Germain  was  to  him  always  a  threatening 
phantom.  ^ 

He  did  not  esteem  mankind,  whom,  indeed,  he  despised 
more  and  more  in  proporticni  as  he  became  acquainted 
with  them.  In  him  this  unfavourable  opinion  of  human 
nature  was  justified  by  many  glaring  examples  of  baseness, 
and  he  used  frequently  to  repeat,  "  There  are  two  levers 
for  moving  men, — interest  and  fear."  What  respect, 
indeed,  could  Bonaparte  entertain  for  the  applicants  to 
the  treasury  of  the  opera?  Into  this  treasury  the  gaming- 
houses paid  a  considerable  sum,  part  of  which  went  to 
cover  the  expenses  of  that  magnificent  theatre.  The  rest 
was  distributed  in  secret  gratuities,  which  were  paid  on 
orders  signed  by  Duroc.  Individuals  of  very  different 
characters  were  often  seen  entering  the  little  door  in  the 
Eue  Eameau.  The  lady  who  was  for  a  while  the  favourite 
of  the  General-in-Chief  in  Egypt,  and  whose  husband  was 
maliciously  sent  back  by  the  English,  was  a  frequent  visi- 

1  I  have  ])ecii  iiifornioil  on  f^ood  autlioritv  that  after  I  f|uitted  France 
orders  were  f^'ivcn  for  iiiterceptiiii);  even  iiote.s  of  invitation  to  dinners,  etc. 
The  ohject  of  tliis  measure  was,  eitlier  to  prevent  assemhlies  of  anv  kind, 
or  to  render  them  less  numerous,  and  to  ascertain  the  names  of  the  guests. 
—  Bourrienne. 


336  MK.MitlKS   OF   NAI'OLEOX    BONArAlMK.  1800. 

t(»r  to  the  trensurv.  On  one  occasi<m  Wdnlil  be  seen 
assembled  there  a  (listiii,mii.shecl  scholar  ami  an  aetur,  a 
celelirateil  orator  and  a  musician  ;  on  another,  the  treasurer 
would  have  yiaynients  to  make  to  a  priest,  a  courtesan, 
and  a  cardinal.^ 

One  of  lionaparte's  greatest  misfortunes  was,  that  he 
neither  believed  in  friendship  nor  felt  the  necessity  of 
loving.  How  often  have  I  heard  him  say,  "  Friendship  is 
but  a  name ;  I  love  nobody.  I  do  not  even  love  my 
brothers.  Perhaps  Joseph,  a  little  from  habit  and  lie- 
cause  he  is  my  elder;  and  Duroc,  I  love  him  too.  But 
why  ?  Becau.se  his  character  pleases  me.  He  is  stern 
and  resolute  ;  and  I  really  believe  the  fellow  never  shed  a 
tear.  ^  For  my  part,  1  know  very  well  that  I  have  no  true 
friends.  As  long  as  I  continue  what  I  aim,  I  may  have 
as  many  pretended  friends  as  I  plea'^e.  Leave  sensibility 
to  women  ;  it  is  their  business.  But  men  should  be  tirm 
in  heart  and  in  purpose,  or  they  should  have  nothing  to 
do  with  war  or  government." 

In  his  social  relations  Bonaparte's  temper  was  bad  ;  but 
his  fits  of  ill-humour  passed  away  like  a  cloud,  and  spent 
themselves  in  words.  His  violent  language  and  bitter  im- 
precations were  frequently  premeditated.  When  he  was 
going  to  reprimand  any  one,  he  liked  to  have  a  witness 
present.  He  would  then  say  the  harshest  things,  and  level 
blows  against  which  few  could  bear  up.  But  he  never 
gave  way  to  those  violent  ebullitions  of  rage  until  he 
ac([uired  undoubted  proofs  of  the  misconduct  of  those 
against  whom  they  were  directed.  In  scenes  of  this  sort 
I  have  frequently  observed  that  the  presence  of  a  third 

1  This,  of  course,  refers  to  Cardinal  Fesch  (see  p.  21.3). 

2  Duroc  must  not  l)e  judfjed  of  from  what  Bonaparte  said,  under  the 
idea  that  lie  was  complimcntinfi  him.  Duroc's  manners,  it  is  true,  were 
reserved  and  somewhat  cold,  but  there  were  few  better  or  kinder  men. 

—  Uourrienite. 


1800.  BONAPARTE'S   CHARACTERISTICS.  337 

person  seemed  to  give  him  confidence.  Consequently,  in 
a  tete-a-tcte  interview,  any  one  who  knew  his  character, 
and  who  could  maintain  sufficient  coolness  and  firmness, 
was  sure  to  get  the  better  of  him.  He  told  his  friends 
at  St.  Helena  that  he  admitted  a  third  person  on  such 
occasions  only  that  the  blow  might  resound  the  farther. 
That  was  not  his  real  motive,  or  the  better  way  would 
have  been  to  perform  the  scene  in  public.  He  liad  other 
reasons.  I  observed  that  he  did  not  like  a  tete-a-tete; 
and  when  he  expected  any  one,  he  would  say  to  me 
beforehand,  "  Bourrienne,  you  may  remain  ; "  and  when 
any  one  was  announced  whom  he  did  not  expect,  as  a 
minister  or  a  general,  if  I  rose  to  retire  he  would  say  in  a 
half-whisper,  "  Stay  where  you  are."  Certainly  this  was 
not  done  with  the  design  of  getting  what  he  said  reported 
abroad ;  for  it  bL'longed  neither  to  my  character  nor  my 
duty  to  gossip  al)out  what  I  had  heard.  Besides,  it  may 
be  presumed  that  tlie  few  who  were  admitted  as  witnesses 
to  the  conferences  of  Napoleon  were  aware  of  the  con- 
sequences attending  indiscreet  disclosures  under  a  gov^ 
ernment  which  was  made  acquainted  with  all  that  was 
said  and  done.  ^ 

^  M^neval  (tlie  successor  of  Bourrienne  as  secretary)  says  of  this  (tome 
iii.  p.  3) :  "  Wlieu  Napoleon  was  excited  by  any  violent  passion,  his  coun- 
tenance took  a  severe  and  even  terrible  expression.  His  eyes  flashed, 
Avhile  a  sort  of  rotatory  movement  took  ])lace  on  his  forehead  between  his 
eyebrows;  and  iiis  nostrils  distended  from  the  passion  within.  Hut  these 
transitory  emotions,  whatever  was  their  cause,  never  disordered  his  mind. 
He  seemed  to  govern  at  will  tliese  exjjlosions,  winch  indeed  l)ecamc  Ic-s 
and  less  frequent  with  time.  His  heail  remained  cold  ;  his  blood  never  ran 
to  it,  but  flowed  to  liis  heart.  In  his  ordinary  state  his  face  was  calm  and 
gently  serious.  A  most  gr.acious  smile  illuminated  his  countenance  when 
he  was  cheered  by  good-humour,  or  by  the  wisii  to  i)e  agreeaiile.  In  famil- 
iar conversation  his  laugh  was  sharp  and  mocking. 

Madame  de  Kemusat  (tome  i.  p   110)  gives  a  memorable  instance  of  this 

rapid  assnm])tion  of  anger.      Before  tlio  celebrateil  stormy  scene  with 

Lord  Wiiitworth,  Napoleon   had  been  playing  with  the  young  son  of  his 

brother  Louis,  and  giving  his  wife  and  Madame  de  Rcnmsat  advice  as  to 

VOL.  I.  —  22 


338  MKMOIKS    OF   NAI'OI.r.ON    !!( )N  ATAirrK  1800. 

rnn;i]»art('  ciitcrlaincd  a  iirdftuuul  dislike  of  the  sangiii- 
iiarv  men  of  the  iievolution,  aiul  esjiecially  of  the  regicides. 
He  leh,  as  a  painful  liurden,the  (ibli«,'ati(jn  of  dissembling 
towards  them.  He  spoke  to  me  in  terms  of  horror  of 
those  whom  he  called  the  assassins  of  Louis  XVI.,  and  he 
was  annoyed  at  the  necessity  of  employing  them  and 
treating  them  with  a])parent  respect.  How  many  times 
has  he  not  said  to  Cambacercs,  i)inciiing  him  by  the  ear, 
to  soften,  by  that  habitual  familiarity,  the  bitterness  of 
the  remark,  "  My  dear  fellow,  your  case  is  clear ;  if  ever 
the  Bourbons  come  back,  you  will  be  hanged."  A  forced 
smile  would  then  relax  the  livid  countenance  of  Cani- 
bacdrfes,  and  was  usually  the  only  reply  of  the  Second 
Consul,  who,  however,  on  one  occasion  said  in  my  hear- 
ing, "Come,  come,  have  done  with  this  joking."^ 

One  thing  which  gave  Bonaparte  great  pleasure  when 
in  the  country  was  to  see  a  tall,  slender  woman,  dressed 
in  white,  walking  beneath  an  alley  of  shaded  trees.     He 

tlieir  dress.  "  Suddenly  they  came  to  inform  liim  tliat  tlic  circle  was 
formed.  Wliile  lie  ro.se  abruptly,  and  liis  {gaiety  disai)|icart'(l  from  his  lips, 
I  was  struck  witli  the  severe  expression  wiiich  suddenly  rejilaced  it.  His 
colour  seemed  to  almost  Mancli  at  his  will,  his  features  contracted,  and  all 
this  in  less  lime  than  it  tai<es  to  tell  it."  M.  Paul  de  Hemusat  himself 
says  tiiat  once,  after  a  violent  scene,  the  Emperor  went  up  to  the  Abbe  de 
Pradt,  and  said  to  him,  "You  believed  I  was  really  an<:;ry  ?  undeceive 
yourself.  With  me,  anger  never  ])asses  tliat,"  and  he  fjlanced  his  hand 
before  liis  neck,  to  indicate  that  tlie  motion  of  his  l)ile  never  readied  so 
far  as  to  trouble  his  head  (li^miisat,  tome  i.  p.   120). 

Madame  de  Re'musat  praises  his  smile  (tome  i.  p.  101),  and  Mole  said 
"qu'il  n'a  jamais  vu  de  sourire  plus  aimable,  ou  du  moins  jjjns  distingue, 
plus  fin,  que  celui  de  Napoleon  et  celui  ile  Ciiateaubriand.  Mais  ni 
Tun  ni  I'autre  ne  souriaient  tons  Ics  jours"  {Saiitti'-Iicnre,  Ciiateaubriand, 
tome  i.  p.   l.")?). 

'  Napoleon's  opinions  were  always  strong  on  the  regicides.  "  Let  Sali- 
cetti  know,"  .said  lie  to  M.atbieu  Dumas  in  1808,  "that  I  am  not  powerful 
enough  to  defend  the  wretches  who  voted  for  tlie  death  of  Louis  XVL 
from  public  contempt  and  indignation"  (/>>//ma.s,  tome  iii.  p.  .'UC).  See 
also  his  expression  of  distrust  in  Ha-derer  becau.se  he  believed  him  guilty 
of  treachery  to  Louis  XVL  {Miot,  tome  i.  p.  174). 


1800,  CONVERSATIONAL  POWERS.  339 

detested  coloured  dresses,  and  especially  dark  ones.  To 
fat  women  he  had  an  invincible  antipathy,  and  he  could 
not  endure  the  sight  of  a  pregnant  woman ;  it  therefore 
rarely  happened  that  a  female  in  that  situation  was 
invited  to  his  parties.  He  possessed  every  requisite  for 
being  what  is  called  in  society  an  agreeable  man,  except 
the  will  to  be  so.  His  manner  was  imposing  rather  than 
pleasing,  and  those  who  did  not  know  him  well,  expe- 
rienced in  his  presence  an  involuntary  feeling  of  awe.  In 
the  drawing-room,  where  Josephine  did  the  honours  with 
so  much  grace  and  affability,  all  was  gaiety  and  ease,  and 
no  one  felt  the  presence  of  a  superior ;  but  on  Bonaparte's 
entrance  all  was  changed,  and  every  eye  was  directed 
towards  him,  to  read  his  humour  in  his  countenance, 
whether  he  intended  to  bs  silent  or  talkative,  dull  or 
cheerful. 

He  often  talked  a  great  deal,  and  sometimes  a  little  too 
much ;  but  no  one  could  tell  a  story  in  a  more  agreeable 
and  interesting  way.  His  conversation  rarely  turned  on 
gay  or  humorous  subjects,  and  never  on  trivial  matters. 
He  was  so  fond  of  argument  that  in  the  warmth  of  discus- 
sion it  was  easy  to  draw  from  him  secrets  which  he  was 
most  anxious  to  conceal.  Sometimes,  in  a  small  circle,  he 
would  amuse  himself  by  relating  stories  of  presentiments 
and  apparitions.  For  this  he  always  chose  the  twilight 
of  evening,  and  he  would  prepare  his  hearers  for  what 
was  coming  by  some  solemn  remark.  On  one  occasion  of 
this  kind  he  said,  in  a  very  grave  tone  of  voice,  "When 
death  strikes  a  person  whom  we  love,  and  who  is  distant 
from  us,  a  foreboding  almost  always  denotes  the  event, 
and  the  dying  person  appears  to  us  at  the  moment  of  his 
dissolution."  He  then  immediately  related  the  following 
anecdote :  "  A  gentleman  of  the  Court  of  Louis  XIV.  was 
in  the  gallery  of  Versailles  at  the  time  that  the  King  was 
readinj;  to  his  courtiers  the  bulletin  of  the  battle  of  Fried- 


340  MEMOIHS   OF   NAI'OLEOX   BONAPARTE.  1800. 

lini^'cn  <,'aiiK'(l  by  \'illars.  SiuUleiily  tlie  fjentleman  saw, 
at  the  farther  eml  of  the  {gallery,  the  {,'host  of  liis  son, 
wlio  served  under  Villars.  He  exclaiineil,  '  ]\Iy  son  is  no 
more!'  and  next  moment  the  King  named  him  among 
the  dead." 

When  travelling,  Bonaparte  was  particularly  talkative. 
In  the  warmtli  of  his  conversation,  whicli  was  always 
characterised  by  original  and  interesting  ideas,  he  some- 
times dropped  hints  of  his  future  views,  or,  at  least,  he 
said  things  which  were  calculated  to  disclose  what  he 
wished  to  conceal.  I  took  the  liberty  of  mentioning  to 
him  this  indiscretion,  and,  far  from  being  offended,  he 
acknowledged  his  mistake,  adding  that  he  was  not  aware 
he  had  gone  so  far.  He  frankly  avowed  this  want  of 
caution  when  at  St.  Helena. 

"When  in  good-humour  his  usual  tokens  of  kindness 
consisted  in  a  little  rap  on  the  head  or  a  slight  pinch  of 
the  ear.  In  his  most  friendly  conversations  with  those 
whom  he  admitted  into  his  intimacy  he  would  say,  "You 
are  a  fool"  —  "a  simpleton" — "a  ninny" — "a  block- 
head." These,  and  a  few  other  words  of  like  import,  en- 
abled him  to  vary  his  catalogue  of  compliments ;  but  he 
never  employed  them  angrily,  and  the  tone  in  wliich  they 
were  uttered  sufficiently  indicated  that  they  were  meant 
in  kindness. 

Bonaparte  had  many  singular  haliits  and  tastes.  When- 
ever he  experienced  any  vexation,  or  when  any  unpleasant 
thought  occupied  his  mind,  he  would  hum  something 
which  was  far  from  resembling  a  tune,  for  his  voice  was 
very  unmusical.^     He  would,  at  the  same  time,  seat  him- 

1  Eonaparte  coiiM  not  sinj;,  l^cauise  nature  had  p;iven  him  the  most 
nntunahle  voice  imaginalile.  Ele  was,  liowcver,  very  fond  of  hnmminff 
any  airs  or  frapjments  of  musical  o()mj)ositions  wliich  pleased  him,  and 
which  he  hap7)Cncd  to  recollect.  Those  little  reminiscences  usually  came 
across  his  mind  in  the  morning  while  I  was  dressing?  him.  The  air  which 
he  most  frequently  hummed,  though  in  a  very  imperfect  way,  was  the 


1800.  BONAPARTE'S   CHARACTERISTICS.  341 

self  before  the  writing-table,  and  swing  back  in  his  chair 
so  far  that  I  have  often  been  fearfnl  of  his  falling. 

He  would  then  vent  his  ill-hnmour  on  the  right  arm 
of  his  chair,  mutilating  it  with  his  penknife,  which  he 
seemed  to  keep  for  no  other  purpose.  I  always  took  care 
to  keep  good  pens  ready  for  him  ;  for,  as  it  was  my  Imsi- 
ness  to  decipher  his  writing,  I  had  a  strong  interest  in 
doing  what  I  could  to  make   it  legible. 

The  sound  of  bells  always  produced  in  Bonaparte 
pleasurable  sensations,  which  I  could  never  account  for. 
When  we  were  at  Malmaison,  and  walking  in  the  alley 
leading  to  the  plain  of  lluel,  how  many  times  has  the 
bell  of  the  village  church  interrupted  our  most  serious 
conversations  !  He  would  stop,  lest  the  noise  of  our  foot- 
steps should  drown  any  portion  of  the  delightful  sound. 
He  was  almost  angry  with  me  because  I  did  not  experi- 
ence the  impressions  he  did.  So  powerful  was  tlie  effect 
produced  upon  him  by  the  sound  of  these  bells  that  his 
voice  would  falter  as  he  said,  "  Ah !  that  reminds  me  of 
the  first  years  I  spent  at  Brienne  !  I  was  then  happy  !  " 
When  the  bells  ceased,  he  would  resume  the  course  of  his 
speculations,  carry  himself  into  futurity,  place  a  crown  on 
his  head,  and  dethrone  kings. 

Nowhere,  except  on  the  field  of  battle,  did  I  ever  see 
Bonaparte  more  happy  than  in  the  gardens  of  Malmaison.^ 

"  Marseillaise  Hymn."  The  Eni])oror  used  also  to  whistle  tunes  occasion- 
ally; and  whenever  he  whistled  the  air  of  "  Marlbrook,"  I  knew  it  to  be  a 
sure  prognostic  of  his  aj)i)roaciiin<;  dejjarture  for  the  army.  I  recollect 
that  he  never  whistled  .so  much,  nor  :i]ii)eared  so  cheerful,  as  when  on  the 
eve  of  departing  for  tlie  Russian  campaign  {.)fe>noires  de  ConsUtnl). 

1  As  Bonaparte  was  one  day  walking  in  tiiese  gardens  with  Madame  de 
Clermont-Tonnerre,  now  Madame  dc  'I'alaru,  in  wIkjsc  agreeable  conversa- 
tion he  took  much  deliglit,  he  suddenly  addressed  her  thus:  "Madame 
de  Clermont-Tonnerre,  wliat  do  you  think  of  mc  ?  "  This  abrupt  and 
unexpected  ipicstion  rendered  the  answer  delicate  and  difficult.  "  Why, 
General,"  said  the  lady,  after  a  moment's  hesiuuiou,  "  I  think  you  are  like 
a  skilful  architect  who  never  allows  his  structure  to  be  seen  until  it  is 


;U2  MK.MnlUS    (»F    NAl'dLKoX    I5t  iNATAU  IK.  1800. 

At  the  coiiiiiieiic'iueiit  of  the  Coii.sulate  we  used  to  go 
there  every  Satiuthiy  eveniii;j[,  and  .stay  the  whole  of  Sun- 
day, and  sometimes  Monday,  liimajjarte  used  to  spimd 
a  considerahle  part  of  lii.s  time  in  walking  and  superin- 
tending the  improvements  whieh  he  had  ordered.  At 
first  he  used  to  make  excursions  about  the  neighbour- 
hood, but  the  reports  of  the  police  disturbed  his  natural 
contidence,  and  gave  him  reason  to  fear  the  attempts  of 
concealed  Koyalist  partisans. 

During  the  lirst  four  or  five  days  lliat  Bonajiarte  sj^ent 
at  Malmaison,  he  amused  himself  after  breakfast  witli 
calculating  the  revenue  of  that  domain.  According  to 
his  estimates  it  amounted  to  8,000  francs.  "That  is  not 
bad!"  said  he;  "but  to  live  here  would  retpiire  an  in- 
come of  30,000  livres."  I  could  not  help  smiling  to  seo 
him  seriously  engaged  in  such  a  calculation. 

Bonaparte  had  no  faith  in  medicine.  He  spoke  of  it  as 
an  art  entirely  conjectural,  and  his  opinion  on  this  sub- 
ject was  fixed  and  incontrovertible.^  His  vigorous  mind 
rejected  all  but  demouslrative  proofs. 

quite  fiiiislied.  You  are  building  liehind  a  scaffolding  which  you  will 
throw  down  wheu  your  W(jrk  is  conipleted."  —  "  .Just  so,  madanie ;  you  are 
right,  (juite  right,"  said  Bonaparte,  hastily.  "  1  uever  look  forward  less 
tliau  two  years." — Uoiiiricniic. 

^  Had  a  long  conversation  with  the  Enij)eror  on  medical  sul)jects  lie 
a])])eared  to  entertain  an  idea  tiiat  in  cases  purely  tlie  province  of  the 
physician  the  patient  has  an  equal  cliance  of  being  (k'spatched  to  the  other 
world,  either  by  tlie  doctor  mistaking  tiie  complaint,  or  by  the  remedies 
administered  operating  in  a  different  manner  from  what  was  expected. 
He  acknowledged  the  great  utility,  however,  of  surgery.  I  eiuleavoured 
to  convince  him  tiiat  in  some  complaints  nature  was  a  liad  ])Iiysician,  and 
mentioned  in  proof  of  my  argument  the  e.\ani])les  that  hail  taken  place 
Hiuler  his  own  eyes  in  the  cases  of  Counte.^s  Montholon,  General  Gour- 
gaud,  and  others,  who,  if  they  had  l)een  left  to  nature,  woulil  liave  gone  to 
the  otiier  worhl.  Najjoleon,  however,  was  sceptical,  and  inclined  to  think 
that  if  they  had  taken  no  medicine,  and  abstained  from  everything  excej)! 
plenty  of  diluents,  they  would  liave  (K)no  ec|ual]y  well.  ...  I  instanced  :i 
case  of  inHammatiou  of  the  lujigs.     He  ajipeared  a  littlo  staggered  at  this 


1800.  OPINION  OF   LITEKARY   MEN.  343 

He  had  little  memory  for  proper  names,  words,  or  dates, 
but  he  had  a  wonderful  recollection  of  facts  and  places. 
I  recollect  that,  on  going  from  Paris  to  Toulon,  he  pointed 
out  to  me  ten  places  calculated  for  great  battles,  and  he 
never  forgot  them.  They  were  memoranda  of  his  first 
youthful  journeys. 

Bonaparte  was  insensible  to  the  charms  of  poetic  har- 
mony. He  had  not  even  sufficient  ear  to  feel  the  rhythm 
of  poetry,  and  he  never  could  recite  a  verse  without 
violating  the  metre  ;  yet  the  grand  ideas  of  poetry  charmed 
him.  He  absolutely  worshipped  Corneille  ;  and,  one  day, 
after  having  witnessed  a  performance  of  "Cinna,"  he  saiil 
to  me,  "  If  a  man  like  Corneille  were  living  in  my  time,  I 
would  make  him  my  Prime  Minister.  It  is  not  his  poetry 
that  I  most  admire ;  it  is  his  powerful  understanding,  his 
vast  knowledge  of  the  human  heart,  and  his  profound 
policy !  "  At  St.  Helena  he  said  that  he  would  have  made 
Corneille  a  prince ;  but  at  the  time  he  spoke  to  me  of 
Corneille  he  had  no  thought  of  making  either  princes  or 
kings.-^ 

at  first,  hut  after  asking  me  what  were  the  remedies,  to  wliich  I  replieil  that 
venesection  was  the  sheet  anchor,  he  said,  "  That  complaint  appertains, 
then,  to  tlie  surgeon,  because  he  cures  it  with  the  lancet,  and  not  to  the 
physician.  .  .  .  Snp])ose  now,"  he  continued,  "  that  tlie  best-informed 
physician  visits  forty  patients  each  daif,  among  them  he  will  kill  say  one 
or  two  a  month  by  mistaking  the  disease,  and  in  the  country  towns  tlie 
charlatans  will  kill  about  half  of  those  who  die  under  their  hands" 
(O'Meara's  Najwifon  in  Exile,  vol.  ii.  p.  3). 

Breakfasted  with  NapcjJcon  in  the  garden.  Had  a  long  medical  argu- 
ment with  liim,  in  which  he  maintained  that  la's  practice  in  case  of  malady 
—  viz.  to  eat  notiiing,  drink  plenty  of  barley  water,  and  no  wine,  and  ride 
for  seven  or  eiglit  leagues  to  promote  perspiration  — was  nuuh  better  than 
wine  {Ibid.,  vol.  i.  p.  60). 

^  Sainte-Beuve  savs,  "  The  persons  who  best  knew  Na])oleon  have 
remarked  that  in  the  rapid  literary  education  he  had  to  ini])rovise  for 
himself  when  he  had  obtained  possession  of  jiower,  he  bcjan  by  nuu'h  pre- 
ferring Corneille;  it  was  only  later  tliat  he  got  .-so  far  as  to  enjoy  Hacine, 
but  he  did  reacli  tliat  point.  He  began  as  every  one  begins;  he  ended  as 
cultivated  and  well  informed  intellects  like  to  end"  {Causeries,  tome   i. 


344  MEMOIRS   OF    NATOLKON    HONArAKTE.  1800. 

(rallanti'V  to  woukmi  was  liy  no  means  a  trait  in  Bona- 
parte's character.  He  seldom  said  anything  agreeable  to 
females,  and  he  fre(|uently  addressed  to  them  the  rndest 
and  most  extraordinary  remarks.  To  one  he  would  say, 
'■  Heavi'iis,  how  red  your  elbows  are!"  To  another, 
'•What  an  U'j}y  head-dress  you  have  got!"  At  another 
time  he  would  say,  "  Your  dress  is  none  of  the  cleanest. 
.  .  .  Do  you  ever  change  your  gown  ?  I  have  seen  you 
in  that  twenty  times ! "  '  He  showed  no  mercy  to  any 
who  displeased  him  on  the.se  points.  He  often  gave 
Jo.sephine  directions  about  her  toilet,  and  the  exquisite 
taste  for  which  she  was  distinguished  might  have  helped 
to  make  him  fastidious  about  the  costume  of  other  ladies. 
At  first  he  looked  to  elegance  above  all  things  :  at  a  later 
period  he  admired  luxury  and  splendour,  but  he  always 
required  modesty.  He  frequently  expressed  his  disa]i- 
proval  of  the  low-necked  dresses  which  were  so  much  in 
fasiiion  at  the  beginning  of  the  Consulate. 

Bonaparte  did  not  love  cards,  and  this  was  very  fortu- 
nate for  those  who  were  invited  to  his  parties  ;  for  when 
he  was  seated  at  a  card-table,  as  he  sometimes  thought 
himself  oldiged  to  be,  nothing  could  exce-'d  the  dulness 
of  the  drawing-room  either  at  the  Luxembourg  or  the 

p.  287).  In  another  place  Sainte-Beuve  say.s  "  Napoleon  WTote  to  his 
l)r<)tlier  Joseph,  then  King  of  Xajde.s,  who  was  fond  of  literary  men, '  You 
live  too  much  with  literary  and  with  scientific  men.  Tliey  are  like  co- 
quettes, with  whom  one  .«hould  maintain  an  intercourse  of  pallaiitry,  hut 
of  whom  one  shouM  never  make  a  wife  or  a  minister.'  This,"  said  Sainte- 
Beuve,  "  is  true  of  many  literary  men,  and  even  of  some  of  them  who  in 
our  time  we  have  seen  as  ministers,  l)Ut  it  is  not  true  of  M.  Guizot,  nor  of 
M.  Thiers  "  {Causcries,  tome  i.  p.  31.3)  . 

1  Bonaparte,  after  he  became  Emperor,  said  one  day  to  the  lieautiful 
Diiche.sse  de  Chevreuse,  in  the  presence  of  all  the  circle  at  tiie  Tuileries : 
"  Ah  !  that  *s  droll  enougli ;  your  hair  is  red  ?  "  —  "  Perhaps  it  is,  Sire," 
rejdied  the  lady ;  "  hut  this  is  the  first  time  a  man  ever  told  me  so." 
Madame  de  Chevreuse,  whose  hair  was,  on  the  contrary,  a  beautiful 
Idond,  was  siiortly  after  exiled  to  Tours  for  having  declined  the  office 
of  maid  of  honour  to  the  Queen  of  Spain.  —  Bonrrienne. 


1800. 


BONAPAETE'S  DRESS.  345 


Tuileries.  When,  on  the  contrary,  lie  walked  a'oout  among 
the  company,  all  were  pleased,  for  he  usually  spoke  to 
everybody,  though  he  preferred  the  conversation  of  men 
of  science,  especially  those  who  had  been  with  him  in 
Egypt ;  as,  fur  example,  Monge  and  Berthollet.  He  also 
liked  to  talk  with  Chaptal  and  Lacdpkle,  and  with 
Lemercier,  the  author  of  "Agamemnon." 

Bonaparte  was  seen  to  less  advantage  in  a  drawing- 
room  than  at  the  head  of  his  troops.  His  military  uni- 
form became  him  much  better  than  the  handsomest  dress 
of  any  other  kind.  His  first  trials  of  dress-coats  were 
unfortunate.  I  have  been  informed  that  the  tirst  time 
he  wore  one  he  kept  on  his  black  cravat.  This  incon- 
gruity was  remarked  to  him,  and  he  replied,  "  So  much 
the  better;  it  leaves  me  something  of  a  military  air,  and 
there  is  no  harm  in  that."  Fur  my  own  part,  I  neither 
saw  the  black  cravat  nor  heard  this  reply.^ 

The  First  Consul  paid  his  own  private  bills  very  punc- 

1  On  the  subject  uf  Bonaparte's  dress  Constant  gives  tlie  following 
details  :  — 

"  His  Majesty's  waistcoats  and  small-clothes  were  always  of  white 
cassiniir.  He  changed  them  every  morning,  and  never  wore  them  after 
they  liad  l)eeu  waslieil  three  or  four  times.  The  Emperor  never  wore 
any  but  white  silk  stockings.  His  shoes,  which  were  very  light  and  lined 
with  silk,  were  ornamented  with  gold  buckles  of  an  oval  form,  either  plain 
or  wrought.  He  also  occasionally  wore  gold  knee-buckles.  During  the 
Empire  I  never  saw  him  wear  pantaloons.  The  Emperor  never  wore 
jewels.  In  his  pockets  he  carried  neither  purse  nor  money,  but  merely 
his  handkerchief,  snuff-box,  and  hoiihonnikre  (or  sweetmeat-bo.x).  He  usu- 
ally wore  only  two  decorations,  viz.,  the  cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honour, 
and  tliat  of  the  Iron  Crown.  Across  his  waistcoat,  and  under  his  uniform 
coat,  lie  wore  a  ronlon  rouge,  the  two  ends  of  which  were  scarcely  percep- 
tible. When  he  received  company  at  the  Tuileries,  or  attended  a  review, 
he  wore  the  grand  cordon  on  the  outside  of  his  coat.  His  hat,  wiiich  it  is 
almost  supcrtiuous  to  describe,  as  long  as  portraits  of  his  Majesty  are 
extant,  was  of  an  extremely  fine  and  light  kind  of  beaver.  The  inside 
was  wadded  and  lined  vvitli  silk.  It  was  unadorned  with  eitlier  cord, 
tassel,  or  featiier,  its  only  ornament  being  a  silk  loop,  fastening  a  small 
triddoured  cockade." 


346  MKMoIKS    OF    NAl'OLKDN    1!()N  Al'Ali  li:.  1800. 

tually ;  bul  lie  wa^  always  tardy  in  settliuL;  the  accounts 
of  the  contractors  who  bargained  with  Ministers  for  sup- 
plies for  the  ])ublio  service.  He  })ut  oil"  tliese  payments 
by  all  sorts  (»f  excuses  and  shulllings.  Hence  arose  im- 
mense arrears  in  the  expenditure,  and  the  necessity  of 
appointing  a  couiuiittee  of  li(|uidation.  In  his  opinion 
the  terms  contractur  and  rogue  were  synonymous.^     All 

'  Fnr  a  rcinarkal)le  instance  of  the  strong  feeling  of  Napoleon  against 
pofuliition.  see  Mt'noval,  tonic  iii.  p.  223.  When  Emjieror,  he  one  day 
entciTil  his  oahinct  full  of  joy  at  liaving  caught  "  a  man  who  liad  roljhed 
the  .\rniy  of  Italy  disgracefully.  Under  the  Directory  lie  found  protectors 
wlio  assured  liini  of  impunity.  Thank  God,  I  have  found  hiui,  and  I 
sliall  make  him  a  severe  example."  Again,  a  few  years  later,  in  a  letter 
to  his  hrotlier,  lie  says,  "  I  send  you  a  copy  of  th3  decree  reipiiring  the 
sums  of  which  the  Treiusury  has  heen  rohhed  to  he  repaid.     M.usseua  and 

S *  have   stolen    6,400,000   francs.     They   shall    repay  to   the   hist 

farthing  !  .  .  .  Let  Masseua  be  advi.sed  to  return  the  6,000,000.  To  do  so 
([uicklv  is  his  only  salvation  !  If  he  does  not,  I  shall  send  a  military  com- 
mission of  in(iuiry  to  I'adua,  for  such  robbery  is  intolerable.  To  suffer 
soldiers  to  starve  and  be  unpaid,  and  to  pretend  that  the  sums  destined  for 
their  use  were  a  ])resent  to  himself  from  the  province,  is  too   impudent! 

iSuch  conduct  wouM  make  it  impossible   to  carry  on  a  war.     Let  S 

be  watched.  The  details  of  their  plunderings  are  incredible.  I  learnt 
them  from  the  Austrians,  who  themselves  are  ashamed  of  them.  They 
allowed  corn  to  go  to  N'enice.     The  evil  is   intolerable.     I  will  soon   find 

a  remedy.     I  order  Ardent  to  be  arrested.     He  is  an  agent  of  S . 

If  he  should  be  at  Naples,  have  him  arrested  and  sent  under  a  good  esdort 
to  Paris.  You  have  seen  that  Flachat  has  been  condemned  to  a  year's 
imprisonment  iu  irons,  and  that  his  transactions  have  been  declared  void  ?  " 
{Nitiiolam  loJose/i/t,  March  12,  180G.  —  Dit  Casse,  'tome  ii.  p.  101.) 

The  evil  handed  down  from  the  Hevolutionary  times  wa.s  too  widespread 
to  he  stoi)ped  by  all  the  efforts  of  Napole(jn,  directed  though  they  were 
against  the  highest  as  well  as  the  lowest  otlicials.  When  Davoust  took 
the  command  at  Ilaml)urg,  he  reported  to  tlie  HmiK-ror  that  a  large  part 
of  the  contributions  rai.sed  in  the  times  of  his  predecessor  liad  not  reached 
the  jmlilic  exche(|uer,  and  Mcneval  (tome  iii.  j).  263)  attributes  nmch  of 
the  discontent  felt  towards  the  Fmperor  in  the  last  years  of  his  reign 
to  the  energy  with  wliich  he  pressed  the  pursuit  of  these  and  simi- 
lar misdeeds.  Bourrienne  himself  was  believed  to  have  received  large 
sums  from  Hamburg  (.see  Mcneval  iu  the  passage  just  referred  to,  and 
Puymaigre,  p.  133),  as  well  as  Hrune. 

J)aru   told  Mc'ueval  that  a  marshal  had  appropriated  200,000  out   of 

*   The  S  — ^  was  probably  Salicetti. 


1800.  BONAPARTE   ON   RELIGION.  347 

that  lie  avoided  paying  tlieni  he  regarded  as  a  just  resti- 
tution to  lumself;  and  all  the  sums  which  were  struck 
oft'  from  their  accounts  he  regarded  as  so  much  deducted 
from  a  theft.  The  less  a  Minister  paid  out  of  his  budget, 
the  more  Bonaparte  was  pleased  with  him  ;  and  this  ruin- 
ous system  of  economy  can  alone  explain  the  credit  which 
Decr^s  so  long  enjoyed  at  the  expense  of  the  French  navy. 
On  the  subject  of  religion  Bonaparte's  ideas  were  very 
vague.  "  My  reason,"  said  he,  "  makes  me  incredulous 
respecting  many  tilings  ;  but  the  impressions  of  my  child- 
hood and  early  youth  throw  me  into  uncertainty."  He 
was  very  fond  of  talking  of  religion.     In  Italy,  in  Egypt, 

300,000  francs  raised  from  Krfiirth,  letting  his  ordonnateur  take  tlie  rest. 
The  unfortunate  ordonmitenr  iiad  to  pay  up  the  whole  sum,  as  notliing 
was  recovered  from  the  marshal.  Beruadotte  appears  to  have  been  tlie 
culprit  ("The  marshal  .  .  .  since  raised  to  a  rank  placing  him  above  all 
jurisdiction  ").     One  of  the  worst  instances  in  Spain  was  tliat  of  ^Marshal 

L ,  concerning  whiidi  reference  may  be  made   to  the  "  Memoirs  of 

Madame  d'Aijrantes,"  Englisli   edition  of  1882,  vol.  iii.  p.  214. 

To  quote  again  from  the  Emperor's  letters  to  his  Ijrotlier :  "  I  am  well 
pleased  with  my  affairs  here  ;  it  gave  me  great  troulde  to  bring  them  into 
order,  and  to  force  a  dozen  rogues,  at  whose  head  is  Ouvrard,  to  refund. 
Barbe-Marbois  lias  been  duped  just  as  the  Cardinal  de  Rohan  was  duped 
iu  the  affair  of  the  necklace  with  the  difference  that  in  this  case  more 
than  90,000.000  were  in  question.  I  had  made  up  my  mind  to  have  them 
shot  witliout  trial  !  Thank  God,  I  have  been  repaid  !  This  has  put  me 
somewliat  out  of  humour,  and  I  tell  you  about  it  that  you  may  see  how 
dislionest  men  are.  You  are  now  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  and  will 
soon  be  at  that  of  a  great  administration,  and  ought  to  be  aware  of  this. 
Koguery  has  been  the  cause  of  all  the  n)isfortuiies  of  France  "  (Xapoleon 
to  Josfjih,  February  7,  1806. —  Dit    Cusse,  tome  ii.  p.  5.5). 

Nothing  could  exceed  the  severity  with  wliich  Napoleon  pursued  sucli 
acts  when  known  to  him.  He  made  it  almost  a  ])ersonal  affair,  as  will  be 
seen  from  the  foregoing  instances,  and  the  difficulty  with  wliicb  Hourrieune 
persuaded  liim  not  to  try,  years  after  the  act,  a  man  who  had  committed 
peculation  in  Italy. 

Wiiile  on  tliis  topic  a  pleasing  contra.st  will  be  found  in  tlie  instances  of 
Marshal  Morticr,  who  left  Hanover  a  poorer  man  tlian  wlien  he  entered 
upon  its  administration,  and  Marshal  Suchet,  who  received  from  the 
Spanish  under  his  rule  a  jmlilic  recognition  of  the  honesty  and  justice  of 
his  administration  iu  \'alencia  and  Arragou. 


348  Mr.MoIKS   OF   XAl'OLEON    HONAI'AUTE.  ISOO. 

and  on  board  llii'  Orient  and  tlio  Muiron,  I  have  known 
hiui  to  take  part  in  very  animated  conversatious  on  tliis 
sulijeet.  He  readily  yielded  uj>  all  that  was  ])r()veil  against 
religion  as  the  work  of  men  and  time;  but  he  would  not 
hear  of  materialism.  I  recolleet  that  one  tine  night,  when 
lie  was  on  deck  with  some  persons  who  were  arguing  in 
favour  of  materialism,  Bonaparte  raised  his  hand  to  heaven, 
and,  [»( liming  to  the  stars,  said,  "  You  may  talk  as  long  as 
you  please,  gentlemen,  but  who  made  all  that?"  The 
perpetuity  of  a  name  in  the  memory  of  man  was  to  him 
the  immtirtality  of  the  soul.  He  was  perfectly  tolerant 
towards  every  variety  of  religious  faith.^ 

Among  Bonaparte's  singular  habits  was  that  of  seating 
himself  on  any  table  wliidi  happened  to  be  of  a  suitable 
height  for  him.  He  would  often  sit  on  mine,  resting  his 
left  arm  on  my  right  shoulder,  and  swinging  his  left  leg, 
which  did  not  reach  the  ground ;  and  while  he  dictated 
to  me,  he  would  jolt  tlie  table  so  that  I  could  scarcely  write. 

Bonaparte  had  a  great  dislike  to  reconsider  any  deci- 
sion, even  when  it  was  acknowledged  to  be  unjust.  In 
little  as  well  as  in  great  things  he  evinced  his  repugnance 
to  retrograde.  An  instance  of  this  occurred  in  the  affair 
of  General  Latour-Foissac.  The  First  Consul  felt  liow 
much  he  had  wronged  that  general ;  but  he  wished  some 
time  to  elapse  before  he  repaired  his  error.  His  heart 
and  his  conduct  were  at  variance ;  but  his  feelings  were 
overcome  by  what  he  conceived  to  be  political  necessity. 
Bonaparte  was  never  known  to  say,  "  I  have  done  wrong ; " 
his  usual  observation  was,  "  I  begin  to  think  there  is  some- 
thincr  wrong." 


1  Policy  induced  Bonaparte  to  re-cstahlish  relincious  worship  in  France, 
which  lie  thonajlit  would  he  a  powerful  aid  to  tlie  consolidation  of  his 
power;  hut  lie  would  never  con.soiit  to  tlie  persecution  of  other  religions. 
He  wi.slied  to  influence  mankind  in  temporal  things,  hut  not  iu  points  of 
belief.  —  Bourrienne. 


1800.  BONAPARTE'S   KINDNESS   OF   HEART.  349 

In  spite  of  this  sort  of  feeling,  which  was  more  worthy 
of  an  ill-humoured  philosopher  than  the  head  of  a  govern- 
ment, Bonaparte  was  neither  malignant  nor  vindictive.  I 
cannot  certainly  defend  him  against  all  the  reproaches 
which  he  incurred  through  the  imperious  law  of  war  and 
cruel  necessity;  but  I  may  say  that  he  has  often  been 
unjustly  accused.  None  but  tliose  who  are  ])liuded  by 
fury  will  call  him  a  Xero  or  a  Caligula.  I  think  I  have 
avowed  his  faults  with  sufficient  candour  to  entitle  me  to 
credit  when  I  speak  in  his  commendation ;  and  I  declare 
that,  out  of  the  field  of  battle,  Bonaparte  had  a  kind  and 
feeling  heart.  He  was  very  fond  of  children,  —  a  trait 
which  seldom  distinguishes  a  bad  man.  In  the  relations 
of  private  life,  to  call  him  amiable  would  not  be  using  too 
strong  a  word,  and  he  was  very  indulgent  to  the  weakness 
of  hviman  nature.  The  contrary  opinion  is  too  firmly  fixed 
in  some  minds  for  me  to  hope  to  root  it  out.  I  shall,  I 
fear,  have  contradictors,  but  I  address  myself  to  those 
who  look  for  truth.  To  judge  impartially,  we  must  take 
into  account  the  influence  which  time  and  circumstances 
exercise  on  men ;  and  distinguish  between  the  different 
characters  of  the  Collegian,  the  General,  the  Consul,  and 
the  Emperor. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

1800, 

Tt  is  not  my  purpose  to  say  much  about  the  laws,  de- 
crees, and  Scnatt'.s-Cotisiiltes,  which  the  First  Consul  eitlier 
passed,  or  caused  to  be  passed,  after  his  accession  to 
jiower.  "What  were  they  all,  with  the  exception  of  the 
Civil  Code  ?  The  legislative  reveries  of  the  different  men 
who  have  from  time  to  time  ruled  France  form  an  im- 
mense labyrinth,  in  which  chicanery  bewilders  reason  and 
common-sense  ;  and  they  would  long  since  have  been  buried 
in  oblivion  had  they  not  occasionally  served  to  authori  -e 
injustice.  I  cannot,  however,  pass  over  unnoticed  the 
happy  effect  produced  in  Paris,  and  throughout  the  whole 
of  France,  by  some  of  the  first  decisions  of  the  Consuls. 
Perhaps  none  but  those  who  witnessed  the  state  of  society 
during  the  Reign  of  Terror  can  fully  appreciate  the  satis- 
faction which  the  first  steps  towards  the  restoration  of 
social  order  produced  in  the  breasts  of  all  honest  men. 
The  Directory,  more  base  and  not  less  perverse  than  the 
Convention,  had  retained  the  horrible  21st  of  January 
among  the  festivals  of  the  Republic.  One  of  Bonaparte's 
first  ideas  on  attaining  the  possession  of  power  was  to 
abolish  this  ;  but  such  was  the  ascendency  of  the  abettors 
of  the  fearful  event  that  he  could  not  venture  on  a  straight- 
forward course.  He  and  his  two  colleagues,  who  were 
Sieyfes  and  Roger  Ducos,  signed,  on  the  5th  Nivose,  a 
decree,  setting  forth  that  in  future  the  only  festivals  to  be 


1800.  THE  FIRST   CONSUL   AT   THE   TEilPLE.  351 

celebrated  by  the  Eepublic  were  the  1st  Venddmiaire  and 
the  14th  of  July,  mtending  by  this  means  to  consecrate 
provisionally  the  recollection  of  the  foundation  of  the 
Eepublic  and  of  liberty. 

All  was  calculation  with  Bonaparte.  To  produce  effect 
was  his  highest  gratification.  Thus  he  let  slip  no  oppor- 
tunity of  saying  or  doing  things  which  were  calculated  to 
dazzle  the  multitude.  Wliile  at  the  Luxembourg,  he  went, 
sometimes  accompanied  by  his  aides-de-camp  and  some- 
times bv  a  Minister,  to  pay  certain  official  visits.  I  did  not 
accompany  him  on  these  occasions  ;  but  almost  always 
either  on  his  return,  after  dinner,  or  in  the  evening,  he  re- 
lated to  me  what  he  had  done  and  said.  He  congratulated 
himself  on  having  paid  a  visit  to  Daubenton,at  the  Jardin 
des  Plantes,  and  talked  with  great  self-complacency  of  the 
distinguished  way  in  which  he  had  treated  the  contem- 
porary of  Buflbn. 

On  tlie  24th  Brumaire  he  visited  the  prisons.  He  liked 
to  make  these  visits  unexpectedly,  and  to  take  the  govern- 
ors of  the  different  public  establisliments  by  surprise  ;  so 
that,  having  no  time  to  make  their  preparations,  he  might 
see  things  as  they  really  were.  I  was  in  his  cabinet 
when  he  returned,  for  I  had  a  great  deal  of  business  to 
go  through  in  his  absence.  As  he  entered,  he  exclaimed, 
"  What  brutes  these  Directors  are  !  To  what  a  state  they 
have  brought  our  public  establishments  !  But,  stay  a 
little !  I  will  put  all  in  order.  The  prisons  are  in  a 
shockingly  unwholesome  state,  and  the  prisoners  miser- 
ably fed.  I  questioned  them,  and  I  questioned  the  jailers, 
for  nothing  is  to  be  learned  from  the  superiors.  They, 
of  course,  always  speak  well  of  their  own  work !  When 
I  was  in  the  Temple  I  could  not  help  thinking  of  the 
unfortunate  Louis  XVL  He  was  an  excellent  man,  but 
too  amiable,  too  gentle  for  the  times.  He  knew  not  how 
to  deal  with  mankind  !     And  Sir  Sidnev  Smith  !     I  made 


352  MKMOIKS   or    NAroLKOX    noNAl'AUTK.  1800. 

them  show  iw  liis  niiartment.  If  the  fools  liail  not  let 
him  escape,  1  slioiiM  have  taken  St.  Jean  d'Aere'  There 
are  too  many  ])ainful  rccollet'tions  connected  ■with  tlint 
prison  !  I  will  certainly  have  it  pnlli'd  down  some  day  or 
otiier  !  "What  do  you  think  I  did  at  the  Temple?  I 
ordered  the  jailers'  books  to  he  brought  to  me,  and,  finding 
that  some  hostages  were  still  in  confinement,  I  liberated 
them.  'An  unjust  law,'  said  I,  'has  deprived  you  of 
liberty;  n)y  first  duty  is  to  restore  it  to  you.'  Was  not 
this  well  done,  Bourrienne  ? "  As  I  was,  no  less  than  Bona- 
parte himself,  an  enemy  to  the  revolutionary  laws,  I  con- 
gratulated him  sincerely  ;  and  he  was  very  sensible  to  my 
approbation,  for  I  was  not  accustomed  to  greet  him  with 
"  Good  ;  very  good,"  on  all  occasion.?.  It  is  true,  knowing 
his  character  as  I  did,  I  avoided  saying  anything  that  was 
calculated  to  oflend  him  ;  but  when  I  said  nothing,  he 
knew  very  well  how  to  construe  iny  silence.  Had  I  flat- 
tered him,  I  should  have  continued  longer  in  favour. 

Bonaparte  always  spoke  angrily  of  the  Directors  he 
had  turned  off.  Their  incapacity  disgusted  and  astonished 
him.  "What  simpletons!  What  a  government!"  he 
would  frequently  exclaim  when  he  looked  into  the  meas- 
ures of  the  Directory.  "  r>ourrienne,"  said  he,  "  can  you 
imagine  anything  more  pitiable  than  their  system  of 
finance  ?  Can  it  for  a  moment  be  doubted  that  the  princi- 
pal agents  of  authority  daily  committed  the  most  fraudu- 
lent peculations  ?  What  venality  !  what  disorder  !  what 
wastefulness !  everything  put  up  for  sale :  places,  provi- 
sions, clothing,  and  n)ilitary,  all  were  disposed  of.  Have 
they  not  actually  consumed  75,000,000  in  advance  ?  And 
then,  think  of  all  the  scandalous  fortunes  accumulated,  all 
the  malversations !  But  are  there  no  means  of  making 
them  refund  ?     We  shall  see." 

In  these  first  moments  of  poverty  it  was  found  neces- 
sary to  raise  a  loan,  for  the  funds  of  M.  Collot  did  not 


1800.  NOMINATION  TO   THE   INSTITUTE.  353 

last  long,  and  12,000,000  were  advanced  by  the  different 
bankers  of  Paris,  who,  I  believe,  were  paid  by  bills  of  the 
receivers-general,  the  discount  of  which  then  amounted  to 
about  33  per  cent.  The  salaries  of  the  first  offices  were 
not  very  considerable,  and  did  not  amount  to  anything 
like  the  exorbitant  stipends  of  the  Empire.  The  follow- 
ing table  shows  the  modest  budget  of  the  Consular 
Governments  for  the  year  VIII. :  — 

Francs. 

The  Legislative  Body 2,400,000 

The  Tribunate 1,312,000 

The  Archives        75,000 

The  three  Consuls,  inchiding  750,000  fraucs  for 

secret-service  money 1,800,000 

The  Council  of  State 675,000 

Secretaries  to  the  Councils  and  to  the  Councillors 

of  State         112,500 

The  Six  Ministers 360,000 

The  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs    ....  90,000 

Total  .     6,824,500 

Bonaparte's  salary  was  fixed  at  500,000  francs.  "What 
a  contrast  to  the  300,000,000  in  gold  which  were  re- 
ported to  have  been  concealed  in  1811  in  the  cellars  of 
the  Tuileries  ! 

In  mentioning  Bonaparte's  nomination  to  tlie  Institute, 
and  his  affectation  in  putting  at  the  head  of  his  proclama- 
tion his  title  of  member  of  that  learned  body  before  that 
of  General-in-Chief,  I  omitted  to  state  what  value  he 
really  attached  to  that  title.  The  truth  is  that,  when 
young  and  aml)itious,  he  was  pleased  with  the  proffered 
title,  which  he  thought  would  raise  him  in  public  estima- 
tion. How  often  have  we  laughed  together  when  he 
weighed  the  value  of  his  scientific  titles !  Bonaparte,  to 
be  sure,  knew  something  of  mathematics,  a  good  deal  of 

VOL   I.  —  23 


354  MK.MoIKS   OF   NAPOLEON    RoNArAKTIv  1800. 

history,  and,  1  ihimI  not  add,  ])0.ssessed  t'xtnKtrdiuarv 
military  talent  ;  Imi  he  was  ncverlhcless  a  useless  mem- 
ber of  the  Institute. 

On  his  return  from  Egypt  he  lei^Mu  to  i^row  weary  of 
a  title  which  gave  him  so  many  colleagues.  "  Du  you  not 
think,"  said  he  ime  day  to  me,  "that  there  is  scmiething 
mean  and  humiliating  in  the  words,  '  /  have  the  honour  to 
he,  mil  dear  Cvllea(/iie'  ?  I  am  tired  of  it'"  (Jenerally 
speakhig,  all  phrases  which  indicated  ecpiality  dis})leased 
him.  It  will  be  recollected  how  gratified  he  was  that  I 
did  not  address  him  in  the  second  person  singular  on  our 
meeting  at  Leoben,  and  also  what  befell  M.  de  Cominges 
at  l^)ale  because  he  did  not  observe  the  same  precaution. 

The  figure  of  the  liepublic  seated  and  holding  a  s})car 
in  her  hand,  which  at  the  commencement  of  the  Consulate 
was  stamped  on  official  letters,  was  speedily  abolished. 
Happy  would  it  have  been  if  Liberty  herself  had  not 
suffered  tlie  same  treatment  as  her  emblem!  The  title 
of  First  Consul  made  him  despise  that  of  Member  of 
the  Institute.  He  no  longer  entertained  the  least  predi- 
lection for  that  learned  body,  and  subsequently  he  re- 
garded it  with  much  suspicion.^  It  was  a  bodi/,  an 
authorised  assemhly ;  these  were  reasons  sufficient  for 
him  to  take  umbrage  at  it,  and  he  never  concealed  his 
dislike  of  all  bodies  possessing  the  privilege  of  meeting 
and  deliberating. 

While  we  were  at  the  Luxembourg,  Bonaparte  des- 
patched Duroc  on  a  special  mission  to  the  King  of 
Prussia.  This  happened,  I  think,  at  the  very  beginning 
of  the  year  1800.  He  selected  Duroc  because  he  was  a 
man  of  good  education  and  agreeable  manners,  and  one 
who  could  express  himself  with  elegance  and  reserve, — 
qualities  not  often  met  with  at  that  period.  Duroc  had 
been  with  us  in  Italy,  in  Egypt,  and  on  board  the  Muiron, 
'  See,  however,  foot-nute  on  p.  125 


1800.  DUROC  AND   THE   KIXG   OF  PRUSSIA.  355 

and  the  Consul  easily  guessed  that  the  King  of  Prussia 
would  be  delighted  to  hear  from  an  eye-witness  the  events 
of  Bonaparte's  campaigns,  especially  the  siege  of  St.  Jean 
d'Acre,  and  the  scenes  which  took  place  during  the  months 
of  March  and  May  at  Jaffa.  Besides,  the  First  Consul 
considered  it  indispensable  that  such  circumstantial  de- 
tails should  be  given  in  a  way  to  leave  no  doubt  of  their 
correctness.  His  intentions  were  fully  realised ;  for  Duroc 
told  me,  on  his  return,  that  nearly  the  whole  of  the  con- 
versation he  had  with  the  King  turned  upon  St.  Jean 
d'Acre  and  Jaffa.  He  stayed  nearly  two  whole  hours 
with  his  Majesty,  who,  the  day  after,  gave  him  an  invi- 
tation to  dinner.  When  this  intelligence  arrived  at  the 
Luxembourg,  1  could  perceive  that  the  Chief  of  the  IJepub- 
lic  was  flattered  that  one  of  his  aides-de-camp  should  have 
sat  at  the  table  with  a  King  who  some  years  after  was 
doomed  to  wait  for  him  in  his  antechamber  at  Tilsit. 

Duroc  never  spoke  on  politics  to  the  King  of  Prussia, 
which  was  very  fortunate,  for,  considering  his  age  and  the 
exclusively  military  life  he  had  led,  he  could  scarcely 
have  been  expected  to  avoid  blunders.  Some  time  later, 
after  the  death  of  Paul  I.,  he  was  sent  to  congratulate  Alex- 
ander on  his  accession  to  the  throne.  Bonaparte's  design 
in  thus  making  choice  of  Duroc  was  to  introduce  to  the 
courts  of  Europe,  by  confidential  missions,  a  young  man 
to  whom  he  was  much  attached,  and  also  to  bring  him 
forward  in  Prance.  Duroc  went  on  his  third  mission  to 
Berlin  after  the  war  broke  out  with  Austria.  He  often 
wrote  to  me,  and  his  letters  convinced  me  how  much  he 
had  improved  himself  within  a  short  time. 

Another  circumstance  which  happened  at  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Consulate  affords  an  example  of 
Bonaparte's  inflexibility  when  he  had  once  formed  a 
determination.  In  the  spring  of  1799,  when  we  were  in 
Egypt,  the  Directory  gave  to  General  Latour-Foissac,  a 


356  MKMOIKS   OF   NArOLKOX   ROXAPARTE.  1800. 

hij^hly  distinj^uislied  ofticer.  the  cnnunaiKl  of  ^lantua,  the 
taking  of  whicli  had  so  ]>oweifiilly  contributed  to  the  glory 
of  the  conqueror  of  Italy.  Shortly  after  Latour's  apjioint- 
nient  to  this  ini]iortaiit  post,  the  Austrians  hesiei^'od  ^lan- 
tua.  It  was  well  known  that  the  garrison  was  sup})lied 
with  provisions  and  ammunition  for  a  long  resistance; 
yet  in  the  month  of  July  it  surrendered  to  the  Austrians. 
The  act  of  capitulation  contained  a  curious  article;  viz., 
"  General  Latuur-Foissac  and  his  staft"  shall  be  conducted 
as  prisoners  to  Austria ;  the  garrison  shall  be  allowed  to 
return  to  France."  This  distinction  between  the  general 
and  the  troops  intrusted  to  his  command,  and  at  the 
same  time  the  prompt  surrender  of  Mantua,  were  circum- 
stances which,  it  must  be  confessed,  were  calculated  to 
excite  suspicions  of  Latour-Foissac.  The  conse([uence 
was,  when  Bernadotte  was  made  War  ^linister,  he  or- 
dered an  inquiry  into  the  general's  conduct  by  a  court- 
martial.  Latour-Foissac  had  no  sooner  returned  to 
France  than  he  published  a  justificatory  memorial,  in 
which  he  showed  the  impossibility  of  his  having  made 
a  longer  defence  when  he  was  in  want  of  many  objects 
of  the  first  necessity. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  affair  on  Bonaparte's  elevation 
to  the  Consular  pov^er.  The  loss  of  Mantua,  tJie  posses- 
sion of  which  had  cost  him  so  many  sacrifices,  roused  his 
indignation  to  so  high  a  pitch  that  whenever  the  subject 
was  mentioned  he  could  find  no  words  to  express  his  rage. 
He  stopped  the  investigation  of  the  court-martial,  and 
issued  a  violent  decree  against  Latour-Foissac  even  before 
his  culpal)ility  had  been  proved.  Tiiis  proceeding  occa- 
sioned much  discussion,  and  was  very  dissatisfactory  to 
many  general  officers,  who,  by  this  arbitrary  decision, 
found  themselves  in  danger  of  forfeiting  the  privilege  of 
btiing  tried  Ijy  their  natural  judges  wlienever  they  hap- 
pened to  displease  the  First  Consul.     For  my  own  part, 


1800.  DECREE  AGAINST  LATOUR-FOISSAC.  357 

I  must  say  that  this  decree  against  Latour-Foissac  was 
one  which  I  saw  issued  with  cunsiderable  regret,  I  was 
alarmed  for  the  consequences.  After  the  lapse  of  a  few 
days  I  ventured  to  point  out  to  him  the  undue  severity  of 
the  step  he  had  taken ;  I  reminded  him  of  all  that  had 
been  said  in  Latour-Foissac's  favour,  and  tried  to  convince 
him  how  much  more  just  it  would  be  to  allow  the  tiial 
to  come  to  a  conclusion.  "  In  a  country,"  said  I,  "  like 
France,  where  the  point  of  honour  stands  above  every- 
thing, it  is  impossible  Foissac  can  escape  condemnation  if 
he  be  culpable."  —  "  Perhaps  you  are  right,  Bourrienne," 
rejoined  he ;  "  but  the  blow  is  struck  ;  the  decree  is  issued. 
I  have  given  the  same  explanation  to  every  one  ;  but  I 
cannot  so  suddenly  retrace  my  steps.  To  retrograde  is  to 
be  lost.  I  cannot  acknowledge  myself  in  the  wrong. 
By  and  by  we  shall  see  what  can  be  done.  Tinie  will 
bring  lenity  and  pardon.  At  present  it  would  be  pre- 
mature." Such,  word  for  word,  was  Bonaparte's  reply. 
If  with  this  be  compared  what  he  said  on  the  subject  at 
St.  Helena,  it  will  be  found  that  his  ideas  continued  nearly 
unchanged ;  the  only  difference  is  that,  instead  of  tlie 
impetuosity  of  1800,  he  expressed  himself  with  the  calm- 
ness which  time  and  adversity  naturally  produced.  ^ 

Bonaparte,  as  I  have  before  observed,  loved  contrasts ; 
and  I  remember  at  the  very  time  he  was  acting  so  violently 
against  Latour-Foissac  he  condescended  to  bu.sy  himself 
about  a  company  of  players  which  he  wished  to  send  to 
Egypt,  or  rather  that  he  pretended  to  wish  to  send  there, 
because  the  announcement  of  such  a  project  conveyed  an 

^  "  It  wa.s,"  .says  the  "  Memorial  of  St.  Helena,"  "  an  illegal  atid  t}Tani:i- 
cal  act,  but  still  it  was  a  necessary  evil.  It  was  the  fault  of  the  law.  lie  was 
a  hnuilreil,  nay,  a  thousaml  fold  guilty,  and  yet  it  was  douhtful  wliether 
he  wouhl  he  condeinjied.  We  tlierefore  a,ssailed  hiin  witli  tiie  shafts  of 
honour  ami  public  opinion.  Yet  I  repeat  it  was  a  tyrannical  act,  and  one 
of  those  violent  measures  which  are  at  times  necessary  in  great  nations 
and  in  e.xtraordinarv  circumstances." 


358  MKMOIIiS    OF    NAl'DLKON    IJONAl'ARTE.  ISOO. 

iiiipressioii  of  tlie  prosperous  condition  of  our  Oriental 
colony.  The  Consuls  gravely  appointed  the  Minister  of 
the  Interior  to  execute  this  business,  and  the  Minister  in 
his  turn  delej,Mled  his  jMiwers  to  Florence,  the  actor.  In 
their  instructions  to  tjlie  Minister,  the  Consuls  observed 
that  it  wouhl  be  advisable  to  include  some  female  dancers 
in  the  company,  —  a  su«;gestion  which  corresponds  with 
lionaparte's  note,  in  wliieh  were  specified  all  that  he  con- 
sidered necessary  for  the  Egyi)tian  expedition. 

The  First  Consul  entertained  singular  notions  respect- 
ing literary  property.  On  his  hearing  that  a  piece,  en- 
titled "  Misanthropic  et  Ilepentir,"  had  been  brouglit  out  at 
the  Odt^on,  he  said  to  me,  "  Bourrienne,  you  have  been 
robbed."  —  "  I,  General?  how  ?"  —  "  You  have  been  robbed, 
I  tell  you,  and  they  are  now  acting  your  piece."  I  have 
already  mentioned  that  during  my  stay  at  Warsaw  I 
amused  myself  with  translating  a  celebrated  X'^^'^y  o^ 
Kotzebue.  While  we  were  in  Italy,  I  lent  Bonaparte 
my  translation  to  read,  and  he  expressed  himself  much 
pleased  with  it.  He  greatly  admired  the  piece,  and  often 
went  to  see  it  acted  at  the  Odeon.  On  his  return  he 
invariably  gave  me  fresh  reasons  for  my  claiming  what 
he  was  pleased  to  call  my  property.  I  represented  to 
him  that  the  translation  of  a  foreign  work  belonged  to 
any  one  who  chose  to  execute  it.  He  would  not,  how- 
ever, give  up  his  point,  and  I  was  obliged  to  assure  him 
that  my  occupations  in  his  service  left  me  no  time  to 
engage  in  a  literary  lawsuit.  He  then  exacted  a  promise 
from  me  to  translate  Goethe's  "  Werther."  I  told  him  it 
was  already  done,  though  indifferently,  and  that  I  could 
not  possibly  devote  to  the  subject  the  time  it  merited. 
I  read  over  to  him  one  of  the  letters  I  had  translated  into 
French,  and  which  he  seemed  to  approve. 

That  interval  of  the  Consular  Government  during  which 
Bonaparte  remained  at  the  Luxembourg  may  be  called  the 


1800. 


DECREE   REGARDING  THE  JOURNALS.  359 


preparatory  Consulate.  Then  were  sown  the  seeds  of  the 
o-reat  events  which  lie  meditated,  and  of  those  institutions 
with  which  he  wished  to  mark  his  possession  of  power. 
He  was  then,  if  I  may  use  the  expression,  two  individuals 
in  one  :  the  llepublican  general,  who  was  obliged  to  appear 
the  advocate  of  liberty  and  the  principles  of  the  Revolu- 
tion ;  and  the  votary  of  ambition,  secretly  plotting  the 
downfall  of  that  liberty  and  those  principles. 

I  often  wondered  at  the  consummate  address  with 
which  he  contrived  to  deceive  those  who  were  likely  to 
see  through  his  designs.  This  hypocrisy,  which  some, 
perhaps,  may  call  profound  policy,  was  indispensable  to 
the  accomplishment  of  his  projects  ;  and  sometimes,  as  if 
to  keep  liimself  in  practice,  he  would  do  it  in  matters  of 
secondary  imi)ortance.  For  example,  his  opinion  of  the 
insatiable  avarice  of  Sieyfes  is  well  known ;  yet  when  he 
proposed,  in  his  message  to  the  Council  of  Ancients,  to 
give  his  colleague,  under  the  title  of  national  recompense, 
the  price  of  his  obedient  secession,  it  was,  in  the  words  of 
the  message,  a  recompense  worthily  bestowed  on  his  disin- 
terested virtues} 

While  at  the  Luxembourg,  Bonaparte  showed,  by  a 
Consular  act,  his  hatred  of  the  liberty  of  the  press  above 
all  liljerties,  for  he  loved  none.  On  the  27th  NivOse,  the 
Consuls,  or  rather  the  First  Consul,  published  a  decree, 
the  real  ol)ject  of  which  was  evidently  contrary  to  its 
implied  object. 

This  decree  stated  that 

"  The  Consuls  of  tlie  Republic,  cousidering  that  some  of  tlie 
journals  printed  at  Paris  are  instruments  in  the.  hands  of  the 
enemies  of  the  Fepnbiic,  over  the  safety  of  wliicli  the  Government 
is  specially  intrusted  by  the  people  of  France  to  watch,  decree  — 

"That  the  Minister  of  Police  shall,  durin;^'  the  continuation 

J  M.  de  Bourrienne  misses  the  humour  of  this. 


3G0  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON    BoNATAIiTE.  1800. 

of  tlio  war,  allow  only  tlu'  following  jomiials  to  be  inirik'il  ami 
pultlislunl,  viz.  :  '  Le  Moniteur-Universel,' '  Le  Journal  des  Debats 
et  Di'crits,"  'Le  Journal  do  Paris,'  '  Le  Uien-lnfonnd,'  '  Le  Pul> 
licistt','  '  L'Auii  d.'S  Lois,'  *  La  Clo  des  Cabinets,'  •  Le  Cit(jyeii 
Francois,'  '  La  (lazi'tte  di>  Franco,'  '  Le  Journal  des  llotnnies 
Libres,'  '  Le  Journal  du  Soir,'  by  tlie  brotliers  Cliaigneau,  '  Le 
JourJial  des  Defenseurs  de  la  Patrie,'  'La  Decade  Pliilosopliique,' 
and  tbose  papers  which  are  exclusively  devoted  to  science,  art, 
literature,  coiunierce,  and  advertisements." 

Surely  this  decree  may  well  be  considered  as  prepara- 
tory; and  the  fragment  I  have  quoted  may  serve  as  a 
standard  for  measurintj;  the  greater  part  of  tho.se  acts  by 
which  Bonaparte  sought  to  gain,  for  the  consolidation  of 
his  power,  what  he  seemed  to  be  seeking  solely  for  the 
interest  of  tlie  friends  of  the  Iiepublic.  Tlie  limitation  to 
the  period  of  the  continuance  of  the  war  had  also  a  certain 
provisional  air  which  afforded  hope  for  the  future.  Ijut 
everything  ]ir()visional  is,  in  its  nature,  very  elastic;  and 
Bonaparte  knew  how  to  draw  it  out  ad  infinitum..  The 
decree,  moreover,  enacted  that  if  any  of  the  uncondemned 
journals  should  insert  articles  against  the  sovereignty  of  the 
people  they  would  be  immeihately  suppressed.  In  truth, 
great  indulgence  was  shown  on  this  point,  even  after  the 
Emperor's  coronation. 

The  presentation  of  swords  and  muskets  of  honour  also 
originated  at  the  Luxembourg;  and  this  practice  was, 
without  doubt,  a  ]ireparatory  step  to  the  f(nindation  of 
the  Legion  of  Honour.^  A  grenadier  sergeant,  named 
lAon  Anne,  who  had  been  included  in  the  first  distrilni- 
tion,  easily  obtained  permission  to  write  to  the  First  Con- 
sul to  thank  him.     Bonaparte,  wishing  to  an.swer  him 

1  "  Arrnes  d'honneur,"  decreed  2.')th  Decern  her,  1799.  muskets  for  in 
fantrv,  rarhines  for  cavalry,  jjrenades  fi>r  artillerv,  swords  for  the  officers. 
Gouvion  St.  Cyr  received  the  first  sword  {Thiers,  tome  i.  p.  126). 


1800.  THE   BUST   OF  BRUTUS.  361 

in  his  own  name,  dictated  to  me  the  following  letter  for 
Aune  :  — 

"  I  have  received  your  letter,  my  brave  comrade.  You  needed 
not  to  have  told  me  of  your  exploits,  fur  you  are  the  bravest 
grenadier  in  the  whole  army  since  the  death  of  Benezete.  You 
received  one  of  the  hundred  sabres  I  distributed  to  the  arm}', 
and  all  agreed  you  most  deserved  it. 

"  I  wish  very  much  again  to  see  you.  The  War  Minister 
sends  you  an  order  to  come  to  Paris." 

This  wheedling  wonderfully  favoured  Bonaparte's  de- 
signs. His  letter  to  Aune  could  not  fail  to  be  circulated 
through  the  army.  A  sergeant  called  my  brave  comrade 
by  the  First  Consul,  —  the  First  General  of  France  !  Who 
but  a  thorough  Kepublican,  the  stanch  friend  of  equality, 
would  have  done  this  ?  This  was  enough  to  wind  up  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  army.  At  the  same  time  it  must  be 
confessed  that  Bonaparte  began  to  find  the  Luxembourg 
too  little  for  him,  and  preparations  were  set  on  foot  at  the 
Tuileries. 

Still  this  great  step  towards  the  re-establishment  of  the 
monarchy  was  to  be  cautiously  prepared.  It  was  import- 
ant to  do  away  with  the  idea  that  none  but  a  king  could 
occupy  the  palace  of  our  ancient  kings.  What  was  to  be 
done  ?  A  very  fine  bust  of  Brutus  had  been  brought 
from  Italy.  Brutus  was  the  destroyer  of  tyrants  !  This 
was  the  very  thing ;  and  David  was  commissioned  to 
place  it  in  a  gallery  of  the  Tuileries.  Could  there  be  a 
greater  proof  of  the  Consul's  horror  of  tyranny  ? 

To  sleep  at  the  Tuileries,  in  the  bedchamber  of  the 
kings  of  France,  was  all  that  Bonaparte  wanted  ;  the  rest 
would  follow  in  due  course.  He  was  willing  to  be  satis- 
fied with  establishing  a  principle  the  consequences  of 
which  were  to  be  afterwards  deduced.     Hence  the  affecta- 


362  MEMniKS   OF   NAroLEON   lioNAl'ARTi:.  1800. 

lion  oi  never  iiiserliii^f  in  ollicial  acts  the  name  of  the 
Tuileries,  but  designating  that  pLace  as  the  Palace  of  the 
Government.  The  lirst  jtreiiaratinns  were  modest,  for  it 
(Hil  not  become  a  gouil  l{epul)lican  to  be  fond  of  poni]). 
Accordingly,  Lecomte,  who  was  at  that  time  architect  of 
the  Tuileries,  merely  received  orders  to  clean  the  Palace, 
—  an  expression  which  might  bear  more  than  one  mean- 
ing, after  the  meetings  which  had  been  there.  For  this 
purpose  the  sum  of  500,000  francs  was  sufficient.  Bona- 
l)arte's  drift  was  to  conceal,  as  far  as  possible,  the  im- 
jiortance  he  attached  to  the  change  of  his  Consular 
domicile.  But  little  expense  was  requisite  for  fitting 
up  apartments  for  the  First  Consul.  Simple  ornaments, 
such  as  marl)les  and  statues,  were  to  decorate  the  Palace 
of  the  Government. 

Notliing  escaped  Bonaparte's  consideration.  Thus  it  was 
not  merely  at  hazard  that  he  selected  the  statues  of  great 
men  to  adorn  the  gallery  of  the  Tuileries.  Among  the 
Greeks  he  made  choice  of  Demosthenes  and  Alexander, 
thus  rendering  homage  at  once  to  the  genius  of  elo- 
quence and  the  genius  of  victory.  The  statue  of  Hanni- 
bal was  intended  to  recall  the  memory  of  Pome's  most 
formidable  enemy;  and  Pome  herself  was  represented  in 
the  Consular  Palace  by  the  statues  of  Scipio,  Cicero,  Cato, 
Brutus,  and  Ciesar,  —  the  victor  and  the  immolator  being 
placed  side  by  side.  Among  the  great  men  of  modern 
times  he  gave  the  first  place  to  Gustavus  Adolphus,  and 
the  next  to  Turenne  and  the  great  Condd, —  to  Turenne  in 
honour  of  his  military  talent,  and  to  Condd  to  prove  that 
there  was  nothinfj  fearful  in  the  recollection  of  a  Bourbon. 
The  remembrance  of  the  glorious  days  of  the  French 
navy  was  revived  by  the  statue  of  Duguai  Trouin. 
Marlliorough  and  Prince  Eugc^ue  had  also  their  ]ilaces  in 
the  gallery,  as  if  to  attest  tlie  disasters  which  marked  the 
close  of  the  great  reign  ;  and  Marshal  Saxe,  to  show  that 


1800.  SECTIONS   OF   THE   COUNCIL   OF   STATE.  363 

Louis  XV.'s  reign  was  not  without  its  glory.  The  statues 
of  Frederick  and  Washington  were  emblematic  of  false 
philosojihy  on  a  throne  and  true  wisdom  founding  a  free 
state.  Finally,  the  names  of  Dugommier,  Dampierre,  and 
Joubert  were  intended  to  bear  evidence  of  the  high 
esteem  which  Bonaparte  cherished  for  his  old  comrades, 

—  those  illustrious  victims  to  a  cause  which  had  now 
ceased  to  be  his. 

The  reader  has  already  been  informed  of  the  attempts 
made  by  Bonaparte  to  induce  England  and  Austria  to 
negotiate  with  the  Consular  Government,  which  the  King 
of  Prussia  was  the  first  of  the  sovereigns  of  Europe  to 
recognise.  These  attempts  having  proved  unavailing,  it 
became  necessary  to  carry  on  the  war  with  renewed 
vigour,  and  also  to  explain  why  the  peace,  which  had 
been  promised  at  the  beginning  of  the  Consulate,  was 
still  nothing  but  a  promise.  In  fulfilment  of  these  two 
objects,  Bonaparte  addressed  an  energetic  proclamation  to 
the  armies,  which  was  remarkable  for  not  being  followed 
by  the  usual  sacred  words,  "  Vive  la  Eepublique ! " 

At  the  same  time  Bonaparte  completed  the  formation 
of  the  Council  of  State,  and  divided  it  into  five  sections  : 

—  (1)  The  Interior;  (2)  Finance;  (3)  Marine;  (4)  The 
"War  Department;  (5)  Legislation.  He  fixed  the  salaries 
of  the  Councillors  of  the  State  at  25,000  francs,  and  that 
of  the  Presidents  of  Sections  at  30,000.  He  settled  the 
costume  of  the  Consuls,  the  Ministers,  and  the  different 
bodies  of  the  State.  This  led  to  the  re-introduction  of 
velvet,  which  had  been  banished  with  the  old  regime,  and 
the  encouragement  of  the  manufactures  of  Lyons  was  the 
reason  alleged  for  employing  this  unrepublican  article  in 
the  different  dresses,  such  as  those  of  the  Consuls  and 
Ministers.  It  was  Bonaparte's  constant  aim  to  efface  the 
Kepublic,  even  in  the  utmost  trifles,  and  to  prepare  mat- 
ters so  well  that,  the  customs  and  habits  of  monarchy 


3G-4  MHMoIKS    OF    NAI'OLKON    noNArAUri:.  1800. 

beinjT  lestoivtl,  tliiTo  slumlcl  only  then  rcniain  a  word  to 
be  changed. 

T  lu'ver  ivmember  to  liave  set'ii  Pxtnnjiartc  in  the  Con- 
siihir  diess,  whicli  he  detested,  and  wliich  he  wore  only 
because  duty  requiivd  liini  to  do  so  at  jiublic  ceremonies. 
The  only  dress  he  was  fond  of,  and  in  which  he  felt  at 
ease,  was  that  in  which  he  subjugated  the  ancient  Kri- 
danus  and  the  Nile;  namely,  the  uniform  of  the  Guides,  to 
which  corps  Bonaparte  was  always  sincerely  attached. 

The  mas(|uerade  of  official  dresses  was  not  the  only  one 
which  Bonaparte  summoned  to  the  aid  of  his  pctlicy.  At 
that  period  of  the  year  VIII.  which  corresponded  with 
the  carnival  of  1800,  masques  began  to  be  resumed  at 
Paris.  Disguises  were  all  the  fashion,  and  Bonaparte 
favoured  the  revival  of  old  amusements:  first,  because 
they  were  old,  and  next,  l^ecause  they  were  the  means  of 
diverting  the  attention  of  the  people:  for,  as  he  had  estab- 
lished the  principle  that  on  the  iield  of  battle  it  is  neces- 
sary to  divide  the  enemy  in  order  to  beat  him,  he 
conceived  it  no  less  advisable  to  divert  the  people  in 
order  to  enslave  them.  Bonaparte  did  not  say  2-)ancm  et 
circenses,  for  I  believe  his  knowledge  of  Latin  did  not 
extend  even  to  that  well-known  phrase  of  Juvenal,  but 
he  put  the  maxim  in  practice.  He  accordingly  author- 
ised the  revival  of  balls  at  the  opera,  which  they  who 
lived  during  that  period  of  the  Consulate  know  was  an 
important  event  in  Paris.  Some  gladly  viewed  it  as  a 
little  conquest  in  favour  of  the  old  regime  ;  and  others, 
who  for  that  very  reason  disap])roved  it,  were  too  shallow 
to  understand  the  influence  of  little  over  great  things. 
The  women  and  the  young  men  did  not  bestow  a  thought 
on  the  suliject,  but  yielded  willingly  to  the  attractions  of 
pleasure.  Bonaparte,  who  was  delighted  at  having  pro- 
vided a  diversion  for  the  gossiping  of  the  Parisian  salons, 
said  to  me  one  day,  "  While  they  are  chatting  about  all 


1800.  RECALL   OF   THE   EXILES.  365 

this,  tliey  do  not  babble  upon  politics,  and  tliat  is  what  I 
want.  Let  them  dance  and  amuse  themselves  as  long  as 
they  do  not  thrust  their  noses  into  the  Councils  of  the 
Government ;  besides,  Bourrienne,"  added  he,  "  I  have 
other  reasons  for  encouraging  this,  I  see  other  advantages 
in  it.  Trade  is  languisliing ;  Fouchd  tells  me  tliat  there 
are  great  complaints.  This  will  set  a  little  money  in  cir- 
culation ;  besides,  I  am  on  my  guard  about  the  Jacobins. 
Everything  is  not  bad,  because  it  is  not  new.  I  prefer 
the  opera-balls  to  the  saturnalia  of  the  Goddess  of  Eeason. 
I  was  never  so  enthusiastically  applauded  as  at  the  last 
parade." 

A  Consular  decision  of  a  different  and  more  important 
nature  had,  shortly  before,  —  namely,  at  the  commencement 
of  Nivose,  —  brought  happiness  to  many  families.  Ijona- 
parte,  as  every  one  knows,  had  prepared  the  events  of  the 
18th  Fructidor  that  he  might  have  some  plausible  reasons 
for  overthrowing  the  Directory.  The  Directory  being 
overthrown,  he  was  now  anxious,  at  least  in  part,  to  undo 
what  he  liad  done  on  the  IStli  Fructidor.  He  therefore 
ordered  a  report  on  the  persons  exiled  to  be  presented  to 
him  by  the  Minister  of  Police.  In  consequence  of  this 
report,  he  authorised  forty  of  them  to  return  to  France, 
placing  them  vinder  the  observation  of  the  Police  Min- 
ister, and  assigning  them  their  place  of  residence.  How- 
ever, they  did  not  long  remain  under  these  restrictions, 
and  many  of  them  were  soon  called  to  fill  high  places  in 
the  Government.  It  was  indeed  natural  that  Bonaparte, 
still  wishing,  at  least  in  appearance,  to  found  his  govern- 
ment on  those  principles  of  moderate  republicanism  which 
had  caused  their  exile,  should  invite  them  to  second  his 
views. 

Barrfere  wrote  a  justificatory  letter  to  the  First  Consul, 
who,  however,  took  no  notice  of  it,  for  he  could  not  get 
so  far  as  to  favour  Barrfere.     Thus  did  Bonaparte  receive 


366  MEMOIRS   OF    NAPOLEON    IJoNArAUTE.  1800. 

iiittt  the  Councils  of  the  Consulate  the  men  who  had  been 
exiled  by  the  Directory,  just  as  he  afterwards  appointed 
the  emigrants  and  those  exiles  of  the  lievolution  to  hi<,di 
oilices  under  the  Empire.  The  time  and  the  men  alone 
ditlered ;  the  intention  in  both  cases  was  the  same. 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

1800. 

The  first  communications  between  Bonaparte  and  Paul 
I.  commenced  a  short  time  after  his  accession  to  the  Con- 
sulate. Affairs  then  began  to  look  a  little  less  unfavour- 
able for  France ;  already  vague  reports  from  Switzerland 
and  the  banks  of  the  Pihine  indicated  a  coldness  existing 
between  the  Eussians  and  the  Austrians  ;  and  at  the  same 
time,  symptoms  of  a  misunderstanding  between  the  Courts 
of  London  and  St.  Petersburg  began  to  be  perceptible. 
The  First  Consul,  having  in  the  mean  time  discovered  the 
chivalrous  and  somewhat  eccentric  character  of  Paul  I., 
thought  the  moment  a  propitious  one  to  attempt  breaking 
the  bonds  which  united  Russia  and  England.  He  was  not 
the  man  to  allow  so  fine  an  opportunity  to  pass,  and  he 
took  advantage  of  it  with  his  usual  sagacity.  The  Eng- 
lish had  some  time  before  refused  to  include  in  a  cartel 
for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  7,000  Russians  taken  in  Hol- 
land. Bonaparte  ordered  them  all  to  be  armed,  and 
clothed  in  new  uniforms  appropriate  to  the  corps  to  which 
they  had  belonged,  and  sent  them  back  to  Russia,  without 
ransom,  without  excliange,  or  any  condition  whatever. 
This  judicious  munificence  was  not  tin-own  away.  Paul 
showed  liimself  deeply  sensible  of  it,  and  closely  allied  as 
he  had  lately  been  with  England,  he  now,  all  at  once, 
declared  himself  her  enemy.  This  triumph  of  policy  de- 
lighted the  First  Consul.  * 


368  MK.MtilUS   OK   NAPcn.EON    BnNArAUTK.  1800. 

Thenceforth  the  Consul  and  llie  C'/nr  iKMaine  the  hest 
friends  ])ossilil('.  They  strove  to  ontdo  eacli  otlier  in  ])ro- 
fussions  (if  frirndsliiji ;  and  it  may  be  believed  that  liona- 
parte  did  not  fail  to  turn  this  contest  of  politeness  to  his 
own  advantage.  He  so  ^vell  worked  uimui  the  mind  of 
Paul  that  he  succeeded  in  obtaining  a  direct  inihience 
over  the  Cabinet  of  St.  Petersburg. 

Lord  Whitworth,  at  that  time  the  Englisli  ambassador 
in  Russia,  was  ordered  to  quit  the  cajiital  without  di'lay, 
and  to  retire  to  Riga,  %vhich  then  became  the  focus  of  the 
intrigues  of  the  north  which  ended  in  the  death  of  Paul. 
The  English  ships  were  seized  in  all  tlie  ports,  and,  at  the 
]»ressing  instance  of  the  Czar,  a  Prussian  army  menaced 
Hanover.  Bonaparte  lost  no  time,  jind,  profiting  by  the 
friendship  manifested  towards  him  by  the  inheritor  of 
Catherine's  power,  determined  to  make  that  friendship 
subservient  to  the  execution  of  the  vast  plan  whicli  lie  had 
long  conceived  :  he  meant  to  undertake  an  expedition  by 
land  against  the  English  colonies  in  the  East  Indies. 

The  arrival  of  IJaron  Sja-engporten  at  Paris  caused  great 
satisfaction  among  the  partisans  of  the  Consular  Govern- 
ment ;  that  is  to  say,  almost  every  one  in  Paris.  M.  Spreng- 
porten  was  a  native  of  Swedish  Finland.  He  had  been 
ap])ointed  by  Catherine  chamberlain  and  lieutenant-gen- 
eral of  her  forces,  and  he  was  not  less  in  favour  with  Paul, 
who  treated  him  in  the  most  distinguished  manner.  He 
came  on  an  extraordinary  mission,  being  ostensibly  clothed 
with  the  title  of  plenipotentiary,  and  at  the  .same  time  ap- 
pointed confidential  Minister  to  the  Consul.  Bonaparte 
was  extremely  satisfied  with  the  ambassador  whom  Paul 
had  selected,  and  with  the  manner  in  which  he  described 
the  P'.mperor's  gratitude  for  the  generous  conduct  of 
the  First  Consul.  M.  Sprengporten  did  not  conceal  the 
extent  of  Paul's  dis.satisfaction  with  his  allies.  The  had 
issue,  he  said,  of  the  war  witli  France  had  already  dis- 


1800.  FRIENDSHIP   OF   THE   CZAR   PAUL.  369 

posed  the  Czar  to  connect  himself  with  that  power,  wlien 
the  return  of  his  troops  at  once  determined  him. 

We  could  easily  perceive  that  Paul  placed  great  confi- 
dence in  M.  Sprengporten.  As  he  had  satisfactorily  dis- 
charged the  mission  with  which  he  had  been  intrusted, 
Paul  expressed  pleasure  at  his  conduct  in  several  friendly 
and  flattering  letters,  which  Sprengporten  always  allowed 
us  to  read.  No  one  could  be  fonder  of  France  than  he 
was,  and  he  ardently  desired  that  his  first  negotiations 
might  lead  to  a  long  alliance  between  the  Eussian  and 
French  Governments.  The  autograph  an  very  fiequent 
correspondence  between  Bonaparte  and  Paul  passed 
through  his  hands.  I  read  all  Paul's  letters,  which  were 
remarkable  for  the  frankness  with  which  his  affection  for 
Bonaparte  was  expressed.  His  admiration  of  the  First 
Consul  was  so  great  that  no  courtier  could  have  written  in 
a  more  flattering  manner. 

This  admiration  was  not  feigned  on  the  part  of  the  Em- 
peror of  Ptussia:  it  was  no  less  sincere  than  ardent,  and 
of  this  he  soon  gave  proofs.  The  violent  hatred  he  had 
conceived  towards  the  English  Government  induced  him 
to  defy  to  single  combat  every  monarch  who  would  not 
declare  war  against  England  and  shut  his  ports  against 
English  ships.  He  inserted  a  challenge  to  the  King  of 
Denmark  in  the  "  St.  Petersburg  Court  Gazette ;  "  but  not 
choosing  to  apply  officially  to  the  Senate  of  Hamburg  to 
order  its  insertion  in  the  "  Correspondant,"  conducted  by 
M.  Stover,  he  sent  the  article,  through  Count  Pahlen,  to 
M.  Schramm,  a  Hamburg  merchant.  The  Count  told  M. 
Schramm  that  the  Emperor  would  be  much  pleased  to  see 
the  article  of  the  "  St.  Petersburg  Court  (Tazette  "  copied 
into  the  "  Correspondant ; "  and  tliat  if  it  should  l)e  in- 
serted, he  wished  to  have  a  dozen  copies  of  the  paper 
printed  on  vellum,  and  sent  to  him  by  an  extraordinary 
courier.     It  was  Paul's  intention  to  send  a  copy  to  every 

VOL     I.  —  24 


370  MF.MOins   OF    NAPOLEOX    BOXAPAIMI-:  1800. 

soveroiifii    in  Kunipo;  liut  tliis   \nece    of   folly,  after   the 
manner  of  Charles   XII ,    led  to    no    further   results. 

Bonaparte  never  felt  greater  satisfacti<jn  in  the  whole 
course  of  his  life  than  he  experienced  from  Paul's  enthu- 
siasm for  him.  The  friendship  of  a  sovereign  seemed  to 
him  a  step  by  which  he  was  to  become  a  sovereign  him- 
self. At  the  same  time  tlie  affairs  of  La  Vendee  began 
to  assume  a  better  asp;jct,  and  he  hoped  soon  to  efiect 
that  pacification  in  the  interior  which  he  so  ardently 
desired.^ 

•  This  account  agrees  precisely  with  the  followiug,  dictated  hy  Napoleon 
himself  at  St.  Helena;  — 

"  The  I'niperor  Paul  had  sncceeiled  the  Empress  Catherine.  Half  fran- 
tic witli  his  hostility  to  tlie  French  Revolution,  he  had  performed  what  his 
mother  had  contented  herself  with  promising,  and  engaged  in  the  second 
coalition,  (ieneral  Snwarrow,  at  the  head  of  60,000  Russians,  advanced 
into  Italy,  whilst  anotiier  Russian  army  entered  Switzerland,  and  a  corps 
of  15,000  men  was  placed  l)y  the  Czar  at  the  disposal  of  the  I  )nke  f)f  York, 
for  the  purfjose  of  conquering  Ilollaml  These  were  all  the  disposahle 
forces  the  Russian  Emj/ire  had.  Suwarrow,  although  victorious  at  the 
battles  of  C.os.sano,  the  Treiihia,  and  Novi,  had  lost  half  his  army  in  the 
St.  Gothard,  and  the  different  valleys  of  Switzerland,  after  the  hattle  of 
Zurich,  in  which  Korsakow  ha<l  been  taken.  Paul  then  became  sensible  of 
all  the  imprudence  of  his  coniluct ;  and  in  1800  Suwarrow  returned  to 
Russia  with  scarcely  a  fourth  of  his  army.  The  Emperor  Paul  complained 
bitterly  of  having  lost  the  flower  of  his  troops,  who  had  neither  been  sec- 
onded by  the  Austrians  nor  by  tlie  English.  He  reproached  the  Cabinet 
of  Vienna  with  iiaving  refused,  after  the  conquest  of  Piedmont,  to  replace 
the  King  of  Sartliiiia  ujion  his  throne,  with  being  destitute  of  grand  and 
generous  ideas,  ami  wholly  governed  by  calculation  and  interested  views. 
He  also  complained  that  the  English,  when  they  took  Malta,  instead  of  re- 
instating the  Order  of  St.  .John  of  .Jerusalem,  and  restoring  that  island  to 
the  knights,  had  appropriated  it  to  themselves.  The  First  {^)nsul  did  all 
in  his  power  to  cherish  these  seeds  of  discontent,  and  to  make  them  pro- 
liuctive.  A  little  after  the  battle  of  Marengo,  he  found  means  to  flatter 
the  lively  and  impetuous  imagination  of  the  Czar  by  sending  him  the 
sword  which  Pope  Leo  X.  had  given  to  I'lle  Aflam  as  a  memorial  of  his 
satisfaction  for  having  defeiuled  Rhodes  against  the  infidels.  From  eight 
to  ten  tliousand  Russian  soldiers  had  been  maile  prisoners  in  Italy,  at 
Zurich,  and  in  Holland:  the  F'irst  Consul  propo.sed  their  exchange  to  the 
English  and  Austrians;  both  refused.  —  the  Austrians,  because  there  were 
still  many  of  their  people  prisoners  in  France    and  the  English,  although 


1800.  RETURN   OF   THE    RUSSIAN   PRISONERS.  371 

It  was  during  the  First  Consul's  residence  at  tlie  Lux- 
embourg that  the  first  report  on  the  civil  code  was  made 

they  had  a  great  nnmher  of  French  ]jrisoners,  because,  as  they.saiil,tliis  pro- 
posal was  contrary  to  their  principles.  '  What ! '  it  was  said  to  the  Cabinet 
of  St.  James, '  do  you  refuse  to  exchange  even  the  Ru.ssians,  who  were  taken 
in  Holland,  fighting  in  your  own  ranks  under  the  Duke  of  York  1  '  And  to 
the  Cabinet  of  Vienna  it  was  observed,  '  How  !  do  you  refuse  to  restore  to 
their  country  those  men  of  the  north  to  whom  you  are  indebted  for  the 
victories  of  the  Trel)i)ia,  and  Novi,  ;ind  for  your  conquests  in  Italy,  and  who 
have  left  in  your  hands  a  multitude  of  French  prisoners  taketi  by  them  ? 
Such  injustice  excites  my  indignation,'  said  the  First  Consul.  '  Well !  I 
will  restore  them  to  the  Czar  without  exchange  ;  he  shall  see  how  I  esteem 
brave  men.'  The  Russian  officers  who  were  prisoners  immediately  re- 
ceived their  swords,  and  the  troops  of  that  nation  were  assembled  at  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  where  they  were  soon  completely  new  clothed,  and  furnished 
with  good  arms  of  French  manufacture.  A  Russian  general  was  in.structed 
to  organise  tliern  in  battalions  and  regiments.  This  blow  struck  at  once 
at  London  and  St.  Petersburg.  Paul,  attacked  in  so  many  different  di- 
rections, gave  way  to  his  enthusiastic  temper,  and  attached  himself  to 
France  with  all  the  ardour  of  his  character.  He  despatched  a  letter  to  the 
First  Consul,  in  which  he  said,  '  Citizen,  First  Consul,  I  do  not  write  to 
you  to  discu.'ss  the  rights  of  men  or  citizens;  every  country  governs  itself  as 
it  pleases.  Whenever  I  see  at  the  head  of  a  nation  a  man  who  knows  liow 
to  rule  and  how  to  fight,  my  heart  is  attracted  towards  him.  I  write  to 
accjuaint  you  of  my  dissatisfaction  with  England,  who  violates  every  arti- 
cle of  the  law  of  nations,  and  has  no  guide  but  her  egotism  and  interest. 
I  wish  to  unite  with  you  to  ])ut  an  end  to  the  unjust  proceedings  of  that 
Government.' 

"In  the  beginning  of  December,  1800,  General  Sprengporten,  a  Fin- 
lander,  who  had  entered  the  Russian  service,  and  v/ho  in  his  heart  was 
attaclied  to  France,  arrived  at  Paris.  He  brought  letters  from  the 
Emperor  Paul,  and  was  instructed  to  take  the  command  of  the  Russian 
prisoners,  and  to  conduct  them  to  their  country.  All  the  officers  of  that 
nation  who  returned  to  Russia  constantly  s])oke  in  the  highest  terms  of 
the  kind  treatment  and  attention  they  had  met  with  in  France,  particu- 
larly after  tlie  arrival  of  the  First  Consul.  The  correspondence  between 
the  Einj)eror  and  Napoleon  soon  became  daily ;  they  treated  directly  on 
the  most  important  interests,  and  on  the  means  of  humliling  the  F'.nglish 
power.  General  S])rengporten  was  not  instructed  to  mnkc  j)eace  ;  he  had 
no  powers  for  that  purpose;  neither  was  lie  an  ambassadfir  ;  peace  did  not 
exist.  It  was  therefore  an  extraordinary  mission,  which  allowed  of  this 
general's  being  treated  with  every  distinction  calcuiateil  to  gratify  the 
sovereign  who  had  sent  him,  without  the  possibility  of  the  occurrence  of 
any  inconvenience  from  such  attentions  "  (Napoleon's  Memoirs). 


372  MKM<)Ii:S   OK    NAroi.EdX    BONArAKTK.  I8C0. 

to  tlie  It'^islalive  body.  It  was  tlien,  als(t,  that  the  regu- 
lations fur  tlu'  managcnient  of  the  Bank  of  France  were 
adopted,  and  that  estahlishnient  so  necessary  to  France 
was  founded. 

There  was  at  this  time  in  Paris  a  man  wlmhas  acquired 
an  unfortunate  celehrity,  the  most  unhicky  of  modern  gen- 
erals,—  in  a  word,  General  Mack.  I  sh(juld  not  notice 
that  i^rson  here,  were  it  not  for  the  pro])hetic  judgment 
whicli  Bonaparte  then  pronounced  on  him.  Mack  had 
been  obliged  to  surrender  liimself  at  Ciiampionnet  some 
time  before  our  landing  at  Fr^jus.  He  was  received  as  a 
prisoner  of  war,  and  the  town  of  Dijon  had  1  een  a])pointed 
Ids  place  of  residence,  and  there  he  remained  until  after 
the  18th  Brumaire.  Bonaparte,  now  Consul,  permitted 
him  to  come  to  Paris,  and  to  reside  there  on  liis  parole. 
He  applied  for  leave  to  go  to  A^ienna,  pledging  himself  to 
return  again  a  prisoner  to  France  if  tlie  Emjieror  Francis 
would  not  consent  to  exchange  him  for  Generals  Paignon 
and  Grouchy,  then  prisoners  in  Austria.  His  request  was 
not  granted,  but  his  proyiosition  was  forwarded  to  Vienna. 
The  Court  of  Vienna  refused  to  accede  to  it,  not  placing 
perhaps  so  much  importance  on  tlie  deliverance  of  Mack 
as  he  had  flattered  himself  it  would.^ 

1  Mack  escaped  from  Paris  in  the  month  of  A]>iil,  1800.  He  afterwards 
contrived  to  excuse  tlie  faults  which  had  lieen  imputed  to  him,  and  in- 
sinuated himself  into  the  good  pjraces  of  the  lunperor  of  Austria.  My 
means  of  hoasting,  intriguing,  and  plotting,  he  at  last  succeeded  in  ohtain- 
ing  employment.  He  constantly  railed  against  France,  and  sjioke  of 
nothing  l)ut  his  desire  to  revenge  his  captivity  at  Paris.  His  deeds,  how- 
ever, did  not  correspond  with  his  tlireats.  Every  one  knows  how  he 
revenged  himself  at  I'lm  in  the  commencement  of  the  campaign  of  180.5. 
He  would  infallibly  have  paid  the  forfeit  of  his  licad  for  surrendering 
that  town  had  iini  Bonaparte,  then  the  Kinjicror  Napoleon,  sti[)ulated  for 
his  life  in  one  of  the  articles  of  the  treaty  of  Prcshurg.  —  Baurrirnne. 

Jomini  is  not  so  hard  upon  Mack's  failure  as  some  of  the  non-military 
writers.  At  tome  il.  p.  1.30,  he  says,  "  Posterity,  with  more  information 
than  we  have  on  the  comhinations  of  Mack  and  of  the  Cahinet  of  X'ieima, 
will  allot  to  each  of  them  their  share  of  the  blame.     It  has  been  said  that 


1800.  GENERAL   MACK.  373 

Bonaparte,  speaking  to  me  of  him  one  day,  said, "  ]\Iack 
is  a  man  of  the  lowest  mediocrity  I  ever  saw  in  my  life ; 
he  is  full  of  self-sufficiency  and  conceit,  and  believes  him- 
self equal  to  anything.  He  has  no  talent.  I  should  like 
to  see  him  opposed  some  day  to  one  of  our  good  generals  ; 
we  should  then  see  tine  work.  He  is  a  boaster,  and  that 
is  all.  He  is  really  one  of  the  most  silly  men  existing  ; 
and,  besides  all  that,  he  is  unlucky."  Was  not  this  opinion 
uf  Bonaparte,  formed  on  the  past,  fully  verified  by  the 
future  ? 

It  was  at  Malmaison  that  Bonaparte  tlius  spoke  of 
General  Mack.  That  place  was  then  far  from  resembling 
what  it  afterwards  became,  and  the  road  to  it  was  neither 
pleasant  nor  sure.  There  was  not  a  house  on  the  road  ; 
and  in  the  evening,  during  the  season  when  we  were  there, 
it  was  not  frequented  all  the  way  from  St.  Germain. 
Those  numerous  vehicles,  which  the  demands  of  luxury 
and  an  increasing  population  have  created,  did  not  then, 
as  now,  pass  along  the  roads  in  the  environs  of  Paris. 
Everywhere  the  road  was  solitary  and  dangerous  ;  and  I 
learned  with  certainty  that  many  schemes  were  laid  for 
carrying  off  the  First  Consul  during  one  of  his  evening 
journeys.-^      They   were   unsuccessful,    and   orders    were 

Mack  had  in  Iii.s  army  a  powerful  party  dislikins;  hiin,  tliat  he  was 
thwarted  and  badly  obeyed,  and  that  his  army  was  scatiered  against  his 
own  wishes.  This  is  (|uite  possible,  but  a  coniniauder-in-chief  ouglit  not 
to  consent  to  be  tlie  instrument  of  the  ruin  of  his  army.  When  placed 
betwixt  dishonour  and  glory,  i)etween  tlie  .safety  of  the  State  and  the  loss 
of  his  army,  he  should  know  iiow  to  act  a  worthy  part."  There  is  no 
mention  of  Mack  in  the  treaty  of  Presburg  (unless  in  a  secret  article). 
He  was  condemned  to  deatli,  i)Ut  only  imprisoned  for  two  years. 

'  Among  tlie  various  attempts  on  the  lif(!  of  Bouai)arte  wliicii  are  said 
to  liave  been  made  at  this  i)eriodtlie  following  is  mentioned  by  Constant : 

"Some  rejjairsand  enil)ellishinents  \vere  rc(iuired  in  the  fireplaces  of  the 
First  Consul's  apartments  at  Malmaison.  Among  the  workmen  who 
were  .sent  to  execute  these  repairs  tiiere  were  some  felh)ws  of  suspicious 
appearance  and  manner,  wiio,  it  was  conjectured,  were  bribed  by  conspir- 
ators.     Tiiis  supposition  proved  but  too  well  founded.     Wlieu  the  ajiart- 


374  MEMtilKS   or    NAPOLKON    !$(  •NAI'Aini:  1800. 

given  to  enclose  the  (|uairies,  which  were  too  near  to  the 
road.  On  Saturday  evening  Bona])arte  left  the  Luxem- 
hnurg,  and  afterward.s  the  Tuileries,  to  go  to  Malniaison, 
and  1  cannot  better  express  the  joy  he  then  a])])eared  to 
experience  than  l)y  comparing  it  to  the  delight  of  a  school- 
boy on  getting  a  holiday. 

Before  removing  from  the  Luxembourg  to  the  Tuileries, 
Bonaparte  determined  to  dazzle  the  eyes  of  the  Parisians 
by  a  splendid  ceremony,  lie  had  appointed  it  to  take 
place  on  the  drcudi,  Pluviose  20  (9th  Feliruary,  1800) ;  that 
is  to  say,  ten  days  before  his  final  departure  from  the  <AA 
Directorial  palace.  These  kinds  oi  J'c'tes  did  not  resemble 
what  they  afterwards  became:  their  attraction  consisted 
in  tlie  splendour  of  military  dress:  and  Bonaparte  was 
always  sure  that  whenever  he  mounted  his  horse,  sur- 
rounded by  a  brilliant  staff  from  which  he  was  to  be  dis- 
tinguished by  the  simplicity  of  his  costume,  his  ])atli 
W(juld  be  crowded  and  himself  greeted  with  acclamations 
by  the  people  of  Paris.  The  object  of  this/rlfg  was  at  first 
only  to  present  to  the  Hotel  des  Invalides,  then  called  the 
Temple  of  Mars,  seventy-two  flags  taken  from  the  Turks 
in  the  battle  of  Aboukir  and  brought  from  Egypt  to  Paris; 
but  intelligence  of  "Washington's  death,  who  expired  on 
the  14th  of  December,  1799,  having  reached  Bonaparte,  he 
eagerly  took  advantnge  of  that  event  to  jiroduce  more  eflect, 
and  mixed  the  mourning  cypress  with  the  laurels  he  had 
collected  in  Egypt. 

Bonaparte  did  not  feel  much  concerned  at  the  death  of 
Washington,  that  noble  founder  of  rational  fieedom  in  the 

iiients  were  ready  for  the  reception  of  tlie  Virst  Consul,  tlicre  was  fonnd 
on  his  desk  a  snuff-l)(jx  precisely  resembling  one  of  those  which  he  wiis 
in  the  haliit  of  using.  It  was  at  first  supposed  that  the  box  had  been  acci- 
dentally left  there  l)y  one  of  the  valets ;  but  the  suspicions  excited  by  the 
eijuivocal  apjiearaiice  of  some  of  the  workmen  having  accpiircd  additional 
confirmation,  it  w.as  deemed  advisable  to  analyse  the  snuff  It  was  di.s- 
covered   to  be  poisoned." 


1800.  FETE   AT  THE   TEMPLE   OF   MARS.  375 

new  world ;  but  it  afforded  him  an  opportunity  to  mask 
his  ambitious  projects  under  the  appearance  of  a  love  of 
liberty.  In  thus  rendering  honour  to  the  memory  of 
Washington,  everybody  would  suppose  that  Bonaparte 
intended  to  imitate  his  example,  and  that  their  two 
names  would  pass  in  conjunction  from  mouth  to  mouth. 
A  clever  orator  might  be  employed,  who,  while  pronounc- 
incT  a  eulocrium  on  the  dead,  would  contrive  to  bestow 
some  praise  on  the  living ;  and  when  the  people  were 
applauding  his  love  of  liberty,  he  would  find  himself  one 
step  nearer  the  throne,  on  which  his  eyes  were  constantly 
fixed.  When  the  proper  time  arrived,  he  would  not  fail 
to  seize  the  crown  ;  and  would  still  cry,  if  necessary, 
"Vive  la  Libert^!"  while  placing  it  on  his  imperial  head. 

The  skilful  orator  was  found.  M.  de  Fontanes  ^  was 
commissioned  to  pronounce  the  funeral  eulogium  on 
Washington,  and  the  flowers  of  eloquence  which  he 
scattered  about  did  not  all  fall  on  the  hero  of  America. 

Lannes  ^  was  intrusted  by  Bonaparte  with  the  pres- 
entation of  the  flags;  and  on  the  20th  Pluviose  he  pro- 
ceeded, accompanied  by  strong  detachments  of  the  cavalry 
then  in  Paris,  to  the  council-hall  of  the  Invalides,  where 
he  was  met  by  the  Minister  of  War,  who  received  the 
colours.  All  the  Ministers,  the  Councillors  of  State,  and 
generals  were  summoned  to  the  presentation.  Lannes 
pronounced  a  discourse,  to  which  Berthier  replied,  and  M. 
de  Fontanes  added  his  well-managed  eloquence  to  the 
plain  military  oratory  of  the  two  generals.  In  the  interior 
of  this  military  temple  a  statue  of  Mars  sleeping  had  been 
placed,  and  from  the  pillars  and  roof  were  suspended  the 

^  L.  de  Fontanes  (1757-1821)  became  president  of  the  Corps  Lcgislatif, 
Senator,  and  Grand  Master  of  the  University.  He  was  the  centre  of  the 
literary  group  of  tlie  Empire. 

^  Jean  Lanne.'^  (1769-1809),  named  Colonel  by  Napoleon  on  the  field  of 
Millcsimo;  Marsiial,  1804;  Due  do  Montebello.  Took  Saragossa.  Died 
of  wounds  eigiit  days  after  tiie  battle  of  Essling. 


37^)  Mr.MKlKS   or    N.M'nLKoN    BoNAI'AKTK.  1800. 

trti}tliie.s  t»r  Dciiaiu,  Fttnlciiuy,  and  tlie  ciuujiaiuii  of  Italy, 
wliicli  would  still  have  decorated  that  ediHce  had  iK.t  the 
deiium  of  coiKiuest  jtossessed  I'onaparte.  Two  Invalides, 
each  said  to  he  a  hundred  years  old,  stood  heside  the 
Minister  of  ^^  ar ;  and  the  bust  of  the  emancipator  of 
America  was  ]>laced  under  the  tro])hy  com]K)sed  of  the 
thigs  of  Aboukir,  In  a  word,  recourse  was  had  to  every 
sort  of  charlatanism  usual  on  such  occasions.  In  the 
eveninfj  there  was  a  numerous  assembly  at  the  Luxem- 
l)ourg,  and  Bonaparte  took  much  credit  to  himself  for  the 
eflect  produced  on  this  remarkable  day.  He  had  only  to 
wait  ten  days  for  his  removal  to  the  Tuileries,  and  precisely 
on  that  day  the  national  mourninfi;  for  Washington  was 
to  cease,  for  which  a  general  mourning  for  freedom  might 
well  have  been  substituted. 

I  have  said  very  little  about  Murat  in  the  cour.se  of 
the.ee  Memoirs  except  mentioning  tlie  lirilliant  ]iart  he 
performed  in  several  battles.  Having  now  airived  at  the 
period  of  his  marriage  with  one  of  Napoleon's  sisters,  I 
take  the  opportunity  of  returning  to  the  interesting  events 
which  preceded  tliat  alliance. 

His  fine  and  well-proportioned  form,  his  great  jihysical 
strength,  and  somewhat  refined  elegance  of  manner,  the 
fire  of  his  eye,  and  his  fierce  courage  in  battle,  gave  to 
Murat  rather  the  character  of  one  of  those  prai.c  cheva- 
liers so  well  described  l)y  Ariosto  and  Tasso,  than  that  of  a 
Republican  soldier.  The  nobleness  of  his  look  soon  made 
the  lowness  of  his  birth  be  forgotten.  He  was  affable, 
]»olis)ied,  gallant;  and  in  the  field  of  battle  twenty  men 
headed  by  Murat  were  worth  a  whole  regiment.  Once 
only  he  showed  himself  under  tlie  influence  of  fear,^  and 

^  Marsliiil  T-aiinepi,  so  brave  aiul  lirilliant  in  war  and  so  well  aMe  to 
a|)jircfiate  cuuragc.onc  day  .«liarjdy  rei)ukf(l  a  culonel  for  having  puni.'shed 
a  yonng  officer  just  arrived  from  si-liool  at  Fontainelileau  hecau.xe  he  gave 
cvideuce   of  fear  in    his   first  eugagemeut.     "  Kuow,  Colouel,"  said   he 


1800.  CAREER   OF   MURAT.  377 

the  reader  shall  see  in  what  circumstance  it  was  tliat  he 
ceased  to  be  himself. 

When  Bonaparte,  in  his  first  Italian  campaign,  had 
forced  Wiirmser  to  retreat  into  Mantua  with  28,000  men, 
he  directed  Miollis,  with  only  4,000  men,  to  oppose  any 
sortie  that  might  be  attempted  by  the  Austrian  general. 
In  one  of  these  sorties,  Murat,  who  was  at  the  head  of  a 
very  weak  detachment,  was  ordered  to  charge  Wiirmser. 
He  was  afraid,  neglected  to  execute  the  order,  and  in  a 
moment  of  confusion  said  that  he  was  wounded.  Murat 
immediately  fell  into  disgrace  with  the  General-in-Chief, 
whose  aide-de-camp  he  was. 

Murat  had  been  previously  sent  to  Paris  to  present  to 
the  Directory  the  first  colours  taken  by  the  French  army 
of  Italy  in  the  actions  of  Dego  and  Mondovi,  and  it  was 
on  this  occasion  that  he  got  acquainted  with  Madame 
Tallien  and  the  wife  of  his  General.  But  he  already  knew 
the  beautiful  Caroline  Bonaparte,  whom  he  had  seen  at 
Bonie  in  the  residence  of  her  brother  Joseph,  who  was 
then  discharging  the  functions  of  ambassador  of  the 
Eepublic.  It  appears  that  Caroline  was  not  even  indif- 
ferent to  him,  and  that  he  was  the  successful  rival  of 
the  Princess  Santa  Croce's  son,  who  eagerly  sought  the 
honour  of  her  hand.  Madame  Tallien  and  Madame  Bona- 
parte received  with  great  kindness  the  first  aide-de  camp, 
and  as  they  possessed  much  influence  with  the  Directory, 
they  solicited,  and  easily  obtained  fur  him,  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general.  It  was  somewhat  remarkable  at  that 
time  for  Murat,  notwithstanding  his  newly-acquired  rank, 
to  remain  Bonaparte's  aide-de-camp,  the  regulations  not 
allowing  a  general-in-chief  an  aide-de-camp  of  higher 
rank  than  chief  of  brigade,  which  was  equal  to  tliat  of 
colonel.     This  insignificant  act  was,  therefore,   rather  a 

"  none  hut  a  poltroon  [the  term  was  even  more  strong]  will  boast  that  he 
never  was  afraid."  —  Bourrienne. 


378  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAI'AIMK.  1800. 

luisty  anticipation  of  the  prerogatives  everywhere  reserved 
to  princes  and  kings. 

It  was  aftiT  having  discliarged  tliis  commission  that 
Murat,  on  his  return  to  Italy,  fell  into  disfavour  with  the 
General-in-Chief.  He  indeed  looked  upon  him  with  a  sort 
of  hostile  feeling,  and  ] "laced  him  in  Reille's  division,  and 
afterwards  Barnguay  il'IIilliers' ;  consetjuently,  when  we 
went  to  Paris,  after  the  treaty  of  C'ampo-Formio,  Murat 
was  not  of  the  party.  But  as  the  ladies,  with  whom  he 
was  a  great  favourite,  were  not  devoid  of  influence  with 
the  Minister  of  War,  Murat  was,  by  their  interest,  attached 
to  the  engineer  corps  in  the  expedition  to  Egypt.  On 
board  the  Orient,  he  remained  in  the  most  complete  dis- 
grace. Bonaparte  did  not  address  a  word  to  him  during 
the  passage;  and  in  Egypt  the  (leueral-in-Chief  always 
treated  him  with  coldness,  and  often  sent  him  from  the 
headquarters  on  disagreeable  services.  However,  the 
General-in-Chief  having  opposed  him  to  Mourad  Bey, 
Murat  performed  such  prodigies  of  valour  in  every  peril- 
ous encounter  that  he  effaced  the  transitory  stain  which 
a  momentary  hesitation  under  the  walls  of  Mantua  had 
left  on  his  character.  Finally,  Murat  so  powerfully  contri- 
buted to  the  success  of  the  day  at  Aboukir  that  Bonaparte, 
glad  to  be  able  to  carry  another  laurel  plucked  in  Egypt 
to  France,  forgot  the  fault  which  had  made  so  unfavour- 
able an  impression,  and  was  inclined  to  efface  from  his 
memory  other  things  that  he  had  heard  to  the  disadvan- 
tage of  ]\Iurat;  for  I  have  good  reasons  for  believing,  though 
Bonaparte  never  told  me  so,  that  Murat's  name,  as  well 
as  that  of  Charles,  escaped  from  the  lips  of  Junot  when 
he  made  his  indiscreet  communication  to  Bonaparte  at 
the  walls  of  Messoudiah.  The  charge  of  grenadiers,  com- 
manded by  ]\Iurat  on  the  19th  Brumaire  in  the  hall  of 
the  Five  Iluudied,  dissipated  all  the  remaining  traces  of  dis- 
like ;  and  in  those  moments  when  Bonaparte's  political 


Miirat. 
Photo-Etcliintr.  —  After  Painting  bv  Gerard. 


1800.  CAREER   OF   MURAT.  379 

views  subdued  every  other  sentiment  of  his  mind,  the 
rival  of  the  Prince  Santa  Croce  received  the  command  of 
the  Consular  Guard.^ 

It  may  reasonably  be  supposed  that  ^Madame  Bonaparte, 
in  endeavouring  to  win  the  friendsliip  of  Murat  by  aiding 
his  promotion,  had  in  view  to  gain  one  partisan  more  to 
oppose  to  the  family  and  brothers  of  Bonaparte;  and  of 
this  kind  of  support  she  had  much  need.  Their  jealous 
hatred  was  displayed  on  every  occasion ;  and  the  amiable 
Josephine,  whose  only  fault  was  being  too  much  of  the 
woman,  was  continually  tormented  by  sad  presentiments. 
Carried  away  by  the  easiness  of  her  character,  she  did 
not  perceive  that  the  coquetry  which  enlisted  for  her  so 
many  defenders  also  supplied  her  implacable  enemies 
with  weapons  to  use  against  her. 

In  this  state  of  things,  Josephine,  who  was  well  con- 
vinced that  she  had  attached  Murat  to  herself  by  the 
bonds  of  friendship  and  gratitude,  and  ardently  desired 
to  see  him  united  to  Bonaparte  by  a  family  connection, 
favoured  with  all  her  influence  his  marriage  with  Caroline. 

^  Joachim  Murat  (1771-1815),  the  son  of  an  inn-keeper,  aide-de-camp  to 
Napoleon  in  Italy,  etc. ;  Marsiial,  1804;  Prince  in  1805  ;  Grand  Admiral; 
Grand  Due  de  Berg  et  de  Cleves,  1806;  King  of  Naples,  1808.  Shot  by 
Bourbons,  l.'Bth  October,  1815.  Married  Caroline  Bonaparte  (third  sister 
of  Napoleon)  20th  January,  1800. 

Joseph  was  not  ambassador  till  long  after  the  battle  of  Mondovi,  so 
Murat  could  n(jt  have  met  Caroline  at  his  house  in  Rome.  There  are 
several  mistakes  in  this  paragraph  (see  "  Erreurs,"  tome  i.  pp.  6,  259,  312). 
Reille,  at  tlie  time  Bourrienne  speaks  of,  was  a  caj)tain  on  the  staff  of 
Massena,  and  only  became  general  of  division  in  1807.  As  Murat  em- 
barked from  Genoa  for  Egypt  lie  was  not  on  board  the  Orient,  but  on  the 
Artemise.  This  asserted  cowardice  of  Murat  is  denied  by  "  Erreurs" 
(tome  i.  p.  6).  See  al.so  "Erreurs"  (tome  ii.  p.  61)  giving  details  of  the 
series  of  posts  given  by  Napoleon  to  liim  to  prove  tliat  he  was  not  under 
any  disgrace.  Joseph  Bouaparte  ("  Erreurs,"  tome  i.  p.  259)  denies  that 
Murat's  name  was  mentioned  in  connection  with  Josephine's.  It  has  been 
already  seen  that  the  conversation  at  Me.ssoudiah  could  not  have  taken 
place;  see  p.  168,  as  well  as  "  Erreur.s,"  tome  i.  pp.  4,  51,  and  D'Abrautes, 
vol.  ii.  p.  32,  eiglilii  line  from  bottom. 


380  MKMollJS   OF   NAl'OLKnX    HoNAl'AUTE.  1800. 

SIk'  was  not  iLriiorant  tliat  a  close  iii(iiii:i<  y  lu.el  already 
sprunif  up  at  Milan  between  Caroline  and  Murat,  and  she 
was  the  lir.st  to  propose  a  marriaf!;e.  Murat  hesitated,  and 
went  to  consult  M.  Collot,  who  was  a  good  adviser  in  all 
things,  and  whose  intimacy  with  Bonaparte  had  initiated 
him  into  all  the  secrets  of  the  family.  M.  Collot  advised 
Murat  to  lose  no  time,  but  to  go  to  the  First  Consul  and 
formally  demand  the  hand  of  his  sister.  Murat  followed 
his  advice.  Did  he  do  well?  It  was  to  this  step  that  he 
owed  the  tlirone  of  Naples.  If  he  had  abstained,  he 
would  not  have  been  shot  at  I'izzo.  Scd  i]},n  Dei  fata 
rumpere  non  2^otisi(nt! 

However  that  might  be,  Bonaparte  received,  more  in 
the  manner  of  a  sovereign  than  of  a  brother  in  arms,  the 
projiosal  of  Murat.  He  heard  him  with  unmoved  gravity, 
said  tliat  lie  would  consider  the  matter,  but  gave  no  posi- 
tive answer. 

This  affair  was,  as  may  Ije  supposed,  the  subject  of 
conversation  in  the  evening  in  the  salon  of  the  Luxem- 
bourg. ]\ladame  Bonaj^arte  employed  all  her  j)owers  of 
persuasion  to  obtain  the  First  Consul's  consent,  and  her 
efforts  were  seconded  by  Horten.se,  Eugene,  and  myself. 
"Murat,"  said  he,  among  other  things,  "Murat  is  an  inn- 
keeper's son.  In  the  elevated  rank  where  glory  and  for- 
tune have  placed  me,  I  never  can  mix  his  blood  with  mine  ! 
Besides,  there  is  no  hurry:  I  shall  see  by  and  by."  We 
forcibly  described  to  him  the  reciprocal  affection  of  the 
two  young  people,  and  did  not  fail  to  bring  to  his  obser- 
vation Murat's  devoted  attachment  to  his  person,  his 
splendid  courage  and  noble  conduct  in  Egyjit.  "Yes," 
said  he,  with  warmth,  "  I  agree  with  you  ;  Murat  was 
superb  at  Al)oukir."  We  tlid  not  allow  so  favourable  a 
moment  to  pass  by.  We  redoubled  our  entreaties,  and 
at  last  he  consented.  Wlien  we  were  together  in  his 
cabinet,  in  the  evening,  "  Well,  Bourrienne,"  said  he  to  me, 


1800.  MARRIAGE   OF   MURAT   AND   CAROLINE.  381 

"you  ought  to  be  satisfied;  and  so  am  T,  too,  everything 
considered.  Murat  is  suited  to  my  sister,  and  then  no 
one  can  say  that  I  am  proud,  or  seek  grand  alliances.  If 
I  had  given  my  sister  to  a  noble,  all  your  Jacobins  would 
have  raised  a  cry  of  counter-revolution.  Besides,  I  am 
very  glad  that  my  wife  is  interested  in  this  marriage, 
and  you  may  easily  suppose  the  cause.  Since  it  is  deter- 
mined on,  I  will  hasten  it  forward;  we  have  no  time  to 
lose.  If  I  go  to  Italy,  I  will  take  Murat  with  me.  I  must 
strike  a  decisive  blow  there.     Adieu." 

When  I  entered  the  First  Consul's  chamber  at  seven 
o'clock  the  next  day,  he  appeared  even  more  satisfied  than 
on  the  preceding  evening  with  the  resolution  he  had 
taken.  I  easily  perceived  that,  in  spite  of  all  his  cunning, 
he  had  failed  to  discover  the  real  motive  which  had  in- 
duced Josephine  to  take  so  lively  an  interest  respecting 
Murat's  marriage  with  Caroline.  Still  Bonaparte's  satis- 
faction plainly  showed  that  his  wife's  eagerness  for  the 
marriage  had  removed  all  doubt  in  his  mind  of  the  fal- 
sity of  the  calumnious  reports  which  had  prevailed  re- 
specting her  intimacy  with  Murat. 

The  marriage  of  Murat  and  Caroline  was  celebrated  at 
the  Luxembourg,  but  with  great  modesty .^  The  First 
Consul  did  not  yet  think  tliat  his  family  affairs  were 
affairs  of  state.  But  previously  to  the  celebration  a  little 
comedy  was  enacted  in  which  I  was  obliged  to  take  a 
part,  and  I  will  relate  how. 

At  the  time  of  the  marriage  of  Murat,  Bonaparte  had 
not  much  money,  and  therefore  only  gave  his  sister  a 
dowry  of  30,000  francs.  Still,  thinking  it  necessary  to 
make  her  a  marriage  present,  and  not  possessing  the 
means  to   purchase  a  suitable  one,  he  took  a  diamond 

1  The  inarriac;e  of  Murat  was  celel)ratc(l  in  the  Coinimiiic  of  Plailly, 
near  Mortefontaiue,  iu  the  departmeut  of  the  Oise  (Joseph  iu  Erreurs, 
tome  i.  p.  259). 


382  MKMolKS    OF    NAl'OLKON    liuNArAKTK.  1800. 

necklace  vvhich  licUmgcd  to  his  wife  and  gave  it  to  the 
bride.  Josephine  was  not  at  all  jjleased  with  this  rob- 
bery, and  taxed  her  wits  to  discover  some  means  of 
rej)lacing  her  necklace. 

Josephine  was  aware  that  the  celebrated  jeweller  Foncier 
possessed  a  magnificent  collection  of  tine  jiearls  which 
liad  belonged,  as  he  said,  to  the  late  Qneen,  Marie  An- 
toinette. Having  ordered  them  to  l)e  brought  to  her  to 
examine  them,  she  thought  there  were  suflicient  to  make 
a  very  fine  necklace.  But  to  make  the  purchase  250,000 
francs  were  required,  and  how  to  get  them  was  the  diili- 
cuUy.  Madame  IJonaparte  had  recourse  to  Berthier,  who 
was  then  Minister  of  War.  Berthier,  after  biting  his 
nails,  according  to  his  usual  habit,  set  about  the  li(jui<la- 
tion  of  the  debts  due  for  the  liosj)ital  service  in  Italy  with 
as  much  speed  as  possible  ;  and  as  in  those  days  the  con- 
tractors whose  claims  were  admitted  overllowed  with 
gratitude  towards  their  patrons,  through  whom  they  ob- 
tained payment,  the  pearls  soon  passed  from  Foncier's 
shop  to  the  casket  of  Madame  Bonaparte. 

The  pearls  being  thus  obtained,  there  was  still  another 
difficulty,  which  Madame  Bonaparte  did  not  at  first  think 
of.  How  was  she  to  wear  a  necklace  purchased  without  her 
husband's  knowledge  ?  Indeed,  it  was  the  more  difficult 
for  her  to  do  so  as  the  First  Consul  knew  very  well  that 
his  wife  had  no  money,  and  being,  if  I  may  be  allowed  the 
expression,  something  of  the  busybody,  he  knew,  or  be- 
lieved he  knew,  all  Josephine's  jewels.  The  pearls  were 
therefore  condemned  to  remain  more  than  a  fortnight  iu 
Madame  Bonaparte's  casket  without  her  daring  to  u.se 
them.  What  a  punishment  for  a  woman !  At  length,  her 
vanity  overcame  her  prudence,  and,  being  unable  to  conceal 
the  jewels  any  longer,  she  one  day  said  to  me,  "  Bourrienne, 
there  is  to  be  a  large  party  here  to-morrow,  and  I  abso- 
lutely must  wear   my  pearls.     But  you  know   he  will 


1800.  JOSEPHINE    AND   HER   TEARLS.  383 

grumble  if  he  notices  them.  I  beg,  Boiimenne,  tliat  you 
will  keep  near  me.  If  he  asks  me  where  I  got  my  pearls, 
I  must  tell  him  without  hesitation  that  I  have  had  them 
a  long  time." 

Everything  happened  as  Josephine  feared  and  hoped. 
Bonaparte,  on  seeing  the  pearls,  did  not  fail  to  say  to 
Madame,  "  What  is  it  you  have  got  there  ?  How  tine  you 
are  to-day  !  Where  did  you  get  these  pearls  ?  I  think  I 
never  saw  them  before."  —  "  Oh,  mon  Dleu  !  you  have  seen 
them  a  dozen  times  !  It  is  the  necklace  which  the  Cisal- 
pine Republic  gave  me,  and  which  I  now  wear  in  my  hair." 

—  "  But  I  think "  —  "  Stay ;  ask  Bourrienne,  he  will 

tell  you."  —  "  Well,  Bourrienne,  what  do  you  say  to  it  ?  Do 
you  recollect  the  necklace  ?  "  —  "  Yes,  General,  I  recollect 
very  well  seeing  it  before."  Tbis  was  not  untrue,  for 
Madame  Bonaparte  had  previously  shown  me  the  pearls. 
Besides,  she  had  received  a  pearl  necklace  from  the 
Cisalpine  EepuWic,  but  of  incomparably  less  value  than 
that  purchased  from  Foncier.  Josephine  performed  her 
part  with  charming  dexterity,  and  I  did  not  act  amiss 
the  character  of  accomplice  assigned  me  in  tbis  little 
comedy.  Bonaparte  had  no  suspicions.  When  I  saw  the 
easy  confidence  with  which  Madame  Bonaparte  got  through 
this  scene,  I  could  not  help  recollecting  Suzanne's  reflec- 
tion on  the  readiness  witli  which  well-bred  ladies  can  tell 
falsehoods  without  seeming  to  do  so. 


CHArTEK  XXXT. 

1800. 

Before  takinjr  up  his  quarters  in  the  Tuileries,  the  First 
Consul  organised  his  secret  police,  which  was  intended,  at 
the  same  time,  to  be  the  rival  or  check  upon  Fouchd's 
police.  Duroc  and  Moncey  were  at  first  the  ])ircctors 
of  this  police  ;  afterwards  Davoust  and  Junot.  Madame 
Pxinaparte  called  this  business  a  vile  system  of  espionage, 
^ly  remarks  on  the  inutility  of  the  measure  were  made  in 
vain.  Bonaparte  had  the  weakness  at  once  to  fear  Fouch^ 
and  to  think  him  necessary.^  Fouch^,  whose  talents  at 
this  trade  are  too  well  known  to  need  my  approbation, 
soon  discovered  this  secret  institution,  and  tlie  names  of 
all  the  subaltern  agents  employed  by  the  chief  agents.  It 
is  difficult  to  form  an  idea  of  the  nonsense,  absurdity,  and 
falsehood  contained  in  the  bulletins  drawn  up  by  tbe  noble 
and  ignoble  agents  of  the  police.^  I  do  not  mean  to 
enter  into  details  on  this  nauseating  subject ;  and  I  shall 
only  trespass  on  the  reader's  patience  by  relating,  though 
it  be  in  anticipation,  one  fact  which  concerns  myself,  and 
which  will  prove  that  spies  and  their  wretched  reports  can- 
not be  too  much  distrusted. 

1  Or  the  abilit}'  to  understand  his  man  and  still  to  utilise  him?  — 
Prinln-'s  Devil. 

2  Referenres  to  the  had  effect  of  the  secret  police  will  he  found  in  most 
of  the  memoirs  of  the  time  of  Napoleon,  but  nowhere  stronger  than  in  those 
of  Savary,  Due  de  Hovif]fo,  himself  the  Minister  of  Police  from  1810  to 
1814.     f^'ee  Savary,  e.g.,  tome  v.  p.  29. 


1800,  FALSE   INFORMATION.  385 

During  the  second  year  of  the  Consulate  we  were  estab- 
lished at  Malmaison.  Junot  had  a  very  large  sum  at  his 
disposal  for  the  secret  police  of  the  capital.  He  gave  3,000 
francs  of  it  to  a  wretched  manufacturer  of  bulletins  ;  the 
remainder  was  expended  on  the  police  of  his  stable  and 
his  table.  In  reading  one  of  these  daily  bulletins  I  saw 
the  following  lines  :  — • 

"  M.  de  Bourrieniie  went  last  night  to  Paris.  He  entered  an 
hotel  of  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain,  Rue  de  Varenne,  and  there, 
in  the  course  of  a  very  animated  discussion,  he  gave  it  to  be 
understood  that  the  First  Consul  wished  to  make  himself 
King." 

As  it  happens,  I  never  had  opened  my  mouth,  either 
respecting  what  Bonaparte  had  said  to  me  before  we  went 
to  Egypt  or  respecting  his  other  frequent  conversations 
with  me  of  the  same  nature,  during  this  period  of  his  Con- 
suls! lip.  I  may  here  observe,  too,  that  I  never  quitted,  nor 
ever  could  quit  Malmaison  for  a  moment.  At  any  time, 
by  night  or  day,  I  was  subject  to  be  called  for  by  the 
First  Consul,  and,  as  very  often  was  the  case,  it  so  hap- 
pened that  on  the  night  in  question  he  had  dictated 
to  me  notes  and  instructions  until  three  o'clock  in  the 
morning. 

Junot  came  every  day  to  Malmaison  at  eleven  o'clock  in 
the  morning.  I  called  him  that  day  into  my  cabinet,  when 
I  happened  to  be  alone.  "  Have  you  not  read  your  bulle- 
tin ? "  said  I.  —  "  Yes,  I  have."  —  "  Nay,  that  is  impossible." 
—  "  Why  ?  "  —  "  Because,  if  you  had,  you  would  have  sup- 
pressed an  absurd  story  which  relates  to  me."  —  "  Ah  ! " 
he  replied,  "  I  am  sorry  on  your  account,  but  I  can  depend 
on  my  agent,  and  I  will  not  alter  a  word  of  his  report."  I 
then  told  him  all  that  had  taken  place  on  that  night ;  but 
he  was  obstinate,  and  went  away  unconvinced. 

Every  morning  I  placed  all  the  papers  which  the  First 

VOL.  I.  —  25 


386  MK.MOIKS    OF   NAPOLKON    li(  iNAl'AK  TK.  1800 

Consul  liad  to  read  on  his  table,  and  among  tin.;  lirst  was 
JuiioL's  rei»ort.  The  First  Consul  entered  and  read  it ;  on 
coming  to  the  jiassage  concerning  nie  he  began  to  smile. 
"  Have  you  read  this  bulletin  ? "  —  "  Yes,  General."  — 
"  What  an  ass  that  Junot  is  !  "  —  "It  is  a  long  time  since  I 
liave  known  that."  —  "  How  he  allows  him.«elf  to  be  en- 
trapped !  Is  he  still  here  ?" — "  I  believe  so.  I  have  just 
seen  him,  and  made  observations  to  him,  all  in  good  part, 
but  he  would  hear  nothing."  —  "  Tell  him  to  come  here." 
When  Junot  ai)i)eared  Bonaparte  began  —  "  Imbecile  that 
you  are  !  how  could  you  send  me  such  rejiorts  as  these  ? 
Do  you  not  read  them  ?  How  shall  I  be  sure  that  you  will 
not  compromise  other  persons  equally  unjustly  ?  I  want 
jiositive  facts,  not  inventions.  It  is  some  time  since  your 
agent  disjdeased  me  ;  dismiss  him  directly."  Junot  wanted 
to  justify  himself,  but  Bonaparte  cut  him  short  — 
"  Enough  !  —  It   is  settled  ! " 

I  related  what  had  passed  to  Fouch^,  who  told  me  that, 
wishing  to  amuse  him.self  at  Junot's  expense,  whose  police 
agents  only  picked  up  what  they  heard  related  in  coffee- 
houses, gaming-houses,  and  the  Bourse,  he  had  given  cur- 
rency to  this  absurd  story,  which  Junot  had  credited  and 
re]»orted,  as  he  did  many  other  foolish  tales.  Fouche 
often  caught  the  police  of  the  Palace  in  the  snares  he  laid 
for  them,  and  thus  increased  his  own  credit. 

This  circumstance,  and  others  of  the  same  nature,  in- 
duced the  First  Consul  to  attach  less  importance  than  at 
first  he  had  to  his  secret  police,  which  seldom  reported 
anvthing  but  false  and  sillv  stories.  That  wretched 
police !  During  the  time  I  was  with  him  it  embittered 
his  life,  and  often  exasperated  him  against  his  wife,  his 
relations,  and  friends.^  Bf^'p,  who  was  as  frank  as  he 
was  brave,  tells  us  in  his  "jMemoirs"  (p.  233)  that  wiien 

1  Bourrienne,  it  must  be  rememliered,  was  a  sufferer  from  the  vigilance 
of  this  polite. 


1800.  BONAPARTE   ON  POLITICAL   POLICE.  387 

Napoleon,  during  his  retreat  from  Moscow,  while  before 
Smolensko,  heard  of  the  attempt  of  Mallet,^  he  could 
not  get  over  tlie  adventure  of  the  Police  Minister,  Savary, 
and  the  Prefect  of  Police,  Pasquier.  "  Napoleon,"  says 
Rapp,  "  was  not  surprised  that  these  wretches  (he  means 
the  agents  of  the  police)  who  crowd  the  salons  and  the 
taverns,  who  insinuate  themselves  everywhere  and  ob- 
struct everything,  should  not  have  found  out  the  plot, 
but  he  could  not  understand  the  weakness  of  the  Duo 
de  Rovigo.  The  very  police  which  professed  to  divine 
everything  had  let  themselves  be  taken  by  surprise." 
The  police  possessed  no  foresight  or  faculty  of  preven- 
tion. Every  silly  thing  that  transpired  was  rejjorted 
either  from  malice  or  stupidity.  What  was  heard  was 
misunderstood  or  distorted  in  the  recital,  so  that  the  only 
result  of  the  plan  was  mischief  and  confusion. 

The  police  as  a  political  engine  is  a  dangerous  thing. 
It  foments  and  encourages  more  false  conspiracies  than  it 
discovers  or  defeats  real  ones.  Napoleon  has  related 
"  that  M.  de  la  Rochefoucauld  formed  at  Paris  a  con- 
spiracy in  favour  of  the  King,  then  at  Mittau,  the  first 
act  of  which  was  to  be  the  death  of  the  Chief  of  the 
Government.  The  plot  being  discovered,  a  trusty  person 
belonging  to  the  police  was  ordered  to  join  it  and  become 
one  of  the  most  active  agents.  He  brought  letters  of 
recommendation  from  an  old  gentleman  in  Lorraine  who 
had  held  a  distingui.shed  rank  in  the  army  of  Cond^." 
After  this,  what  more  can  be  wanted  ?  A  hundred 
examples  could  not  better  show  the  vileness  of  such  a 
system.  Napoleon,  when  fallen,  himself  thus  disclosed 
the  scandalous  means  employed  by  his  Government. 

Napoleon  on  one  occasion,  in  the  Isle  of  Elba,  said  to 
an   officer  who  was  conversing  with  him  about  France, 

1  For  the  conspiracy  of  Mallet,  see  farther  on  in  this  work,  under  tlie 
year  1812. 


388  MF.MOIRS   OF   XATOLKON    IK  )NArAUTi:.  1800. 

"You  believe,  tlifii,  tliat  the  police  agents  foresee  every- 
thing and  kimw  evtivthing  ^  They  invent  more  tlian 
they  discover.  Mine,  I  believe,  was  better  than  that  they 
have  got  now,  and  yet  it  was  often  only  by  mere  chance, 
the  inii>rudence  of  the  ]>arties  implicated,  or  the  treachery 
of  some  of  them,  that  something  was  discovered  after  a 
week  or  fortnight's  exertion."  Napoleon,  in  directing 
this  orticer  to  transmit  letters  to  him  uiidfr  the  cover  of 
a  commercial  corresjwndence,  to  quiet  his  apprehensions 
that  the  correspondence  might  be  discovered,  said,  "  Do 
you  think,  then,  that  all  letters  are  opened  at  the  post- 
otlice  ?  They  would  never  l;e  able  to  do  so.  I  have  often 
endeavoured  to  discover  what  the  correspondence  was 
that  passed  nnder  mercantile  forms,  but  I  never  suc- 
ceeded. The  post-office,  like  the  police,  catches  only 
fools." 

Since  I  am  on  the  subject  of  political  police,  that  lep- 
rosy of  modern  .society,  perhaps  I  may  be  allowed  to  over- 
step the  order  of  time,  and  advert  to  its  state  even  in  the 
present  day. 

The  Minister  of  Police,  to  give  his  prince  a  favourable 
idea  of  his  activity,  contrives  great  consjiiracies,  which  he 
is  pretty  sure  to  discover  in  time,  because  he  is  their  ori- 
ginator. The  inferior  agents,  to  find  favour  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Minister,  contrive  small  plots.  It  w^ould  be  diffi- 
cult to  mention  a  conspiracy  which  has  been  discovered, 
except  when  the  police  agents  took  part  in  it,  or  were  its 
promoters.  It  is  difficult  to  conceive  how  those  agents 
can  feed  a  little  intrigue,  the  result  at  first,  perhaps,  of 
some  petty  ill-humour  and  discontent  which,  thanks  to 
their  skill,  soon  becomes  a  great  affair.  How  many  con- 
spiracies have  escaped  the  boasted  activity  and  vigilance 
of  the  polic3  when  none  of  its  agents  were  parties !  I 
may  instance  Babeiif's  conspiracy,  the  attempt  at  the  camp 
at  Grenelle,  the    18th  Brumaire,  the    infernal  machine, 


1800.  GENERAL   CONSIDERATIONS.  389 

Mallet,  the  20tli  of  March,  the  affair  of  Grenoble,  and 
many  others. 

The  political  police,  the  result  of  the  troubles  of  the 
Revolution,  has  survived  them.  The  civil  police  for  the 
security  of  property,  health,  and  order,  is  only  made  a 
secondary  object,  and  has  been,  therefore,  neglected. 
There  are  times  in  which  it  is  thought  of  more  conse- 
quence to  discover  whether  a  citizen  goes  to  mass  or  con- 
fession than  to  defeat  the  designs  of  a  baud  of  robbers. 
Such  a  state  of  things  is  unfortunate  for  a  country ;  and 
the  money  expended  on  a  system  of  superintendence  over 
persons  alleged  to  be  suspected,  in  domestic  inquisitions, 
in  the  corruption  of  the  friends,  relations,  and  servants  of 
the  man  marked  out  for  destruction,  might  be  much  better 
employed.  The  espionage  of  opinion,  created,  as  I  have 
said,  by  the  revolutionary  troubles,  is  suspicious,  restless, 
officious,  inquisitorial,  vexatious,  and  tyrannicah  Indiffer- 
ent to  crimes  and  real  offences,  it  is  totally  absorbed  in 
the  inquisition  of  thoughts.  Who  has  not  heard  it  said 
in  company,  to  some  one  speaking  warmly,  "  Be  moder- 
ate, M is  supposed  to  belong  to  the  police."     This 

police  enthralled  Bonaparte  himself  in  its  snares,  and 
held  him  a  long  time  under  the  influence  of  its  power. 

I  have  taken  the  liberty  thus  to  speak  of  a  scourge  of 
society  of  which  I  have  been  a  victim.  What  I  here  state 
may  be  relied  on.  I  shall  not  speak  of  the  week  during 
which  I  had  to  discharge  the  functions  of  Prefect  of 
Police,  namely,  from  the  13th  to  the  20tli  of  March, 
1815.  It  may  well  be  supposed  that  though  I  had  not 
held  in  abhorrence  the  infamous  system  which  I  have 
descril)ed,  the  important  nature  of  the  circumstances  and 
the  short  i)eriod  of  my  administration  must  have  pre- 
vented me  from  making  complete  use  of  the  means  placed 
at  my  disposal.  The  dictates  of  discretion,  which  I  con- 
sider myself  bound  to  obey,  forbid  me  giving  proofs  of 


:390  MKMOIUS    OK    NAl'OLKo.N    H<  »NA1'ARTK.  1800. 

what  I  advauct'.  \\'liat  it  was  necessary  to  du  1  accum- 
plished  without  employing  violent  or  vexatious  means; 
and  I  can  take  on  myself  to  assert  that  no  one  lias  cause 
to  comjilain  of  me.  Were  I  to  publish  the  list  of  the  per- 
sons I  hail  orders  to  arrest,  those  of  tiiem  who  are  yet 
living  would  he  astonished  that  the  only  knowledge  they 
liad  of  my  being  the  Prefect  of  Police  was  frcjm  tiie 
"Moniteur."  I  obtained  by  mild  measures,  by  persua- 
sion, and  reasoning,  what  I  could  never  have  got  by 
violence.  I  am  not  divulging  any  secrets  of  office,  but  I 
believe  I  am  rendering  a  service  to  the  public  in  jioint- 
inc;  out  what  I  have  often  observed  wliile  an  unwilling 
confidant  in  the  shameful  mana3uvres  of  that  political 
institution. 

The  word  icfevloijue  was  often  in  Donaparte's  mouth; 
and  in  usinu  it  he  endeavoured  to  throw  ridicule  on  those 
men  whom  he  fancied  to  have  a  tendency  towards  the 
doctrine  of  indefinite  perfectibility.  He  esteemed  them 
for  their  morality,  yet  he  looked  on  them  as  dreamers 
seeking  for  the  type  of  a  universal  constitution,  and  con- 
sidering the  character  of  man  in  the  abstract  only.  The 
idt'ologuea,  according  to  him,  looked  for  power  in  institu- 
tions ;  and  that  he  called  metaphysics.  He  had  no  idea 
of  power  except  in  direct  force.  All  benevolent  men 
who  speculate  on  the  amelioration  of  human  society  were 
regarded  by  Bonaparte  as  dangerous,  l)ecause  their  maxims 
and  principles  were  diametrically  opposed  to  the  harsh 
and  arbitrary  system  he  had  adopted.  He  said  that  their 
hearts  were  better  tlian  their  heads,  and,  far  from  wan- 
dering with  them  in  abstractions,  he  ahvays  said  that  men 
were  only  to  be  governed  by  fear  and  interest.  The  free 
expression  of  o[)inion  through  the  press  has  been  always 
regarded  bv  those  who  are  not  led  awav  bv  interest  or 
power  as  useful  to  society.  But  Bonaparte  held  the 
liberty  of  the  press  in  the  greatest  horror ;  and  so  violent 


1800.  BONAPARTE'S   FEAR   OF  THE   PRESS.  391 

was  his  passion  when  anything  was  urged  in  its  favour 
that  he  seemed  to  labour  under  a  nervous  attack.  Great 
man  as  he  was,  he  was  sorely  afraid  of  little  paragrayjhs.^ 

1  Joseph  Bonaparte  fairly  enough  remarks  ou  this,  that  such  writings 
had  done  great  harm  in  those  extraordinary  times  {Erreurs,  tome  i. 
p.  259).  Metternich,  writing  in  1827  with  distrust  of  the  proceedings  of 
Louis  XVIII.,  quotes,  with  approval,  Napoleon's  sentiments  on  this  point. 
"  Napoleon,  who  could  not  have  been  wanting  in  the  feeling  of  jjower, 
said  to  me, '  You  see  me  master  of  France  ;  well,  I  would  not  undertake 
to  govern  her  for  three  months  witli  liberty  of  the  press.'  Louis  XVIII., 
apparently  tiiinking  himself  stronger  tlian  Napoleon,  is  not  content  with 
allowing  the  press  its  freedom,  but  has  embodied  its  liberty  in  the  charter  " 
(Metternich,  tome  iv.  p.  391). 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

1800. 

Of  the  three  brothers  to  whom  iIr-  iStli  r.ruinaire 
gave  birth,  Bonaparte  speedily  declared  hiinsi'lf  the  eldest, 
and  hastened  to  assume  all  the  rights  of  primogeniture. 
He  soon  arrogated  to  himself  the  whole  power.  The  pro- 
ject he  had  formed,  when  he  favoured  the  revolution  of 
the  18th  P'ructidor,  was  now  about  to  be  realised.  It  was 
then  an  indispensable  part  of  his  plan  that  the  Directory 
should  violate  the  Constitution  in  order  to  justify  a  sub- 
sequent subversion  of  the  Directory.  The  expressions 
which  escaped  him  from  time  to  time  plainly  showed  that 
his  ambition  was  not  yet  satisfied,  and  that  the  Consul- 
ship was  only  a  state  of  probation  preliminary  to  the  com- 
plete establishment  of  monarchy.  The  Luxembourg  was 
then  discovered  to  be  too  small  for  the  Chief  of  the  Gov- 
ernment, and  it  was  resolved  that  Bonaparte  should  in- 
habit the  Tuileries.  Still  great  y)rudence  was  necessary  to 
avoid  the  quicksands  which  surrounded  him  !  He  there- 
fore employed  great  precaution  in  dealing  with  the  sus- 
ce])tiliilities  of  the  Repul)licans,  taking  care  to  inure  them 
gradually  to  the  temjierature  of  absolute  power.  But  this 
mode  of  treatment  was  not  sufficient;  for  such  was  Bona- 
parte's situation  letween  the  Jacobins  and  the  Royal- 
ists that  he  could  not  strike  a  blow  at  one  party  without 
strengthening  the  other.  He,  however,  contrived  to  solve 
this  difficult  problem,  and  weakened  both  parties  by 
alternately  frightening  each.     "  You  see,  Royalists,"  he 


1800.  BONAPARTE'S  PRECAUTIONS.  393 

seemed  to  say,  "  if  you  do  not  attach  yourselves  to  my 
government,  the  Jiiculjins  will  a^ain  rise  and  hriuLj  back 
the  reign  of  terror  and  its  sea  fluid."  To  the  men  of  the 
Eevolution  he,  on  the  other  hand,  said,  "  See,  the  counter- 
Revolution  appears,  threatening  reprisals  and  vengeance. 
It  is  ready  to  overwhelm  you  ;  my  buckler  can  alone  protect 
you  from  its  attacks."  Thus  both  parties  were  induced, 
from  their  mutual  fear  of  each  other,  to  attach  themselves 
to  Bonaparte ;  and  while  they  fancied  they  w^ere  only 
placing  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  Chief  of 
the  Government,  they  were  making  themselves  dependent 
on  an  ambitious  man,  who,  gradually  bending  them  to  his 
will,  guided  them  as  he  chose  in  his  political  career.  He 
advanced  with  a  firm  step ;  but  he  never  neglected  any 
artifice  to  conceal,  as  long  as  possible,  his  designs. 

I  saw  Bonaparte  put  in  motion  all  his  concealed  springs  ; 
and  I  could  not  help  admiring  his  wonderful  address. 
But  what  most  astonished  me  was  the  control  he  pos- 
sessed over  himself,  in  repressing  any  premature  man- 
ifestation of  his  intentions  which  might  prejudice  his 
projects.  Thus,  for  instance,  he  never  spoke  of  the  Tui- 
leries  but  under  the  name  of  "  the  Palace  of  the  Govern- 
ment," and  he  determined  not  to  inhabit,  at  first,  the 
ancient  palace  of  the  kings  of  France  alone.  He  contented 
himself  with  selecting  the  royal  apartments,  and  proposed 
that  the  Third  Consul  should  also  reside  in  the  Tuileries, 
and  in  consequence  he  occupied  the  Pavilion  of  Flora. 
This  skilful  arrangement  was  perfectly  in  accordance 
with  the  designation  of  "Palace  of  the  Government" 
given  to  the  Tuileries,  and  was  calculated  to  deceive,  for 
a  time,  the  most  clear-sighted. 

The  moment  for  leaving  the  Luxembourg  having  ar- 
rived, Bonaparte  still  used  many  deceptive  precautions. 
The  day  fixed  for  the  translation  of  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment was  the  30th  Pluviose,  the  previous  day  having  been 


394  MEMC^IHS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPARTE.  1800. 

selected  for  pulilisliiiig  llio  account  of  tlie  votes  taken  for 
the  acceptance  of  the  new  Constitution.  He  had,  besides, 
caused  the  insertion  in  the  "  Monitcur  "  of  the  eulogy  on 
Washington,  j»ronounced  by  M.  de  Fontanes,  the  drcddi 
preceding,  to  be  delayed  for  ten  days.  He  thought  that 
tlie  day  when  he  was  about  to  take  so  large  a  step  towards 
monarchy  would  be  well  chosen  for  entertaining  the  ])eo- 
pie  of  Paris  with  grand  ideas  of  liberty,  anil  for  couj.ling 
his  own  name  with  that  of  the  founder  of  the  free  irovern- 
ment  of  the  United  States. 

At  seven  o'clock  on  tlie  morning  of  the  80th  Pluviose  I 
entered,  as  usual,  the  chamlier  of  the  First  Consul.  He 
was  in  a  profound  sleep,  and  this  was  one  of  the  days  on 
which  I  liad  been  desired  to  allow. him  to  sleep  a  little 
longer  than  usual.  I  have  often  observed  that  General 
Bonaparte  appeared  much  less  moved  when  on  the  point 
of  executing  any  great  design  than  during  the  time  of 
projecting  it,  so  accustomed  was  he  to  think  that  what  he 
iiad  resolved  on  in  his  mind  was  already  done. 

When  I  returned  to  Bonaparte,  he  said  to  me,  witli  a 
marked  air  of  satisfaction,  "  Well,  Bourrienne,  to-night, 
at  last,  we  shall  sleep  in  the  Tuileries.  You  are  better  off 
than  I :  you  are  not  obliged  to  make  a  spectacle  of  your- 
self, but  may  go  your  own  road  there.  I  must,  however, 
go  in  procession :  that  disgusts  me ;  but  it  is  necessary  to 
speak  to  the  eyes.  That  has  a  good  effect  on  the  people. 
The  Directory  was  too  simple,  and  therefore  never  enjoyed 
any  consideration.  In  the  army  simplicity  is  in  its  proper 
place  ;  but  in  a  great  city,  in  a  palace,  the  Chief  of  the 
Government  must  attract  attention  in  every  possible  way, 
yet  still  with  prudence.  Josephine  is  going  to  look  out 
from  Lebrun's  apartments  ;  go  with  her, if  you  like;  but  go 
to  the  cabinet  as  soon  as  you  see  me  alight  from  my  horse." 

I  did  not  go  to  the  review,  but  proceeded  to  the  Tui- 
leries, to  arrange  in  our  new  cabinet  the  papers  which 


1800.  DEPARTURE   FOR   THE  TUILERIES.  395 

it  was  my  duty  to  take  care  of,  and  to  prepare  everything 
for  the  First  Consul's  arrivfil.  It  was  not  until  the  even- 
ing that  I  learned,  from  the  conversation  in  the  salon, 
where  there  was  a  numerous  party,  what  had  taken  place 
in  the  course  of  the  day. 

At  one  o'clock  precisely  Bonaparte  left  the  Luxembourg. 
The  procession  was,  doubtless,  far  from  approaching  the 
magnificent  parade  of  the  Empire ;  but  as  much  pomp 
was  introduced  as  the  state  of  things  in  France  permitted. 
The  only  real  splendour  of  that  period  consisted  in  fine 
troops.  Three  thousand  picked  men,  among  whom  was 
the  superb  regiment  of  the  Guides,  had  been  ordered  out 
for  the  occasion  :  all  marched  in  the  greatest  order,  with 
music  at  the  head  of  each  corps.  The  generals  and  their 
stafis  were  on  horseback,  the  ministers  in  carriages,  which 
were  somewhat  remarkable,  as  they  were  almost  the  only 
private  carriages  then  in  Paris,  for  hackney-coaches  had 
been  hired  to  convey  the  Council  of  State,  and  no  trouble 
had  been  taken  to  alter  them,  except  by  pasting  over  the 
number  a  piece  of  paper  of  the  same  colour  as  the  body 
of  the  vehicle.  The  Consul's  carriage  was  drawn  by  six 
white  horses.  With  the  sight  of  those  horses  was  asso- 
ciated the  recollection  of  days  of  glory  and  of  peace,  for 
they  had  been  presented  to  the  General-in-Chief  of  the 
Army  of  Italy  by  the  Emperor  of  Germany  after  the  treaty 
of  Campo-Formio.  Bonaparte  also  wore  the  mngnificent 
sabre  given  him  by  the  Emperor  Francis.  "With  Camba- 
cdrfes  on  his  left,  and  Lebrun  in  the  front  of  the  carriage, 
the  First  Consul  traversed  a  part  of  Paris,  taking  the  Rue 
de  Thionville,  and  the  Quai  Voltaire  to  the  Pont  Eoyal. 
Everywhere  he  was  greeted  by  acclamations  of  joy,  which 
at  that  time  were  voluntary,  and  needed  not  to  be  com- 
manded by  the  police. 

From  the  wicket  of  the  Carrousel  to  the  gate  of  the 
Tuileries  the  troops  of  the  Consular  Guard  were  formed  in 


396  MEMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON   noNATAKTE.  1800. 

two  liiu's,  tliniu;_'li  wliicli  the  procession  passed,  —  a  royal 
custom,  which  made  a  sinj,'ulHr  contrast  with  an  inscrip- 
tion in  front  of  which  I'onajiartc  ])ass(.'d  on  unterinf;  the 
courtyard.  Two  guard-hou.<5es  hatl  hcen  built,  one  on  the 
ri<,dit  and  another  on  the  left  of  the  centre  gate.  On 
the  one  to  the  right  were  written  these  words :  — 


"Tni:  'J'knth  ok  Alulst  17'.>2.  —  Royalty  in   France 

18    ABOLIsnKn;    and     shall    NKVKU    HK    UK-KSTABLISni:i)  I  " 


It  was  already  re-estabU.shed  ! 

In  the  mean  time  the  troops  had  been  drawn  np  in  line 
in  the  conrtyard.  As  soon  as  the  Consul's  Ciiniiige 
stopped,  Bonaparte  immediately  alighted,  and  mounted, 
or,  to  speak  more  properly,  leaped  on  his  horse,  and  re- 
viewed his  troops,  while  the  other  two  Consuls  proceeded 
to  the  state  apartments  of  the  Tuileries,  where  the  Council 
of  Stnte  nnd  the  Mini.'^ters  awaited  them.  A  great  many 
ladies,  elegantly  dressed  in  Greek  costume,  which  was 
then  the  fashion,  were  seated  with  Madame  Bonaparte  at 
the  windows  of  the  Third  Consul's  apartments  in  the 
Pavilion  of  Flora.  It  is  impossible  to  give  an  idea  of  the 
immense  crowds  which  flowed  in  from  all  quarters.  The 
windows  looking  to  the  Carrousel  were  let  for  very  large 
sums;  and  everywhere  arose,  as  if  from  one  voice,  shouts 
of  "  Long  live  the  First  Consul ! "  Who  could  help  being 
intoxicated  by  so  much  enthusiasm  ? 

Bonaparte  prolonged  the  review  for  some  time,  passed 
down  all  the  ranks,  and  addressed  the  commanders  of 
corps  in  terms  of  approbation  and  praise.  He  then  took 
his  station  at  the  gate  of  the  Tuileries,  with  Murat  on  his 
right,  and  Lannes  on  his  left,  and  behind  him  a  numer- 
ous statl"  of  young  warriors,  whose  com]ilexions  had  been 
browned  by  the  sun  of  Egypt  and  Italy,  and  who  had 


1800. 


TALLEYRAND'S  ACCEPTABLE   ADVICE.  397 


been  engaged  in  more  battles  than  they  numbered  years. 
When  the  colours  of  the  96th,  43d,  and  30th  demi- 
brigades,  or  rather  tlieir  flagstaffs,  surmounted  by  some 
shreds,  riddled  l)y  balls  and  blackened  by  powder,  passed 
before  him,  he  raised  his  hat  and  inclined  his  head  in 
token  of  respect.  Every  homage  thus  paid  by  a  great 
captain  to  standards  which  had  been  mutilated  on  the 
field  of  battla  was  saluted  by  a  thousand  acclamations. 
When  the  troops  had  finished  defiling  before  him,  the 
First  Consul,  with  a  firm  step,  ascended  the  stairs  of  the 
Tuileries. 

The  General's  part  being  finished^for  the  day,  that  of 
the  Chief  of  the  State  began  ;  and  indeed  it  might  already 
be  said  that  the  First  Consul  was  the  whole  Consulate. 
At  the  risk  of  interrupting  my  narrative  of  what  occurred 
on  our  arrival  at  the  Tuileries,  by  a  digression  which  may 
be  thought  out  of  place,  I  will  relate  a  fact  which  had  no 
little  weight  in  hastening  Bonaparte's  determination  to 
assume  a  superiority  over  his  colleagues.  It  may  be  re- 
membered that  when  Eoger  Ducos  and  Sieyes  bore  the 
title  of  Consuls,  the  three  members  of  the  Consular  com- 
mission were  equal,  if  not  in  fact,  at  least  in  right.  But 
when  Cambac^r^s  and  Lebrun  took  their  places,  Talley- 
rand, who  had  at  the  same  time  been  appointed  to  succeed 
M.  Reinliart  as  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  obtained  a 
private  audience  of  the  First  Consul  in  his  cabinet,  to 
which  I  was  admitted.  The  observations  of  Talleyrand 
on  this  occasion  were  highly  agreeable  to  Bonaparte,  and 
they  made  too  deep  an  impression  on  my  mind  to  allow 
me  to  forget  them. 

"  Citizen  Consul,"  said  he  to  him,  "you  have  confided 
to  me  the  office  of  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs,  and  I  will 
justify  your  confidence ;  but  I  must  declare  to  you  that 
from  this  moment  I  will  not  transact  business  with  any 
but  yourself.     Tins  determination  does  not  proceed  from 


308  MK.MOIKS   OF   NAI'r)I.K(lN    BoNArAirn:.  1800. 

any  vain  juidc  <>ii  iny  part,  but  is  imlucwl  by  a  dosire  to 
serve  Fraiici'.  In  order  that  France  may  be  well  {governed, 
in  order  that  there  may  be  a  unity  of  action  in  the  {j;overn- 
ment,  you  must  be  First  Consul,  and  the  First  Consul 
must  have  the  control  over  all  that  relates  directly  to 
politics  ;  that  is  to  say,  over  the  Ministry  of  the  Interior, 
and  the  Ministry  of  Police,  for  Internal  Affairs,  and  over 
my  department,  for  Foreign  Affairs ;  and,  lastly,  over  the 
two  great  means  of  execution,  the  military  and  naval 
forces.  It  will  therefore  be  most  convenient  that  the 
Ministers  of  those  five  de])artments  should  transact  busi- 
ness with  you.  The  Administration  of  Justice  and  the 
ordering  of  the  Finances  are  objects  certainly  connected 
with  State  i»olitics  by  numerous  links,  which,  however, 
are  not  of  so  intimate  a  nature  as  those  of  the  other 
departments.  If  you  will  allow  me,  General,  I  should 
advise  that  the  control  over  the  Administration  of  Justice 
be  given  to  the  Second  Consul,  who  is  well  versed  in 
jurisprudence  ;  and  to  the  Third  Consul,  who  is  ecjually 
well  acquainted  with  Finance,  the  control  over  that 
department.  ^  Tliat  will  occupy  and  amuse  them,  and 
you.  General,  having  at  your  disposal  all  the  vital  parts 
of  the  government,  will  be  able  to  reach  the  end  you  aim 
at,  —  the  regeneration  of  France." 

Bonaparte  did  not  hear  these  renuirkable  words  with 
indifl'erence.  They  were  too  much  in  accordance  with  his 
own  secret  wishes  to  be  listened  to  without  pleasure ;  and 
he  said  to  me  as  soon  as  Talleyrand  had  taken  leave, 
"Do  you  know,  Bourrienne,  I  think  Talleyrand  gives 
good  advice.  He  is  a  man  of  great  understanding."  — 
"  Such  is  the  opinion,"  I  replied,  "  of  all  wlio  know  him." 
—  "  He  is  perfectly  right."  Afterwards  he  added,  smiling, 
"Talleyrand  is  evidently  a  shrewd  man.     He  has  pene- 

^  Here  may  lie  recognised  the  first  germ  of  the  Arch-Chancellorship 
and  Arch-Treasurersliip  of  the  Empire. —  Bourrienne. 


1800.         GETTING   RID   OF   THE   CAPS   OF  LIBERTY.        309 

trated  my  designs.  Wliat  he  advises  you  know  I  am 
anxious  to  do.  But  again  I  say,  he  is  right ;  one  gets  on 
quicker  by  oneself.  Lebrun  is  a  worthy  man,  but  he 
has  no  policy  in  his  head;  he  is  a  book-maker.  Cam- 
bac^rfes  carries  with  him  too  many  traditions  of  the 
Revolution.  My  government  must  be  an  entirely  new 
one." 

Talleyrand's  advice  had  been  so  punctually  followed 
that  even  on  the  occasion  of  the  installation  of  the  Con- 
sular Government,  while  Bonaparte  was  receiving  all  the 
great  civil  and  military  officers  of  the  State  in  the  hall  of 
presentation,  Cambacdr^s  and  Lebrun  stood  by  more 
like  spectators  of  the  scene  than  two  colleagues  of  the 
First  Consul.  The  Minister  of  the  Interior  presented 
the  civil  authorities  of  Paris ;  the  Minister  of  War,  the 
staff  of  the  17th  military  division;  the  Minister  of  Marine, 
several  naval  ofticers;  and  the  staff  of  the  Consular  Guard 
was  presented  by  Murat.  As  our  Consular  republicans 
were  not  exactly  Spartans,  the  ceremony  of  the  presenta- 
tions was  followed  by  grand  dinner-parties.  The  First 
Consul  entertained  at  his  table  the  two  other  Consuls, 
the  Ministers,  and  the  Presidents  of  the  great  bodies  of 
the  State.  Murat  treated  the  heads  of  the  army;  and  the 
members  of  the  Council  of  State,  being  again  seated  in 
their  hackney-coaches  with  covered  numbers,  drove  off  to 
dine  with  Lucien. 

Before  taking  possession  of  the  Tuileries,  we  had  fre- 
quently gone  tliere  to  see  that  the  repairs,  or  rather 
the  whitewashing,  which  Bonaparte  had  directed  to  be 
done,  was  executed.  On  our  first  visit,  seeing  a  number 
of  red  caps  of  liberty  painted  on  the  walls,  he  said  to 
M.  Lecomte,  at  that  time  the  architect  in  charge,  "  Get 
rid  of  all  these  things ;  I  do  not  like  to  see  such 
rubbish." 

The  First  Consul  gave  du'ections  himself  for  what  little 


400  .MKMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON    B(  )NArAlMI-:.  1800. 

aheratiitiis  lie  waiileil  in  liis  own  apartments.  A  state  bed 
—  not  that  of  Lonis  XVI.  —  was  placed  in  tlie  chanilier 
uo\t  liis  cabinet,  on  the  south  side,  towards  the  «^rand 
staircase  of  the  ravilion  of  Flora.  I  may  as  well  nuMition 
here  that  he  very  seldom  occupied  that  bed,  for  Bonaparte 
was  very  simple  in  his  manner  of  living  in  ])rivate,  and 
was  not  fond  of  state,  except  as  a  means  of  imjxjsinjr  on 
mankind.  At  the  Luxembourg,  at  ]\Ialmaison,  and  during 
the  first  period  that  he  occupied  the  Tuileries,  J>f)naparte, 
if  I  may  speak  in  the  language  of  common  life,  always 
slei)t  with  his  wife.  ^  He  went  every  evening  down  to 
Josephine  by  a  small  staircase  leading  from  a  wardrobe 
attached  to  his  cabinet,  and  which  had  formerly  been  the 
chapel  of  oMaria  de  Medici.  I  never  went  to  Bonaparte's 
bed-chamber  but  by  this  staircase  ;  and  when  he  came  to 
our  cabinet,  it  was  always  by  the  wardrobe  which  I  have 
mentioned.  The  door  opened  opposite  the  only  window 
of  our  room,  and  it  commanded  a  view  of  the  garden. 

As  for  our  cabinet,  where  so  many  great  and  also 
small  events  were  prepared,  and  where  I  passed  so  many 
hours  of  my  life,  I  can,  even  now,  give  the  most  minute 
description  of  it  to  those  who  like  such  details.^ 

1  See  the  conversation  with  Madame  de  Rc'mnsat  on  tliis  piUjjoct 
(Remuxnt,  tome  i.  p.  213). 

2  AVith  tills  description  may  be  compared  tliat  given  l>y  I'omriciine's 
successor,  Mc'iieval,  of  tlie  caMiiet  in  1S()2  :  — 

"  The  room  of  whidi  he  had  made  his  c;\l)inet  wa.s  not  very  large.  It 
was  liglited  by  a  single  window  cut  in  a  corner,  and  which  looked  out  on 
tlie  garden.  The  chief  piece  of  furniture  was  a  magnificent  bureau,  jilacod 
ill  the  middle  of  the  rowm,  ornamenteil  with  gilt  bronze  and  .supported 
bv  griffins.  Its  top  formed  a  sort  of  s<|uare  box  with  a  cover  sliding  into  a 
recess,  so  that  it  could  be  shut  without  disturbing  the  papers  The  chair 
was  of  antique  shape,  and  its  back  was  covered  with  green  kerseymere, 
tlie  folds  being  tied  with  silk  cords.  Its  arms  ended  in  grit'ins'  heads. 
TIk'  First  Tonsul  generally  only  sat  at  his  desk  to  sign  papers.  More  often 
he  placed  himself  on  a  sofa  covered  with  green  taffeta.  Near  this  was  a 
small  tray  which  received  the  day's  correspondence.  It  was  only  taken 
away  to  make  room  for  that  of  the  next  day,  and  to  be  placed  ou  his 


1800.  THE   CONSULAR   CABINET.  401 

There  were  two  tables.  The  best,  which  was  the  First 
Consul's,  stood  in  the  middle  of  the  room,  and  his  arm- 
chair was  turned  with  its  back  to  the  fireplace,  having  the 
window  on  the  right.  To  the  right  of  this  again  was  a 
little  closet  where  Duroc  sat,  through  which  we  could 
communicate  with  the  clerk  of  the  office  and  the  grand 
apartments  of  the  Court.  When  the  First  Consul  was 
seated  at  his  table  in  his  chair  (the  arms  of  which  he  so 
frequently  mutilated  with  his  penknife),  he  had  a  large 
bookcase  opposite  to  him.  A  little  to  the  right,  on  one 
side  of  the  bookcase,  was  another  door,  opening  into  tlie 
cabinet  which  led  directly  to  the  state  bedchamber  which 
I  have  mentioned.  Thence  we  passed  into  the  grand 
Presentation  Saloon,  on  the  ceiling  of  whieli  Lebrun  had 
painted  a  likeness  of  Louis  XIV.  A  tricoloured  cockade 
placed  on  the  forehead  of  the  great  King  still  bore  wit- 
ness of  the  imbecile  turpitude  of  the  Convention.  Lastly 
came  the  hall  of  the  Guards,  in  front  of  the  grand  stair- 
case of  the  Pavilion  of  Flora. 

My  writing-table,  which  was  extremely  plain,  stood  near 
the  window,  and  in  summer  I  had  a  view  of  the  thick 
foliage  of  the  chestnut-trees  ;  but  in  order  to  see  the 
promenaders  in  the  garden  I  was  obliged  to  raise  myself 
from  my  seat.  My  back  was  turned  to  the  General's  side, 
so  that  it  required  only  a  sKght  movement  of  the  head  to 

bureau.  A  screen  with  several  leaves  guarded  him  from  the  heat  of  the 
fire.  At  the  hack  of  the  cabinet  were  two  large  bookcases,  placed  in  tlie 
coruer.s  at  right  angles  to  one  another,  aud  between  these  was  a  large 
clock  of  the  sort  called  regulators.  A  long  cupboard  with  glass  windows, 
breast  higii,  and  with  a  marble  base,  held  some  papers.  There  was  a 
bronze  equestrian  statue  of  the  King  of  Prussia,  Frederick  II.  Some 
chairs  furnished  the  room.  Such,  with  the  exception  of  the  l)urcau  bought 
at  the  Exhibition  of  the  I'roducts  of  Industry,  as  the  masterpiece  of  the 
skilful  workman  Biennais,  was  the  modest  furniture  of  the  Consular 
cabinet.  In  it,  as  in  everything  that  had  to  do  with  the  person  of 
Napoleon,  was  shown  the  simplicity  of  his  tastes "  {Meneval,  tome  i. 
pp.  79,  80). 

VOL.1.  —  26 


402  MEMOIRS  OF  NAPOLEON  BONAPARTE.  1800. 

speak  to  each  other.  Duroc  was  seldom  in  his  HUle  cab- 
inet, and  that  was  the  i)lace  where  I  gave  some  audiences. 
The  Ct)nsular  cabinet,  which  afterwards  becanifc  the  Im- 
perial, has  left  many  impressions  on  my  mind ;  and  1 
hope  the  reader,  in  going  through  these  volumes,  will  not 
think  that  they  have  been  of  too  slight  a  description. 


CHAPTER   XXXII I. 

1800. 

The  morning  after  that  ardently  wished-for  day  on 
which  we  took  possession  of  the  Palace  of  the  Kings  of 
France  I  observed  to  Bonaparte,  on  entering  his  chamber, 
"  Well,  General,  you  have  got  here  without  much  diffi- 
culty, and  with  the  applause  of  the  people  !  Do  you 
remember  what  you  said  to  me  in  the  Rue  St.  Anne 
nearly  two  years  ago  ?  "  —  "  Ay,  true  enough,  I  recollect. 
You  see  what  it  is  to  have  the  mind  set  on  a  thing.  Only 
two  years  have  gone  by  !  Don't  you  think  we  have  not 
worked  badly  since  that  time  ?  Upon  the  whole  I  am 
very  well  content.  Yesterday  passed  off  well.  Do  you 
imagine  that  all  those  who  came  to  Hatter  me  were  sin- 
cere ?  No,  certainly  not ;  but  the  joy  of  the  people  was 
real.  They  know  what  is  right.  Besides,  consult  the 
grand  thermometer  of  opinion,  tlie  price  of  the  funds, — 
on  the  17th  Brumaire  at  11  francs,  on  the  20th  at  16,  and 
to-day  at  21.  In  such  a  state  of  things  I  may  let  the 
Jaco])ins  prate  as  they  like.  But  let  them  not  talk  too 
loudly,  either ! " 

As  soon  as  he  was  dressed  we  went  to  look  through  the 
Gallery  of  Diana  and  examine  the  statues  which  had  been 
placed  there  by  his  orders.  We  ended  our  morning's 
work  by  taking  complete  possession  of  our  new  residence. 
I  recollect  Bonaparte  saying  to  me,  among  other  things, 
"  To  be  at  the  Tuileries,  Bourrieune,  is  not  all.     We  must 


404  MEMOIKS   OF   NAPOLEON    ROXAPARTE.  1800. 

stay  here.  \\\in,  in  Heaven's  name,  has  imt  already 
inhabited  this  pahice  ?  Kutlians,  conventionalists  !  But, 
hold  !  there  is  your  ])rother's  house  !  Was  it  not  from 
those  windows  I  saw  the  Tuileries  besic'gcd,  and  the  good 
Louis  XVI.  carried  oil'  ?  JUit  be  assured  they  will  not 
come  here  again  !  " 

The  ambassadors  and  other  foreign  Ministers  then  in 
Paris  were  presented  to  the  First  Consul  at  a  solemn 
audience.  On  this  occasion  all  the  ancient  ceremonials 
belonging  to  the  French  Court  were  raked  up,  and  in 
place  of  chamberlains  and  a  grand  master  of  ceremonies  a 
Councillor  of  State,  M.  Benezech,  who  w^as  once  Minister 
for  Foreign  Affairs,  officiated. 

When  the  Ambassadors  had  all  arrived,  M.  Benezech 
conducted  them  into  the  cabinet,  in  which  were  the  three 
Consuls,  the  Ministers,  and  the  Council  of  State.  The 
Ambassadors  presented  their  credentials  to  the  First 
Consul,  who  handed  them  to  the  Minister  for  Foreign 
Affairs.  These  ])r('sentations  were  f<dlowed  by  others  ; 
for  examjde,  the  Tribunal  of  Cassation,  over  which  the 
old  advocate.  Target,  who  refused  to  defend  Louis  XVL, 
then  presided.  All  this  passed  in  view  of  the  three  Con- 
suls ;  but  the  circumstance  which  distinguished  the  First 
Consul  from  his  colleagues  was,  that  the  official  person- 
ages, on  leaving  the  audience-chamber,  were  conducted  to 
Madame  Bonajiarte's  apartments,  in  imitation  of  the  old 
practice  of  waiting  ou  the  Queen  after  presentation  to  the 
King.i 

'  The  dptails  of  this  scene,  as  descrihed  hv  Constant,  are  curious  :  — 
"  At  eirjlit  ill  tlie  cveninj:;  the  apartments  of  Madame  Bonaparte,  which 
were  situated  on  tlie  ground-floor,  overlookins^  the  gardens,  were  crowded 
with  company.  There  was  a  dazzling  di.splay  of  splendid  dresses,  feath- 
ers, diamonds,  etc.  So  numerous  was  the  throng  tiiat  it  wa.s  found  Jieces- 
sarv  to  throw  open  Madame  Bonaparte's  bedchamher,  the  two  drawing- 
rooms  Iieing  very  small. 

"  When,  after  considerable  embarrassment  and  trouble,  the  company 


1800.  PREROGATIVE   OF   MERCY.  405 

Thus  old  customs  of  royalty  crept  by  degrees  into  the 
former  abodes  of  royalty.  Amongst  the  rights  attached 
to  the  Crown,  and  which  the  Constitution  of  the  year 
VIII.  did  not  give  to  the  First  Consul,  was  one  which  he 
much  desired  to  possess,  and  which,  by  the  most  happy 
of  all  usurpations,  he  arrogated  to  himself.^  This  wastlie 
right  of  granting  pardon.  Bonaparte  felt  a  real  pleasure  in 
saving  men  under  the  sentence  of  the  law  ;  and  whenever 
the  imperious  necessity  of  his  policy,  to  which,  in  truth, 
he  sacriHced  everything,  permitted  it,  he  rejoiced  in  the 
exercise  of  mercy.  It  would  seem  as  if  he  were  thankful 
to  the  persons  to  whom  he  rendered  such  service  merely 
because  he  had  given  them  occasion  to  be  thankful  to 
him.  Such  was  the  First  Consul :  I  do  not  speak  of  the 
Emperor.  Bonaparte,  the  First  Consul,  was  accessible  to 
the  solicitations  of  friendship  in  favour  of  persons  placed 
under  proscription.     The  following  circumstance,  which 

were  arrana^ed  as  well  as  possible,  Madame  Bonaparte  was  announced,  and 
she  entered,  conducted  by  M.  de  Tallej'rand.  She  wore  a  dress  of  white 
muslin,  witli  short  sleeves,  a  ])earl  necklace,  and  her  hair  was  simply 
braided,  and  confined  by  a  tortoiseshell  comb.  The  buzz  of  a  Imiration 
which  greeted  her  on  her  entrance  must  have  lieen  exceedinglv  gratifying 
to  her.     She  never,  I  tiiink,  looked  more  graceful  or  elegant. 

"  M.  de  Talleyrand,  still  liolding  Madame  Bonaparte  by  the  liand,  pre- 
senteil  her  to  the  members  of  the  corps  di}>/omnti(pie,  one  after  another,  not 
introducing  them  liy  name,  but  designating  them  by  the  Courts  thev  rep- 
resented, lie  then  conducted  lier  round  the  two  drawing  rooms.  They 
had  not  gone  above  half  round  the  second  room  when  the  First  (^onsul  en- 
tered witliout  being  aimounced.  He  was  dressed  in  a  very  plain  uniform 
coat,  white  cassimir  pantaloons,  and  topdjoots.  Round  Ids  waist  he  wore 
atricoloured  silk  scarf,  with  a  fringe  to  correspond;  and  he  carried  his  hat 
in  his  hand.  Amidst  tlie  emliroidered  coats,  conlons,  and  jewels  <>{  tlie  Am- 
bassadors and  foreign  dignitaries,  Bonaparte's  costume  appeared  no  less 
singular  than  tlie  contrast  presented  by  tlie  sim))le  elegance  of  Josephine's 
dress  compared  witli  the  splendour  of  the  ladies  around  lier"  (Memoires 
de  Constant). 

1  For  a  previous  instance  of  Napoleon,  while  simply  general,  taking  on 
himself  the  right  of  pardon,  see  p.  147.  I.,anfrey  says  on  this,  "  How 
happy  and  blessed  would  have  been  his  memory  if  he  Iiad  never  l)roken 
the  laws  of  his  country  except  by  similar  acts  "  (Lunfrey,  tome  i.  p.  365) 


406  MEMOIKS   OF   NArOLF.OX   BOXArAKTE  1800. 

interested  me  much,    affords  an  incontestable    proof   of         ] 
\vhaL  I  state:  —  1 

Whilst  we  were  still  at  tlie  Luxembourg,  M.  Defeu,  a 
French  emi«frant,  was  taken  in  the  Tyrol  with  arms  in  his 
hand  l»y  the  troops  of  the  Itepublic.  He  was  carried  to 
Grenoble,  and  thrown  into  the  military  prison  of  tliat 
town.  In  the  course  of  January,  General  Ft^rino,  tlien 
commanding  at  Grenoble,  received  orders  to  put  the 
young  emigrant  on  his  trial.  The  laws  against  emigrants 
taken  in  arms  were  terrible,  and  the  judges  dared  not  be 
indulgent.  To  be  tried  in  the  morning,  condemned  in 
the  course  of  the  day,  and  shot  in  the  evening,  was  the 
usual  course  of  those  implacable  proceedings.  One  of 
ray  cousins,  the  daughter  of  M.  Poitrincourt,  came  from 
Sens  to  Paris  to  inform  me  of  tlie  dreadful  situation  of 
M.  Defeu.  She  told  me  that  he  was  related  to  the  most 
respectable  families  of  the  town  of  Sens,  and  that  every- 
body felt  the  greatest  interest  in  his  fate. 

I  had  escaped  for  a  few  moments  to  keep  the  appoint- 
ment made  with  Mademoiselle  Poitrincourt.  On  my 
return  I  perceived  the  First  Consul  surprised  at  finding 
himself  alone  in  the  cabinet,  which  I  was  not  in  the  habit 
of  quitting  without  his  knowledge.  "  Where  have  you 
been  ? "  said  he.  "  I  have  been  to  see  one  of  my  relations, 
who  solicits  a  favour  of  you."  —  "  WJiat  is  it  ? "  I  then 
informed  him  of  the  unfortunate  situation  of  M.  Defeu. 
His  first  answer  was  dreadful.  "  No  pity  !  no  pity  for 
emigrants  !  Whoever  fights  against  his  country  is  a  child 
who  tries  to  kill  his  mother !  "  This  first  burst  of  anger 
being  over,  I  returned  to  the  charge.  I  urged  the  vouth 
of  M.  Defeu,  and  the  good  eflfect  which  clemency  wtnild 
produce.     "  Well,"  said  he,  "  write  — 

" '  The  First  Consul  orders  the  judgment  on  M.  Defeu 
to  be  svisjiended.'  " 

He  signed  this  laconic  order,  which   I  instantly  de- 


1800.  A  VENDEAN   CHIEF.  407 

spatched  to  General  Fdrino.  I  acquainted  my  cousin 
with  what  had  passed,  and  remained  at  ease  as  to  the 
result  of  the  affair. 

Scarcely  had  I  entered  the  chamber  of  the  First  Consul 
the  next  morning  when  he  said  to  me,  "  Well,  Bourrienne, 
you  say  nothing  about  your  M.  Defeu.  Are  you  satis- 
fied ? " —  "General,  I  cannot  find  terms  to  express  my 
gratitude."  —  "  Ah,  bah  !  But  I  do  not  like  to  do  things 
by  halves.  Write  to  Fdrino  that  I  wish  M.  Defeu  to  be 
instantly  set  at  liberty.  Perhaps  I  am  serving  one  who 
will  prove  ungrateful.  Well,  so  much  the  worse  for  him. 
As  to  these  matters,  Bourrienne,  always  ask  them  from 
me.     When  I  refuse,  it  is  because  I  cannot  help  it." 

I  despatched  at  my  own  expense  an  extraordinary 
courier,  who  arrived  in  time  to  save  M.  Defeu's  life.  His 
mother,  whose  only  son  he  was,  and  M.  Blanchet,  his 
uncle,  came  purposely  from  Sens  to  Paris  to  express  their 
gratitude  to  me.  I  saw  tears  of  joy  fall  from  the  eyes 
of  a  mother  who  had  appeared  to  be  destined  to  shed 
bitter  drops,  and  I  said  to  her  as  I  felt,  "  that  I  was 
amply  recompensed  by  the  success  which  had  attended 
my  efforts."  ^ 

Emboldened  by  this  success,  and  by  the  benevolent 
language  of  the  First  Consul,  I  ventured  to  request  the 
pardon  of  M.  de  Frott6,  who  was  strongly  recommended 
to  me  by  most  honourable  persons.  Comte  Louis  de 
Frott^  had  at  first  opposed  all  negotiation  for  the  pacifica- 
tion of  La  Vendue.  At  length,  by  a  series  of  unfortunate 
combats,  he  was,  towards  the  end  of  January,  reduced  to 
the  necessity  of  making  himself  the  advances  which  he 
had  rejected  when  made  by  others.  At  this  period  he 
addressed  a  letter  to  General  Guidal,  in  which  he  offered 
pacificatory  proposals.     A  protection   to  enal)le   him  to 

^  M.  Defen,  thus  snatclied  from  death,  was  afterwards  the  father  of  three 
children,  and  lived  for  many  years  in  tranquillity  at  Sens.  —  Bourrienne. 


408  MKMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONArAKTE.  1800 

repair  t(i  Alcnc^on  was  transmitted  to  liini.  Unfortunately 
fur  M.  df  Frottt^,  he  did  not  confine  liiniself  to  writing 
to  General  Guidal,  for  whilst  the  safe-conduct  which  lie 
had  asked  was  on  the  way  to  hiin,  he  wrote  to  his 
lieutenants,  advising  them  not  to  submit  or  consent  to 
be  disarmed.  This  letter  was  intercepted.  It  fjave  all 
the  appearance  of  a  fraudulent  stralafjem  to  his  proposal 
to  treat  for  peace.  Besides,  this  opinion  appeared  to  be 
confirmed  by  a  manifesto  of  M.  de  Frottd,  anterior,  it  is 
true,  to  the  offers  of  paciiication,  but  in  which  he  an- 
nounced to  all  his  partisans  the  approaching  end  of 
Bonaparte's  "criminal  enterprise." 

I  had  more  trouble  than  in  M.  Defeu's  case  to  induce 
the  First  Consul  to  exercise  his  clemency.  However,  I 
pressed  him  so  much,  I  laboured  so  hard  to  convince  him 
of  the  happy  effect  of  such  indulgence,  that  at  length  I 
obtained  an  order  to  suspend  the  judgment.  What  a  les- 
son I  then  experienced  of  the  evil  which  may  result  from 
the  loss  of  time  !  Not  supposing  that  matters  were  so  far 
advanced  as  they  were,  I  did  not  immediately  send  off 
the  courier  with  the  order  for  the  sus])ensi(in  of  the  judg- 
ment. Besides,  the  Minister  of  Police  had  marked  his 
victim,  and  he  never  lost  time  when  evil  was  to  be  done. 
Havin<T,  therefore,  I  know  not  for  what  motive,  resolved 
on  the  destruction  of  M.  de  Frotte,  he  sent  an  order  to 
hasten  /liis  trial. 

Comte  Louis  de  Frottd  was  brought  to  trial  on  the  28th 
Pluviose,  condemned  the  same  day,  and  executed  tlie  next 
morning,  the  day  before  he  entered  the  Tuileries.  The 
cruel  precipitation  of  the  Minister  rendered  the  result  of 
mv  solicitations  abortive.  I  had  reason  to  think  tliat 
after  the  day  on  which  the  First  Consul  granted  me  th-e 
order  for  delay  he  had  received  some  new  accusation 
against  M.  de  Frott6,  for  when  he  heard  of  his  death  he 
appeared  to  me  very  indifferent  about  the  tardy  arrival 


1800.  GEORGES   CADOUDAL'S  AUDIENCE.  409 

of  the  order  for  suspending  judgment.  He  merely  said 
to  me,  with  unusual  insensibility,  "  You  should  take  your 
measures  better.     You  see  it  is  not  my  fault." 

Though  Bonaparte  put  no  faith  in  the  virtue  of  men,  he 
had  contidence  in  their  honour.  I  had  proof  of  this  in  a 
matter  which  deserves  to  be  recorded  in  history.  When, 
during  the  first  period  of  our  abode  at  the  Tuileries,  he 
had  summoned  the  principal  chiefs  of  La  Vendee  to  en- 
deavour to  bring  about  the  pacification  of  that  unhappy 
country,  he  received  Georges  Cadoudal  in  a  private  audi- 
ence. The  disposition  in  which  I  beheld  him  the  evening 
before  the  day  appointed  for  this  audience  inspired  me 
with  the  most  flattering  hopes.  Kapp  introduced  Georges 
into  the  grand  salon  looking  into  the  garden.  Rapp  left 
him  alone  with  the  First  Consul,  but  on  returning  to  the 
cabinet  where  I  was  he  did  not  close  either  of  the  two 
doors  of  the  state  bedchamber  which  separated  the  cabinet 
from  the  salon.  We  saw  the  First  Consul  and  Georges 
walk  from  the  window  to  the  bottom  of  the  salon  —  then 
return  —  then  go  back  again.  This  lasted  for  a  long  time. 
The  conversation  appeared  very  animated,  and  we  heard 
several  things,  biit  without  any  connection.  There  was 
occasionally  a  good  deal  of  ill-humour  displayed  in  their 
tone  and  gestures.  The  interview  ended  in  nothing.  The 
First  Consul,  perceiving  that  Georges  entertained  some 
apprehensions  for  his  personal  safety,  gave  him  assur- 
ances of  security  in  the  most  noble  manner,  saying,  "  You 
take  a  wrong  view  of  things,  and  are  wrong  in  not  com- 
ing to  some  understanding ;  but  if  you  persist  in  wishing 
to  return  to  your  country,  you  shall  depart  as  freely  as 
you  came  to  Paris."  When  Bonaparte  returned  to  his 
cabinet,  he  said  to  Rapp,  "  Tell  me,  Rapp,  why  you  left 
these  doors  open,  and  stopped  with  Bourrienne  ?  "  Rapp 
replied,  "  If  ycju  had  closed  the  doors,  I  would  have  opened 
them  again.     Do  you  think  I  would  have  left  you  alone 


410  MEMOIUS   OF    NAroLKON   BONATARTE.  1800. 

witli  a  man  like  that  ?  Tlioie  w  uuld  have  been  danger  in 
it."  —  "  No,  Kaj))),"  said  lionaparte,  "  you  cannot  think  so." 
When  we  were  ahme,  the  First  Consul  a]t})eared  pleased 
with  liapp's  attachment,  but  very  vexed  at  Georges' 
refusal.  He  said,  "  He  does  not  take  a  correct  view  of 
things  ;  but  the  extravagance  of  his  principles  has  its 
Sdurce  in  noble  sentiments,  which  must  give  him  great 
iurtuence  over  his  countrymen.  It  is  necessary,  however, 
to  bring  this  business  soon  to  an  end." 

Of  all  the  actions  of  Louis  XIV.,  that  which  lionaparte 
most  admired  was  his  having  made  the  Doge  of  Genoa 
send  ambassadors  to  Paris  to  apologise  to  him.  The 
slightest  insult  offered  in  a  foreign  country  to  the  rights 
and  dignity  of  France  put  Napoleon  beside  himself.  This 
anxiety  to  have  the  French  (Tuvcrnment  respected  exhib- 
ited itself  in  an  afl'air  which  made  much  noise  at  the 
period,  l)ut  which  was  amicably  arranged  by  the  soothing 
influence  of  gold. 

Two  Irishmen,  Napper  Tandy  and  Blackwell,  who  had 
been  educated  in  France,  and  whose  names  and  rank  as 
officers  appeared  in  the  French  army  list,  had  retired  to 
Hamburg.  The  British  Government  claimed  them  as 
traitors  to  their  country,  and  they  were  given  up ;  ^  but, 
as  the  French  Government  held  them  to  be  subjects  of 
France,  the  transaction  gave  rise  to  bitter  complaints 
against  the  Senate  of  Hamburg. 

Blackwell  had  been  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  united 
Irishmen.  He  had  procured  his  naturalisation  in  France, 
and  had  attained  the  rank  of  chef  d'cscadron.  Being  sent 
on  a  secret  mission  to  Norway,  the  ship  in  which  he  was 
embarked  was  wrecked  on  the  coast  of  that  kingdom.  He 
then  repaired  to  Hanilnirg,  where  the  Senate  placed  him 
under  arrest  on  the  demand  of  Mr.  Crawford,  the  English 

1  The  Rii.ssian  and  Austrian  Governments  seconded  the  demand  of 
England  for  their  surrender. 


1800.  IRISH   STATE   PRISONERS.  411 

Minister.  After  being  detained  in  prison  a  whole  year,  he 
was  conveyed  to  England  to  be  tried.  The  French  Gov- 
ernment interfered,  and  preserved,  if  not  his  liberty,  at 
least  his  life. 

Napper  Tandy  was  also  an  Irishman.  To  escape  the 
search  made  after  him,  on  account  of  the  sentiments  of 
independence  which  had  induced  him  to  engage  in  the 
contest  for  the  liberty  of  his  country,  he  got  on  board  a 
French  brig,  intending  to  land  at  Hamburg  and  pass  into 
Sweden.  Being  exempted  from  the  amnesty  by  the  Irish 
Parliament,  he  was  claimed  by  the  British  Government, 
and  the  Senators  of  Hamburg  forgot  honour  and  humanity 
in  their  alarm  at  the  danger  which  at  that  moment  men- 
aced their  little  repul:)lic  both  from  England  and  France. 
The  Senate  delivered  up  Napper  Tandy;  he  was  carried  to 
Ireland,  and  condemned  to  death,  but  owed  the  suspen- 
sion of  his  execution  to  the  interference  of  France.  He 
remained  two  years  in  prison,  when  M.  Otto,  who  nego- 
tiated with  Lord  Hawkesbury  the  preliminaries  of  peace, 
obtained  the  release  of  Napper  Tandy,  who  was  sent  back 
to  France. 

The  First  Consul  spoke  at  first  of  signal  vengeance ; 
but  the  Senate  of  Hamburg  sent  him  a  memorial,  justifica- 
tory of  its  conduct,  and  backed  the  apology  with  a  sum  of 
four  millions  and  a  half,  which  mollified  him  considerably.^ 
This  was  in  some  sort  a  recollection  of  Egypt,  —  one  of 
those  little  contributions  with  which  the  General  had 
familiarised  the  pashas ;  with  this  difference,  that  on  the 
present  occasion  not  a  single  sous  went  into  the  national 
treasury.  The  sum  was  paid  to  the  First  Consul  through 
the  hands  of  M.  Chapeau  Eouge. 

1  A  solemn  deputation  from  the  Senate  arrived  at  tlie  Tuilorics  to  make 
public  apologies  to  Napoleon.  He  again  testified  his  indignation;  and 
when  the  envoys  urged  their  weakness,  he  said  to  them.  "  Well !  and  had 
you  not  the  resource  of  weak  states  ?  was  it  not  in  your  power  to  let  them 
escape  ?  "  (Napoleon's  Memoirs.) 


412  MKMoIKS   OF    NAPOI.KON    HONArAUTE.  1800. 

I  kept  the  fuur  millions  and  a  half  in  Dutch  bonds  in  a 
secretaire  for  a  week.  Bonaparte  then  determined  to  dis- 
tribute them  ;  after  paying  Joseiihine's  debts,  and  the 
will  lie  (»f  the  great  expenses  incurred  at  Malmaison,  he 
dictated  to  me  a  list  of  persons  to  whom  he  wished  to 
make  presents.  ^ly  name  did  not  escape  his  lips,  and 
consecpiently  I  had  not  the  trouble  to  transcribe  it ;  l)Ut 
some  time  after  he  said  to  me,  with  the  most  engaging 
kindness,  "  Bourrienne,  I  have  given  you  none  of  the 
money  which  came  from  Hamburg,  but  I  will  make  you 
amends  for  it."  He  took  from  his  drawer  a  large  and 
broad  .sheet  of  printed  paper,  with  blanks  filled  up  in  his 
own  handwriting,  and  said  to  me,  "  Here  is  a  bill  for 
300,000  Italian  livres  on  the  Cisalpine  Repuldic,  for  the 
price  of  cannon  furnished.  It  is  endorsed  Ilaller  and 
Collot  —  I  give  it  to  you."  To  make  this  understood,  I 
ought  to  state  that  cannon  had  been  sold  to  the  Cisal]iine 
Republic,  for  the  value  of  which  the  Administrator-!  Jen- 
eral  of  the  Italian  finances  drew  on  the  Reiniblic,  and  the 
bills  were  paid  over  to  M.  Collot,  a  provision  contractor, 
and  other  persons.  M.  Collot  had  given  one  of  these 
1  tills  for  300,000  livres  to  Bonaparte  in  quittance  of  a 
debt,  but  the  latter  had  allowed  the  bill  to  run  out  with- 
out troubling  himself  about  it.  The  Cisalpine  Republic 
kept  the  cannons  and  the  money,  and  the  First  Consul 
kept  his  l)ill.  When  I  had  examined  it,  I  .said,  "General, 
it  has  been  due  for  a  long  time ;  why  have  you  not  got  it 
paid  ?  The  endorsers  are  no  longer  liable."  —  "  France  is 
bound  to  discharge  debts  of  this  kind/' said  he;  "send 
the  paper  to  De  Fermont ;  he  will  discount  it  for  three 
per  cent.  You  will  not  have  in  ready  money  more  than 
about  9,000  francs  of  rentes,  because  the  Italian  livre  is 
not  equal  to  the  franc."  I  thanked  him,  and  sent  tlie 
bill  to  M.  de  Fermont.  He  replied  that  the  claim  was 
bad,  and  that  the  bill  would  not  be  liquidated  because  it 


1800.  A   VALUELESS   BILL.  413 

did  not  come  within  the  classifications  made  by  the  laws 
passed  in  the  months  the  names  of  wdiicli  terminated  in 
aire,  ose,  al,  and  or. 

I  showed  M.  de  Fermont's  answer  to  the  First  Consul, 
who  said,  "  Ah,  bah !  He  understands  nothing  about  it  — 
he  is  wrong;  write."  He  then  dictated  a  letter  which 
promised  very  favourably  for  the  discounting  of  tlie  bill ; 
but  the  answer  was  a  fresh  refusal.  I  said,  "  General,  M. 
de  Fermont  does  not  attend  to  you  any  more  than  to  my- 
self." Bonaparte  took  the  letter,  read  it,  and  said,  in  the 
tone  of  a  man  who  knew  beforehand  what  he  was  about  to 
be  informed  of,  "  Well,  what  the  devil  would  you  have  me 
do,  since  the  laws  are  opposed  to  it  ?  Persevere ;  follow  the 
usual  modes  of  liquidation,  and  something  will  come  of 
it ! "  What  finally  happened  w\as,  that  by  a  regular  decree 
this  bill  was  cancelled,  torn,  and  deposited  in  the  archives. 
These  300,000  livres  formed  part  of  the  money  which 
Bonaparte  brought  from  Italy.  K  the  bill  was  useless  to 
me,  it  was  also  useless  to  him.  This  scrap  of  paper 
merely  proves  that  he  brought  more  than  25,000  francs 
from  Italy. 

I  never  had,  from  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  army  of 
Italy,  nor  from  the  General-in-Chief  of  the  army  of  Egypt, 
nor  from  the  First  Consul  for  ten  years,  nor  from  the 
Consul  for  life,  any  fixed  salary.  I  took  from  his  drawer 
what  was  necessary  for  my  expenses  as  well  as  his  own. 
He  never  asked  me  for  any  account.  After  the  transac- 
tion of  the  bill  on  the  insolvent  Cisalpine  Iiepul)lic,  he  said 
to  me,  at  the  beginning  of  the  winter  of  1800,  "  Bourrienne, 
the  weather  is  becoming  very  bad;  I  will  go  but  seldom 
to  Malmaison.  Whilst  I  am  at  council  get  my  jjapers 
and  little  articles  from  Malmaison ;  here  is  the  key  of  my 
secretaire ;  take  out  everything  that  is  there."  I  got  into 
the  carriage  at  two  o'clock  and  returned  at  six.  AVhen  he 
had  dined,  I  placed  upon  the  table  of  his  cabinet  the  vari- 


414  MEMOIUS   OF   NAl'OLKON    BONAPARTE.  1800. 

ous  artick'S  which  I  had  found  in  his  secretaire,  including 
15,000  francs  (somewhere  about  £600  of  English  money) 
in  bank-nuti's  wliich  were  in  the  corner  of  a  little  drawer. 
When  he  looked  at  them,  he  .said,  "Here  is  money  —  what 
is  the  meaning  of  this?"  I  replied,  "1  know  nothing 
about  it,  except  that  it  was  in  your  secretaire." —  "  Oh,  yes  ; 
I  liad  forgotten  it.  It  was  for  my  triHing  expenses, 
Here,  take  it."  I  remembered  well  that  one  summer  morn- 
ing he  had  given  me  his  key  to  bring  him  two  notes  of 
1,000  francs  for  some  incidental  expen-se,  but  I  had  no 
idea  that  he  had  not  drawn  further  on  his  little  treasure. 

I  have  stated  the  appropriation  of  the  four  millions  and 
a  half,  the  result  of  the  extortion  inflicted  on  the  Senate 
of  Hamburg,  in  the  afl'air  of  Xapper  Tandy  and  Blackwell. 
The  whole,  however,  was  not  disposed  of  in  presents.  A 
considerable  portion  was  reserved  for  paying  Josephine's 
debts,  and  this  bushiess  appears  to  me  to  deserve  some 
remarks. 

The  estate  of  Malmaison  had  cost  160,000  francs.  Jose- 
phine had  purchased  it  of  M.  Lecouteulx  while  we  were  in 
Egypt.  ]\Iany  embeUishments,  and  some  new  buildings, 
had  been  made  there ;  and  a  park  had  been  added,  which 
had  now  become  beautiful.  All  this  could  not  be  done 
for  nothing,  and  besides,  it  was  very  necessary  that  what 
was  due  for  the  original  purchase  should  be  entirely  dis- 
charged ;  and  this  considerable  item  was  not  the  only  debt 
of  Josephine.  The  creditors  murmured,  which  had  a  bad 
effect  in  Paris ;  and  I  confess  I  was  so  well  convinced 
that  the  First  Consul  would  be  extremely  displeased  that 
I  constantly  delayed  the  moment  of  speaking  to  him  on 
the  subject.  Tt  was  therefore  with  extreme  satisfaction  I 
learned  that  M.  de  Talleyrand  had  anticipated  me.  No 
person  was  more  capable  than  himself  of  gilding  the  ]iill, 
as  one  may  say,  for  lionaparte.  Endowed  with  as  much 
independence  of  character  as  of  mind,  he  did  him  the 


1800.  JOSEPHINE'S  DEBTS.  415 

service,  at  the  risk  of  offending  him,  to  tell  him  that  a 
great  number  of  creditors  expressed  their  discontent  in 
bitter  complaints  respecting  the  debts  contracted  by 
Madame  Bonaparte  during  his  expedition  to  the  East. 
Bonaparte  felt  that  his  situation  required  him  promptly  to 
remove  the  cause  of  such  complaints.  It  was  one  night 
about  half-past  eleven  o'clock  that  M.  Talleyrand  intro- 
duced this  delicate  subject.  As  soon  as  he  was  gone  I 
entered  the  little  cabinet;  Bonaparte  said  to  me,  '•  Bour- 
rienne,  Talleyrand  has  been  speaking  to  me  about  the 
debts  of  my  wife.  I  have  the  money  from  Hamburg  — 
ask  her  the  exact  amount  of  her  debts  :  let  her  confess  all. 
I  wish  to  finish,  and  not  begin  again.  But  do  not  pay 
without  showing  me  the  bills  of  those  rascals  :  they  are  a 
gang  of  robbers." 

Hitherto  the  apprehension  of  an  unpleasant  scene,  the 
very  idea  of  which  made  Josephine  tremble,  had  always 
prevented  me  from  liroaching  this  subject  to  the  First 
Consul ;  but,  well  pleased  that  Talleyrand  had  first 
touched  upon  it,  I  resolved  to  do  all  in  my  power  to  put 
an  end  to  the  disagreeable  affair. 

The  next  morning  I  saw  Josephine.  She  was  at  first 
delighted  with  her  husband's  intentions  ;  but  this  feeling 
did  not  last  long.  When  I  asked  her  for  an  exact  account 
of  what  she  owed,  she  entreated  me  not  to  press  it,  but 
content  myself  with  what  she  should  confess.  I  said  to 
her,  "  Madame,  I  cannot  deceive  you  respecting  the  dis- 
position of  the  First  Consul.  He  believes  that  you  owe  a 
considerable  sum,  and  is  willing  to  discharge  it.  You  will, 
I  doubt  not,  have  to  endure  some  bitter  reproaches,  and 
a  violent  scene  ;  but  the  scene  will  be  just  the  same  for  the 
whole  as  for  a  part.  If  you  conceal  a  large  proportion  of 
your  debts,  at  the  end  of  some  time  murmurs  will  recom- 
mence, they  will  reach  the  ears  of  tlie  First  Consul,  and 
his  anger  will  display  itself  still  more  strikingly.     Trust 


416  MK.MolliS   OF   NAPOLEON  BONArAKTH.  1800. 

to  me  —  state  all;  the  result  will  be  the  same;  you  will 
hear  but  (11101'  the  disagreeable  things  he  will  say  to  you  ; 
l>y  reservati(»ns  you  will  renew  them  incessantly."  .Jose- 
phine said,  "  1  can  never  tell  all ;  it  is  impossible.  Do  me 
the  service  to  keep  secret  what  I  say  to  you.  I  owe,  I 
believe,  about  1,200,000  francs,  but  1  wish  to  confess  only 
600,000  :  1  will  contract  no  more  debts,  and  will  jtay  the 
rest  little  by  little  out  of  my  savings."  —  "  Here,  Madame, 
my  first  observations  recur.  As  I  do  not  believe  he 
estimates  your  debts  at  so  high  a  sura  as  600,000  francs, 
I  can  warrant  that  you  will  not  experience  more  displeas- 
ure for  acknowledging  to  1,200,000  than  to  600,000  ;  and 
by  going  so  far  you  will  get  rid  of  them  forever."  —  "I 
can  never  do  it,  Bourrienne ;  I  know  him;  I  can  never 
support  his  violence."  After  a  quarter  of  an  hour's  fur- 
ther discussion  on  the  subject,  I  was  obliged  to  yield  to 
her  earnest  solicitation,  and  promi.se  to  mention  only  the 
600,000  francs  to  the  First  Consul. 

The  anger  and  ill-humour  of  Bonaparte  may  be  imagined. 
He  strongly  suspected  that  his  wife  was  dissembling  in 
some  respect ;  but  he  said,  "  Well,  take  600,000  francs, 
but  liquidate  the  debts  for  that  sum,  and  let  me  hear 
nothing  more  on  the  subject.  I  authorise  you  to  threaten 
these  tradesmen  with  paying  nothing  if  they  do  not  re- 
duce their  enormous  charges.  They  ought  to  be  taught 
not  to  l)e  so  ready  in  giving  credit."  Madame  Bonaparte 
gave  me  all  her  bills.  The  extent  to  which  the  articles 
had  been  overcharged,  owing  to  the  fear  of  not  l)eing  ])aid 
for  a  long  period,  and  of  deductions  being  made  from  the 
amount,  was  inconceivable.  It  appeared  to  me,  also,  that 
there  must  be  some  exaggeration  in  the  number  of  articles 
supplied.  I  observed  in  the  milliner's  bill  thirty-eight 
new  hats,  of  great  price,  in  one  month.  There  was  like- 
wise a  charge  of  1,800  francs  for  heron  plumes,  and  800 
francs   for   perfumes.     I   asked   Josephine  whether  she 


1800.  EXTRAVAGANCE   OF  JOSEPHINE.  417 

wore  out  two  hats  in  one  day  ?  She  objected  to  this 
charge  for  the  hats,  which  she  merely  called  a  mistake. 
The  impositions  which  the  saddler  attempted,  both  in  the 
extravagance  of  his  prices  and  in  charging  for  articles 
which  he  had  not  furnished,  were  astonishing.  1  need 
say  nothing  of  the  other  tradesmen, — it  was  the  same 
system  of  plunder  throughout, 

I  availed  myself  fully  of  the  First  Consul's  permission, 
and  spared  neither  reproaches  nor  menaces.  I  am 
ashamed  to  say  that  the  greater  part  of  the  tradesmen 
were  contented  with  the  half  of  what  tliev  demanded. 
One  of  them  received  35,000  francs  for  a  bill  of  80,000 ; 
and  he  had  the  impudence  to  tell  me  that  he  nuide  a  good 
profit  nevertheless.  Finally,  I  was  fortunate  enough, 
after  the  most  vehement  disputes,  to  settle  everything  for 
600,000  francs.  Madame  Bonaparte,  however,  soon  fell 
again  into  the  same  excesses,  but  fortunately  money  be- 
came more  plentiful.  This  inconceivable  mania  of  spend- 
ing money  was  almost  the  sole  cause  of  her  unhappiness. 
Her  thoughtless  profusion  occasioned  permanent  disorder 
in  her  household  until  the  period  of  Bonaparte's  second 
marriage,  when,  I  am  informed,  she  became  regular  in 
her  expenditure.  I  could  not  say  so  of  her  when  she  was 
Empress  in  1804.^ 

^  Notwithstanding!;  her  husband's  wish,  she  could  never  brine;  her  estab- 
lishment into  any  order  or  rule.  He  wished  tliat  no  tradesmen  should 
ever  reach  her,  but  lie  was  forced  to  yield  on  this  point.  Tlie  small  inner 
rooms  were  filled  with  them,  as  with  artists  of  all  sorts.  She  had  a  mania 
for  having  herself  painted,  and  j^ave  her  portraits  to  whoever  wished  for 
one,  —  relations,  Jemiups  de  chambre,  even  to  tradesmen,  'i'hey  never 
ceased  brinffiiij;;  her  diamonds,  jewels,  shawls,  materials  for  dres.ses.  and 
trinkets  of  all  kinds ;  she  bought  everything  without  ever  asking  the  ])rice ; 
and  generally  forgot  what  she  had  purchased.  .  .  .  All  the  morning  slie 
had  on  a  shawl  which  she  draped  on  her  shoulders  with  a  grace  1  have  seen 
in  no  one  else.  Bonajiarte,  who  thought  her  shawls  covered  her  too  much, 
tore  them  off,  and  sometimes  threw  them  into  the  fire ;  then  she  sent  for 
another  (/^/m «sa?,  tome  ii.  pp.  343-345).  After  the  divorce  her  income, 
VOL.  I.  —  27 


418  MEMOIUS   OF   NATOLKON    lK)NArAUTi:.  1800. 

The  amiable  Joseiiliine  liad  not  less  ambition  in  little 
thin^L,'S  than  her  husband  had  in  great.  She  felt  i)leasure 
in  acquiring  and  not  in  possessing.  AVho  would  sujipose 
it?  She  grew  tired  of  the  beauty  of  the  park  of  Mal- 
maison,  and  was  always  asking  me  to  take  her  out  on  the 
high-road,  e-ither  in  the  direction  of  Nanterre,  or  on  that 
of  Marly,  in  the  midst  of  the  dust  occasioned  by  the 
passing  of  carriages.  The  noi.se  of  the  high-road  appeared 
to  her  preferable  to  the  calm  silence  of  the  beautiful 
avenues  of  the  park  ;  and  in  this  respect  Hortense  had  the 
same  ta.ste  as  her  mother.  Tiiis  whim.sical  fancy  aston- 
ished Bonaparte,  and  he  was  sometimes  vexed  at  it.  My 
intercourse  with  Josephine  was  delightful,  for  I  never  saw 
a  woman  who  so  constantly  entered  society  with  such  an 
equable  disposition,  or  with  so  much  of  the  spirit  of  kind- 
ness, which  is  the  first  principle  of  amiability.  She  was 
so  obligingly  attentive  as  to  cause  a  pretty  suite  of  ajiart- 
ments  to  be  pre[)ared  atMalmaison  for  me  and  my  family. 
She  pressed  me  earnestly,  and  with  all  her  known  grace, 
to  accept  it;  but  almost  as  much  a  ca})tive  at  Paris  as  a 
prisoner  of  state,  I  wished  to  have  to  myself  in  the  coun- 
try the  moments  of  liberty  I  was  permitted  to  enjoy.  Yet 
what  was  this  liberty?  I  had  bought  a  little  house  at 
Euel,  which  I  kept  during  two  years  and  a  half.  When 
T  saw  my  friends  there,  it  had  to  be  at  midnight,  or  at  five 
o'clock  in  the  morning;  and  the  First  Consul  would  often 
send  for  me  in  the  night  when  couriers  arrived.  It  was 
for  this  sort  of  liberty  I  refused  Jo.=ie])hine's  kind  ofter. 
Bonaparte  came  once  to  see  me  in  my  retreat  at  Euel,  but 
Josephine  and  Hortense  came  often.  It  was  a  favourite 
walk  with  these  ladies. 

At  Paris  I  was  less  frequently  absent   from  Bonaparte 

large  a.s  it  was, was  insufficient;  but  the  Emperor  was  more  compassionate 
tlien,  and  when  sending  the  Comte  Mollicn  to  settle  lior  affairs,  gave  him 
strict  orders  "  not  to  make  lier  weep "  {M^neval,  tome  iii.  p.  237). 


1800.  EVENING   WALKS    WITH   BONAPARTE.  419 

than  at  Malmaison.  We  sometimes  in  the  evening  walked 
together  in  the  garden  of  the  Tuileries  after  the  gates  were 
closed.  In  these  evening  walks  he  always  wore  a  gray 
greatcoat  and  a  round  hat.  I  was  directed  to  answer, 
"  The  First  Consul,"  to  the  sentinel's  challenge  of,  "  Who 
goes  there  ? "  These  promenades,  which  were  of  much 
benefit  to  Bonaparte,  and  me  also,  as  a  relaxation  from 
our  labours,  resembled  those  which  we  had  at  Malmaison. 
As  to  our  promenades  in  the  city,  they  were  often  very 
amusing. 

At  the  period  of  our  first  inhabiting  the  Tuileries,  when 
I  saw  Bonajjarte  enter  the  cabinet  at  eight  o'clock  in  the 
evening  in  his  gray  coat,  I  knew  he  would  say,  "  Bour- 
rienne,  come  and  take  a  turn."  Sometimes,  then,  instead 
of  going  out  by  the  garden  arcade,  we  would  take  the 
little  gate  which  leads  from  the  court  to  the  apartments 
of  the  Due  d'Angouleme.  He  would  take  my  arm,  and 
we  would  go  to  buy  articles  of  trifling  value  in  the  shops 
of  the  Rue  St.  Honord ;  l)ut  we  did  not  extend  our  ex- 
cursions fartlier  than  Rue  de  I'Arbre  Sec.  Whilst  I 
made  the  shop-keeper  exhibit  before  us  the  articles  which 
I  appeared  anxious  to  buy,  he  played  his  part  in  asking 
questions.  Nothing  was  more  amusing  than  to  see  him 
endeavouring  to  imitate  the  careless  and  jocular  tone  of 
the  young  men  of  fashion.  How  awkward  was  he  in  the 
attempt  to  put  on  dandy  airs  when,  pulling  up  the  corners 
of  his  cravat,  he  would  say,  "  Well,  Madame,  is  there  any- 
thing new  to-day  ?  Citizen,  what  say  they  of  Bonaparte  ? 
Your  shop  appears  to  be  well  supplied.  You  surely  have 
a  great  deal  of  custom.  What  do  people  say  of  that 
buffoon,  Bonaparte  ? "  He  was  made  quite  happy  one 
day  when  we  were  obliged  to  retire  hastily  from  a  shop  to 
avoid  the  attacks  drawn  upon  us  by  the  irreverent  tone 
in  which  Bonaparte  spoke  of  the  First  Consul. 


CHAPTER   XXXIV. 

1800. 

The  destruction  of  men  and  the  construction  of  monu- 
ments were  two  things  perfectly  in  unison  in  the  mind 
of  l>ona])arte.  It  may  he  said  that  liis  ]»assiou  for  monu- 
ments ahnost  equalled  his  passion  for  war  ;  ^  hut  as  in  all 
things  he  disliked  what  was  little  and  mean,  so  he  liked 
vast  constructions  and  great  hattles.  The  sight  of  the 
colossal  ruins  of  the  monuments  of  Kgypt  had  not  a  little 
contributed  to  augment  his  natural  taste  for  great  struc- 
tures. It  was  not  so  much  the  monuments  themselves  that 
he  admired,  hut  the  historical  recollections  they  perpetuate, 
tlie  great  names  they  consecrate,  tlie  important  events 
they  attest.  What  should  he  have  cared  for  the  column 
which  we  beheld  on  our  arrival  in  Alexandria  had  it  not 
been  Pompey's  pillar?  It  is  for  artists  to  admire  or  cen- 
sure its  proportions  and  ornaments,  for  men  of  learning 
to  explain  its  inscriptions  ;  but  the  name  of  Pompey  ren- 
ders it  an  object  of  interest  to  all. 

When  endeavouring  to  sketch  the  character  of  Bona- 
parte, I  ought  to  have  noticed  his  taste  for  monuments, 

^  Tako  pleasure,  if  you  can,  in  roailiiip  your  roturns.  The  pood  condition 
of  mv  armies  is  owing  to  my  devoting  to  tlieni  one  or  two  liours  in  every  day. 
When  tlie  monthly  returns  of  my  armies  ami  of  my  fleets,  rrhirh  form  tirftili/ 
thirk  rolninix,  are  sent  to  me,  I  give  np  every  other  occupation  in  order  to 
read  them  in  detail  and  to  observe  the  difference  between  one  monthly  return 
and  another.  No  young  girl  enjoys  her  novel  so  much  a.s  I  do  these  returns ! 
Napoleon  to  Josejih,  20th  August,  180G.  —  Du  C'asse,  tome  iii   p.  14.'). 


1800.        BONAPARTE'S   PASSION  FOR   MONUMENTS.  421 

for  without  this  characteristic  trait  something  essential  is 
wanting  to  the  completion  (jf  the  portrait.  This  taste,  or, 
as  it  may  more  properly  be  called,  this  passion  for  monu- 
ments, exercised  no  small  influence  on  his  thoughts  and 
projects  of  glory  ;  yet  it  did  not  deter  him  from  directing 
attention  to  public  improvements  of  a  less  ostentatious 
kind.  He  wished  for  great  monuments  to  perpetuate  the 
recollection  of  his  glory  ;  but  at  the  same  time  he  knew 
how  to  appreciate  all  that  was  truly  useful.  He  could 
very  rarely,  be  reproached  for  rejecting  any  plan  without 
examination ;  and  this  examination  was  a  speedy  affair, 
for  his  natural  tact  enabled  him  immediately  to  see  things 
in  their  proper  light. 

Though  most  of  the  monuments  and  embellishments 
of  Paris  are  executed  from  the  plans  of  men  of  talent,  yet 
some  owe  their  origin  to  circumstances  merely  accidental. 
Of  this  I  can  mention  an  example. 

I  was  standing  at  the  window  of  Bonaparte's  cabinet, 
which  looked  into  the  garden  of  the  Tuileries.  He  had 
gone  out,  and  I  took  advantage  of  his  absence  to  rise  from 
my  chair,  for  I  was  tired  of  sitting.  He  had  scarcely  been 
gone  a  minute  when  he  unexpectedly  returned  to  ask  me 
for  a  paper.  "  What  are  you  doing  there,  Bourrienne  ? 
I  '11  wager  anything  you  are  admiring  the  ladies  walking 
on  the  terrace."  —  "  Why,  I  must  confess  I  do  sometimes 
amuse  myself  in  that  way,"  replied  I ;  "  but  I  assure  you. 
General,  I  was  now  thinking  of  sometliing  else.  I  was 
looking  at  that  villainous  left  bank  of  the  Seine,  which 
always  annoys  me  with  the  gaps  in  its  dirty  quay,  and  the 
floodings  which  almost  every  winter  prevent  communica- 
tion with  the  Faubourg  St.  Germain,  and  I  was  thinking 
I  would  speak  to  you  on  the  subject."  He  approached 
the  window,  and,  looking  out,  said,  "  You  are  right,  it  is 
very  ugly;  and  very  ol'i'ensive  to  see  dirty  linen  waslied 
before  our  windows.    Here,  write  immediately  :  '  The  quay 


4-22  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   BONAPAUTE.  1800. 

of  the  Kcole  de  Natation  is  to  be  Hiiislieil  during  next 
caiui)aign.'  Send  that  order  to  the  Minister  of  the  Inte- 
rior."    The  ([uay  was  finished  the  year  following. 

As  an  instance  of  the  enormous  diH'erence  wliich  fre- 
quently ajjpears  between  the  original  estimates  of  archi- 
tects and  their  subsequent  accounts,  I  may  mention  what 
occurred  in  relation  to  the  Palace  of  St.  Cloud.  But  I 
must  first  say  a  word  about  the  manner  in  whicli  Bona- 
parte originally  refused  and  afterwards  took  possession  of 
the  Queen's  pleasure-house.  Malmaison  was-  a  suital)le 
country  residence  for  Bonaparte  as  long  as  he  remained 
content  with  his  town  apartments  in  the  little  Luxem- 
bourg ;  but  that  Consular  bagatelle  was  too  conKned  in 
comparison  with  the  spacious  apartments  in  the  Tuileries. 
The  inhabitants  of  St.  Cloud,  well  advised,  addressed  a 
petition  to  the  Legislative  Body,  praying  that  their  de- 
serted chateau  might  be  made  the  summer  residence  of  the 
First  Consul.  The  petition  was  referred  to  the  Govern- 
ment ;  but  Bona[)arte,  who  was  not  yet  Consul  for  life, 
proudly  declared  that  so  long  as  he  was  at  the  head  of 
affairs,  and  indeed  for  a  year  afterwards,  he  would  accept 
no  national  recompense.  Some  time  after  he  went  to  visit 
tlie  [)alace  of  the  18th  Brumaire.  Bonaparte  liked  it  ex- 
ceedingly, but  all  was  in  a  state  of  complete  dilajiidation. 
It  bore  evident  marks  of  the  Revolution.  The  First  Con- 
sul did  not  wish,  as  yet,  to  burden  the  Inidget  of  the  State 
with  his  personal  expenses,  and  lie  was  alarmed  at  tlie 
enormous  sum  required  to  render  St.  Cloud  habitable. 
Hattery  had  not  yet  arrived  at  the  degree  of  proficiency 
which  it  subsequently  attained ;  but  even  then  liis  flatter- 
ers boldly  assured  him  he  might  take  possession  of  St. 
Cloud  for  25,000  francs.  I  told  the  First  Consul  that, 
considering  the  ruinous  state  of  the  place,  I  could  venture 
to  say  that  the  expense  would  amount  to  more  tlian 
1,200,000  francs.     Bonaparte  determined  to  have  a  regular 


1800.  THE   PONT   DES   ARTS.  423 

estimate  of  the  expense,  and  it  amounted  to  nearly 
3,000,000.  He  thought  it  a  great  sum  ;  but  as  he  liad  re- 
solved to  make  St,  Cloud  his  residence,  he  gave  orders  for 
commencing  the  repairs,  the  expense  of  which,  indepen- 
dently of  the  furniture,  amounted  to  6,000,000.  So  much 
for  the  3,000,000  of  the  architect  and  the  25,000  francs 
of  the  flatterers  ! 

When  the  First  Consul  contemplated  the  building  of 
the  Pont  des  Arts,  we  had  a  long  conversation  on  the  sub- 
ject. I  observed  that  it  would  be  much  better  to  build 
the  bridge  of  stone.  "  The  first  object  of  monuments  of 
this  kind,"  said  I,  "  is  public  utility.  They  require  solid- 
ity of  apppearance,  and  their  principal  merit  is  duration. 
I  cannot  conceive.  General,  why,  in  a  covuitry  where  there 
is  abundance  of  fine  stone  of  every  quality,  the  use  of  iron 
should  be  preferred."  —  "  Write,"  said  Bonaparte,  "  to 
Fontaine  and  Percier,  the  architects,  and  ask  what  they 
think  of  it."  I  wrote,  and  they  stated  in  their  answer  that 
"bridges  were  intended  for  public  utility  and  the  em- 
bellishment of  cities.  The  projected  bridge  between  the 
Louvre  and  the  Quatre-Xations  would  unquestionably  ful- 
fil the  first  of  these  objects,  as  was  proved  by  the  great 
number  of  persons  who  daily  crossed  the  Seine  at  that 
point  in  boats  ;  tliat  the  site  fixed  upon  between  the  Pont 
Neuf  and  the  Tuileries  appeared  to  be  the  best  that  could 
be  chosen  for  the  purpose ;  and  that  on  the  score  of  orna- 
ment Paris  would  gain  little  by  the  construction  of  an 
iron  bridge,  wliich  would  be  very  narrow,  and  whicli,  from 
its  light  form,  would  not  correspond  with  the  grandeur  of 
the  two  bridges  between  which  it  would  be  placed." 

When  we  had  received  the  answer  of  ^IIM.  Percier  and 
Fontaine,  we  again  had  a  conversation  on  the  subject  of 
the  bridge.  I  told  tlie  First  Consul  that  I  perfectly  con- 
curred in  the  opinion  of  MM.  Fontaine  and  Percier  ;  how- 
ever, he  would  have  his  own  way,  and  thus  was  authorised 


424  MEMOIRS   OF   NAPOLEON   RcnwrARTE,  1800. 

the  construction  of  tlie  toy  ^vhich  formed  a  ci>nininnication 
between  the  Louvre  and  the  Institute,  liut  no  sooner 
was  the  Pontdes  Arts  finished  than  lionaparte  pronounced 
it  to  be  mean  and  out  of  kee]iing  witli  the  other  bridges 
above  and  below  it.  One  day  when  visiting  the  Louvre 
he  stopped  at  one  of  tlie  windows  looking  towards  the 
Pont  des  Arts,  and  said,  "  There  is  no  solidity,  no  grandeur 
about  that  bridge.  In  England,  where  stone  is  scarce,  it 
is  very  natural  that  iron  should  be  used  for  arches  of 
large  dimensions.  But  the  case  is  dilTerent  in  Fiance, 
where  the  requisite  material  is  abundant." 

The  infernal  machine  of  the  3d  Nivose,  of  which  I  shall 
presently  speak  more  at  length,  was  the  signal  for  vast 
changes  in  the  quarter  of  the  Tuileries.  That  horrible 
attempt  was  at  least  so  far  attended  by  happy  results  that 
it  contril)uted  to  the  embellishment  of  Paris.  It  was 
thouffht  more  advisable  for  the  Government  to  buy  and 
pull  down  the  houses  which  had  been  injured  by  the 
machine  than  to  let  them  be  put  under  repair.  As  an 
example  of  Bonaparte's  grand  schemes  in  building,  I  may- 
mention  that,  being  one  day  at  the  Louvre,  he  pointed 
towards  St.  Germain  I'Auxerrois  and  said  to  me,  "That  is 
where  I  will  build  an  im]ierial  street.  It  shall  run  from 
here  to  the  Barrifere  du  Trone.  It  shall  be  a  hundred 
feet  broad,  and  have  arcades  and  plantations.  This  street 
shall  be  the  finest  in  the  world." 

The  palace  of  the  King  of  Rome,  which  was  to  face  the 
Pont  de  J^na  and  the  Champ  de  Mars,  would  have  been 
in  some  measure  isolated  from  Paris,  with  which,  how- 
ever, it  was  to  be  connected  by  a  line  of  palaces.  These 
were  to  extend  along  the  quay,  and  were  destined  as 
splendid  residences  for  the  Ambassadors  of  foreign  sover- 
eigns, at  least  as  long  as  there  should  be  any  sovereigns 
in  Europe  exce])t  Napoleon.  The  Tem])le  of  Glory,  too, 
which  was  to  occupy  the  site  of  the  Church  of  La  Made- 


1800.  EMBELLISHMENT   OF  PARIS.  425 

leiue,  was  never  finished.  If  the  pLin  of  this  monument 
proved  the  necessity  which  Bonaparte  felt  of  constantly 
holding  out  stimulants  to  his  soldiers,  its  relinquishment 
was  at  least  a  proof  of  his  wisdom.  He  who  had  re- 
established religious  worship  in  France,  and  had  restored 
to  its  destination  the  Church  of  the  Invalides,  %vliich  was 
for  a  time  metamorphosed  into  the  Temple  of  Liars,  fore- 
saw that  a  Temple  of  Glory  would  give  birth  to  a  sort  of 
paganism  incompatible  with  the  ideas  of  the  age. 

The  recollection  of  the  magnificent  Necropolis  of  Cairo 
frequently  recurred  to  Bonaparte's  mind.  He  had  ad- 
mired that  city  of  the  dead,  which  he  had  partly  con- 
tributed to  people ;  and  his  design  was  to  make,  at  the 
four  cardinal  points  of  Paris,  four  vast  cemeteries  on  the 
plan  of  that  at  Cairo. 

Bonaparte  determined  that  all  the  new  streets  of  Paris 
should  be  40  feet  wide,  and  be  provided  with  foot-pave- 
ments ;  in  short,  he  thought  nothing  too  grand  for  the 
embellishment  of  the  capital  of  a  country  which  he  wished 
to  make  the  first  in  the  world.  Next  to  war,  he  regarded 
the  emliellishment  of  Paris  as  the  source  of  his  glory  ;  and 
he  never  considered  a  victory  fully  achieved  until  he  had 
raised  a  monument  to  transmit  its  memory  to  posterity. 
He  wanted  glory,  uninterrupted  glory,  for  France  as  well 
as  for  hini'^elf.  How  often,  when  talking  over  his  schemes, 
has  he  not  said,  "  Bourrienne,  it  is  for  France  I  am  doing 
all  this  !  All  I  wish,  all  I  desire,  the  end  of  all  my  labours 
is,  that  my  name  should  be  indissolubly  connected  with 
that  of  France  !  " 

Paris  is  not  the  only  city,  nor  is  France  the  only  king- 
dom, which  bears  traces  of  Napoleon's  passion  for  great 
and  useful  monuments.  In  Belgium,  in  Holland,  in  Pied- 
mont, in  all  Italy,  he  executed  great  improvements.  At 
Turin  a  splendid  bridge  was  built  over  the  Po,  in  lieu  of 
an  old  bridfje  which  was  falling  in  ruins. 


426  MKMUIHS   OF   NATOLEON   IJONArAU  IE.  1800. 

How  many  tliinj^s  were  undertaken  and  executed  in 
Napoleon's  short  and  eventful  reign  !  To  obviate  the  dif- 
ficulty of  coninmnication  between  Metz  and  Mayence,  a 
magnificent  road  was  made,  as  if  by  magic,  across  imprac- 
ticable marshes  and  vast  forests:  mountains  were  cut 
through  and  ravines  tillcil  u}*.  He  would  not  allow  nature 
more  than  man  to  resist  him.  One  day  when  he  was  pro- 
ceeding to  Belgium  l»y  the  way  of  Givet,  he  was  detained 
for  a  sliort  time  at  Little  Givet,  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Meuse,  in  consequence  of  an  accident  which  hajtpened  to 
the  ferry-boat.  He  was  within  a  gunshot  of  the  fortress 
of  Charleniont,  on  the  left  bank,  and  in  the  vexation 
which  the  delay  occasioned  he  dictated  the  following 
decree :  "  A  bridge  shall  be  built  over  the  j\Ieuse  to  join 
Little  Givet  to  Great  Givet.  It  shall  be  terminated 
during  the  ensuing  campaign."  It  was  completed  within 
the  prescrilied  time. 

In  the  great  work  of  bridges  and  highways  Bona])arte's 
chief  object  was  to  remove  the  obstacles  and  barriers 
which  nature  liad  raised  up  as  the  limits  of  old  France 
so  as  to  form  a  junction  with  the  provinces  which  he 
successively  annexed  to  the  Empire.  Thus  in  Savoy  a 
road,  smooth  as  a  garden-walk,  superseded  the  dangerous 
ascents  and  descents  of  the  wood  of  Bramant;  thus  was 
the  passage  of  Mont  Ct^nis  a  pleasant  promenade  at  almost 
every  season  of  the  year;  thus  did  the  Simplon  bow  his 
head,  and  Bonaparte  might  have  said,  "  There  are  now  no 
Alps,"  with  more  reason  than  Louis  XIV.  said,  "  There 
are  now  no  Pyrenees."  ^ 

Such  was  the  implicit  confidence  which  Bonaparte  re- 

1  Mc'tternich  (tome  iv.  p.  187)  says  on  tliis  subject:  "  If  you  look  closely 
at  the  course  of  luiinau  affairs,  you  will  make  strange  discoveries,  —  for 
instance,  tiiat  tiie  Simplon  I'ass  has  contributed  a.s  surely  to  Napoleon's 
immortality  as  the  numerous  works  done  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Francis  will  fail  to  add  to  his." 


1800.  CONFIDENCE    IN   BOURRIENNE.  427 

posed  in  me  that  I  was  often  alarmed  at  the  responsibility 
it  obliged  me  to  incur.^  Official  business  was  not  the  only 
labour  that  devolved  upon  me.  I  had  to  write  to  the  dic- 
tation of  the  First  Consul  during  a  great  part  of  the  day, 
or  to  decipher  his  writing,  which  was  always  the  most 
laborious  part  of  my  duty.^  I  was  so  closely  employed 
that  I  scarcely  ever  went  out ;  and  when  by  chance  I 
dined  in  town,  I  could  not  arrive  until  the  very  moment 

^  Of  tliisconfiiience  the  f(jllowiiig  instructions  for  me,  which  he  dictated 
to  Duroc,  afford  sufficient  proof  :  — 

"  1st.  Citizen  Bourrieune  shall  open  all  the  letters  addressed  to  the 
First  Consul,  and  present  them  to  him  three  times  a  day,  or  oftener  in 
case  of  ur<;ent  Inisiuess.  The  letters  shall  be  deposited  in  the  cabinet 
when  they  are  opened.  Bourrieune  is  to  analyse  all  those  wiiich  are  of 
secondary  interest,  and  write  the  First  Consul's  decision  on  each  letter. 
The  hours  for  presenting  the  letters  shall  be,  first,  when  the  Consul  rises ; 
second,  a  quarter  of  an  hour  l)efore  dinner ;  and  third,  at  eleven  at  night. 

"  2d.  He  is  to  have  the  superintendence  of  the  Topograpiiical  office 
and  of  an  office  of  Translation,  in  which  there  shall  be  a  German  and  an 
English  clerk.  Every  day  he  shall  present  to  the  First  Consul,  at  the 
hours  above  mentioned,  tlie  (jerman  and  English  journals,  togetlier  with  a 
translation.  With  respect  to  tlie  Italian  journals,  it  will  only  be  nece.ssary 
to  mark  what  the  First  Consul  is  to  read. 

"  3d.  He  shall  keep  a  register  of  appointments  to  offices  under  Govern- 
ment;  a  second,  for  appointments  to  judicial  po-sts ;  a  third,  for  a])))oint- 
ments  to  places  abroad  ;  and  a  fourth,  for  the  situations  of  receivers  and 
great  financial  posts,  where  he  is  to  inscribe  the  names  of  all  tlie  individu- 
als whom  tlie  First  Consul  may  refer  to  him.  These  registers  nmst  be 
written  by  his  own  hand,  and  must  lie  kept  entirely  private. 

"4th.  Secret  correspondence,  and  the  different  reports  of  surveillance, 
are  to  be  addressed  directly  to  Bourrieune,  and  transmitted  by  him  to  the 
hand  of  the  First  Consul,  by  whom  they  will  be  returned  without  the 
intervention  of  any  third  party. 

"  5tli.  There  shall  lie  a  register  for  all  that  relates  to  secret  extraordi- 
nary expenditure.  Bourrieune  shall  write  the  whole  with  his  own  hand, 
iu  order  that  the  business  may  be  kept  from  the  knowledge  of  any  one. 

"6th.  He  shall  despatch  all  tlie  business  which  may  be  referred  to 
him,  either  from  Citizen  Duroc,  or  from  the  caliinet  of  the  First  Consul, 
taking  care  to  arrange  everything  so  as  to  secure  secrecy. 

"  (Signed)     Boxatakte,  First  Consul. 
"Paris,  13th  Germinal,  year  VIII. 
"  (3d  April.  1800.)  " 

2  See  Annex  to  this  Chapter. 


428  .MF.MdlUS    OF    NAroLKON    I{(  jN.U'AU  TE.  ISOO. 

of  dinner,  and  I  was  oldi^'cd  to  run  away  iniincdiak'ly 
after  it.  Once  a  niontli,  at  most,  I  went  without  l)(»na- 
parte  to  tlie  Coni(?die  Frangaise,  but  I  was  obli^^ed  to 
return  at  nine  o'clock,  that  lieing  the  liour  at  whicli  we 
resumed  business.  Corvisart,  with  wh(jm  I  was  intimately 
acquainted,  constantly  e.xpressed  his  apprehensions  about 
my  health  ;  but  my  zeal  carried  me  tlirough  every  dif- 
ficulty, and  during  our  stay  at  the  Tuileries  I  cannot 
express  how  haiipy  I  was  in  enjoying  the  unreserved  con- 
fidence of  the  man  on  whom  the  eyes  of  all  Europe  were 
fixed.  So  perfect  was  this  confidence  that  Bonaparte, 
neither  as  General,  Consul,  nor  Emperor,  ever  gave  me 
any  fixed  salary.  In  money  matters  we  were  still  com- 
rades: I  took  from  his  funds  what  was  necessary  to 
defray  my  expenses,  and  of  this  Bonaparte  never  once 
asked  me  for  any  account. 

He  often  mentioned  his  wish  to  regenerate  public  edu- 
cation, which  he  thought  was  ill  managed.  The  central 
.schools  did  not  please  him  ;  but  he  could  not  withhold 
his  adniiralion  from  the  rolytechnic  School,  the  finest 
establishment  of  education  that  was  ever  founded,  but 
which  he  afterwards  spoiled  by  giving  it  a  military  organ- 
isation. In  only  one  college  of  Paris  the  old  system 
of  study  was  preserved :  this  was  the  Louis-le-Grand, 
which  had  received  the  name  of  Pritande.  The  First 
Consul  directed  the  Minister  of  the  Interior  to  draw  up  a 
report  on  that  establishment;  and  he  himself  went  to  pay 
an  unex})ect('d  visit  to  the  Pritanee,  accompanied  by  M. 
Lebrun  and  Duroc.  He  remained  there  upwards  of  an 
hour,  and  in  the  evening  he  spoke  to  me  with  much 
interest  on  the  su1)ject  of  his  visit.  "  Do  you  know, 
Bourrienne,"  said  he,  "  that  I  have  been  performing  the 
duties  of  professor  ?"  —  "  You,  General !  "  —  "  Yes  !  arid  I 
did  not  acquit  myself  badly.  I  examined  the  pupils  in 
the  mathematical  class ;   and  I  recollected  enough  of  my 


1800.  CONSULAR  PENSIONS,  429 

Bezout  to  make  some  demonstrations  before  them.  I 
went  everywhere,  into  the  bed-rooms  and  the  dining- 
room.  I  tasted  the  soup,  which  is  better  than  we  used 
to  have  at  Brienne.  I  must  devote  serious  attention  to 
public  education  and  the  management  of  the  colleges. 
The  pupils  must  have  a  uniform.  I  observed  some  well 
and  others  ill  dressed.  That  will  not  do.  At  college, 
above  all  places,  there  should  be  equality.  But  I  was 
much  pleased  with  the  pupils  of  the  Pritande.  I  wish  to 
know  the  names  of  those  I  examined,  and  I  have  desired 
Duroc  to  report  them  to  me.  I  will  give  them  rewards ; 
that  stimulates  young  people.  I  will  provide  for  some  of 
them." 

On  this  subject  Bonaparte  did  not  confine  himself  to 
an  empty  scheme.  After  consulting  with  the  headmaster 
of  the  Pritan^e,  he  granted  pensions  of  200  francs  to 
seven  or  eight  of  the  most  distinguished  pupils  of  the 
establishment,  and  he  placed  three  of  them  in  the  de- 
partment of  Foreign  Afl'airs,  under  the  title  of  diplomatic 
pupils.^ 

What  I  have  just  said  respecting  the  First  Consul's 
visit  to  the  Pritande  reminds  me  of  a  very  extraordinary 
circumstance  which  arose  out  of  it.  Among  tlie  .pupils 
at  the  Pritan^e  there  was  a  son  of  General  Miackzinski, 
who  died  figliting  under  the  banners  of  the  Republic. 
Young  Miackzinski  was  then  sixteen  or  seventeen  years 
of  age.  He  soon  quitted  the  college,  entered  the  army  as 
a  volunteer,  and  was  one  of  a  corps  reviewed  by  Bona- 
parte in  the  plain  of  Sablons.  He  was  pointed  out  to  the 
First  Consul,  who  said  to  him,  "  I  knew  your  father. 
Follow  his  example,  and  in  six  months  you  shall  be  an 
officer."  Six  months  elapsed,  and  Miackzinski  wrote 
tcf  the  First  Consul,  reminding  him  of  his  promise.     No 

1  This  institution  of  diplomatic  pupils  was  originally  suggested  by 
M.  de  'I'allfvraud. 


4/.0  MKMOIRS   OF   NAI'OLKON    H(  •NArAK'li:.  IPOO. 

answer  was  returneil,  and  the  younj,'  man   tlieu  wrule  a 
second  letter  as  foUuws  :  — 

"  Yen  »l«^•<i^etl  nie  to  ])n)ve  myself  worthy  of  my  father;  I  liave 
done  St).  You  proinisi'd  that  I  should  be  an  officer  in  six 
moiitlis;  seven  have  elapseil  since  that  promise  was  niaih'. 
AVlu'u  you  receive  this  letter,  I  sliall  l)e  no  more.  I  cannot  live 
under  a  Government  tlie  liead  of  which  breaks  his  won)." 

rot)r  IMiackzinski  kept  his  word  but  too  faithfully. 
After  writing  the  above  letter  to  the  First  Consul,  he 
retired  to  his  chamber  and  blew  out  his  brains  with  a 
pistol.  A  few  days  after  tliis  tragical  event  Miackzinski's 
commission  was  transmitted  to  his  corps,  for  Bonaparte 
had  not  forgotten  him.  A  delay  in  the  War  Office  had 
caused  the  death  of  this  promising  young  man.  Bonajiarte 
was  much  affected  at  the  circumstance,  and  he  said  to  me, 
"  These  Poles  have  such  refined  notions  of  honour.  .  .  . 
Poor  Sulkowski,  I  am  sure,  would  have  done  the  same." 

At  the  commencement  of  tlie  Consulate  it  was  gratify- 
ing to  see  how  actively  Bonaparte  was  seconded  in  the 
execution  of  plans  for  the  social  regeneration  of  France : 
all  seemed  animated  with  new  life,  and  every  one  strove 
to  do  good  as  if  it  were  a  matter  of  competition.  Every 
circumstance  concurred  to  favour  the  good  intentions  of 
the  First  Consul.  Vaccination,  which,  jierhaps,  has  saved 
as  many  lives  as  war  has  sacrificed,  was  introduced  into 
France  by  M.  de  Liancourt ;  and  Bonaparte,  immediately 
appreciating  the  value  of  such  a  discovery,  gave  it  his  de- 
cided approbation.  At  the  same  time  a  council  of  Prizes 
was  established,  and  the  old  members  of  the  Constituent 
Assembly  were  invited  to  return  to  France.  It  was  for 
their  sake  and  that  of  the  Eoyalists  that  the  First  Consul 
recalled  them,  but  it  was  to  please  the  Jacobins,  whom 
he  was  endeavouring  to  conciliate,  that  their  return  was 
subject  to  restrictions.     At  first  the  invitation  to  return 


1800.  THE   "  CANARY"   VOLUNTEERS.  431 

to  France  extended  only  to  those  who  could  prove  that 
they  had  voted  in  favour  of  the  abolition  of  nobility. 
The  lists  of  emigrants  were  closed,  and  committees  were 
appointed  to  investigate  their  claims  to  the  privilege  of 
returning. 

From  the  commencement  of  the  month  of  Germinal  the 
reorganisation  of  the  army  of  Italy  had  proceeded  with 
renewed  activity.  The  presence  in  Paris  of  the  fine  corps 
of  the  Consular  Guard,  added  to  the  desire  of  showing 
themselves  off  in  gay  uniforms,  had  stimulated  the  mili- 
tary ardour  of  many  respectable  young  men  of  the  capital. 
Taking  advantage  of  this  circumstance,  the  First  Consul 
created  a  corps  of  volunteers  destined  for  the  army  of  re- 
serve, which  was  to  remain  at  Dijon.  He  saw  the  advan- 
tage of  connecting  a  great  number  of  families  with  his 
cause,  and  imbuing  them  with  the  spirit  of  the  array. 
This  volunteer  corps  wore  a  yellow  uniform,  which,  in 
some  of  the  salons  of  Paris  where  it  was  still  the  custom 
to  ridicule  everything,  obtained  for  them  the  nickname  of 
"  canaries."  Bonaparte,  who  did  not  always  relish  a  joke, 
took  this  in  very  ill  part,  and  often  expressed  to  me  his 
vexation  at  it.  However,  he  was  gratified  to  observe  in 
the  composition  of  this  corps  a  first  specimen  of  privileged 
soldiers  ;  an  idea  which  he  acted  upon  when  he  created 
the  orderly  gendarmes  in  the  campaign  of  Jdna,  and  when 
he  organised  the  guards  of  honour  after  the  disasters  of 
Moscow. 

In  every  action  of  his  life  Bonaparte  had  some  particu- 
lar object  in  view.  I  recollect  his  saying  to  me  one  day, 
"  Bourrienne,  I  cannot  yet  venture  to  do  anything  against 
the  regicides  ;  but  I  will  let  them  see  what  I  think  of 
them.  To-morrow  I  shall  have  some  business  with 
Abrial  respecting  the  organisation  of  the  Court  of  Cas- 
sation. Target,  who  is  the  president  of  that  court,  would 
not   defend   Louis  XVI.     Well,  whom  do  you  think  1 


432  .MKMoIKS   OK   NAPOLEON   BoNAPAUIE.  1800. 

mean  to  n]»itniiit  in  his  place?  .  ,  ,  Tronchet,  'who  did 
defend  the  kin;4.  They  may  say  what  they  jilease;  / 
cnrc  )iot."^     Tronchet  was  app(jinte(l. 

Nearly  about  the  same  time  the  First  Consnl,  being 
informed  of  the  escape  of  General  Mack,  said  to  me, 
"  Mack  may  go  where  he  pleases  ;  I  am  not  afraid  of  him. 
But  I  will  tell  you  what  I  have  been  thinking.  There 
are  some  other  Austrian  officers  who  were  prisoners  with 
]\Iack ;  among  the  number  is  a  Count  Dietrichstein,  who 
belongs  to  a  great  familv  in  Vienna.  I  will  lil  erate  them 
all.  At  the  moment  of  opening  a  campaign  this  will 
have  a  good  effect.  They  will  see  that  I  fear  nothing ;  and 
who  knows  but  this  may  procure  me  some  admirers  in 
Austria  ? "  The  order  for  liberating  the  Austrian  prison- 
ers was  immediately  despatched.  Thus  Bonaparte's  acts 
of  generosity,  as  well  as  his  acts  of  severity  and  his  choice 
of  individuals,  were  all  the  result  of  deep  calculation. 

This  unvarying  attention  to  the  affairs  of  the  Govern- 
ment was  manifest  in  all  he  did.  I  have  already  mentioned 
the  almost  simultaneous  suppression  of  the  horrible  com- 
memoration of  the  month  of  January,  and  the  permission 
for  the  revival  of  the  opera  balls.  A  measure  something 
similar  to  this  was  the  authorisation  of  the  festivals  of 
Longchamps,  which  had  been  forgotten  since  the  Eevolu- 
tion.  He  at  the  same  time  gave  permission  for  sacred 
music  to  be  performed  at  the  opera.  Thus,  while  in 
public  acts  he  maintained  tlie  observance  of  the  Eepubli- 
can  calendar,  he  was  gradually  reviving  the  old  calendar 
by  seasons  of  festivity.  Shrove-Tuesday  was  marked  by 
a  ball,  and  Passion-week  by  promenades  and  concerts. 

1  On  this,  a."  on  many  othor  occasions,  the  cynicism  of  Bonaparte's  Ian 
guage  does  not  admit  of  a  literal  translation. 


1800.  CHANGES   IN   BONAPARTE'S   WRITING.  433 

[ANNEX   TO   THE   PRECEDING   CHAPTER.] 
BONAPARTE'S  HANDWRITING. 

A  propos  of  Napoleon's  liandwriting,  we  are  tempted  to 
make  an  extract  from  a  contemporary  —  the  "Saint  James's 
Gazette"  of  19th  January,  1882 — of  a  notice  of  the  Abbe 
Miclion's  work  on  this  subject,  which  may  be  of  interest  to  the 
reader. 

Francis  I.  of  Austria  said  of  his  son-in-law  after  the  battle  of 
Waterloo:  "I  always  thought  that  man  would  end  badly;  he 
■wrote  such  a  villainous  hand."  And  indeed  it  became  so  bad  as 
to  be  almost  wholly  illegible.  If  read  at  all,  it  is  by  guess,  or 
that  second  sight  which  the  "blind  clerks"  of  the  Dead  Letter 
Office  are  popuhirly  supposed  to  possess.  Much  of  it  is  repre- 
sented by  blanks  in  the  transcriptions,  and  there  are  many 
words  at  the  translation  of  which  by  an  expert  the  well-tried 
reader  of  manuscript  can  only  shake  a  doubting  head.  But  this 
was  not  always  so.  While  he  was  a  subaltern  of  artillery  his 
hand,  although  never  good,  was  at  least  human  and  clear  and 
legible.  There  was  a  sort  of  correspondence  between  it  and  his 
simple  direct  bearing  of  those  days,  when  he  disdained  personal 
appearance,  and  the  long,  flat,  straight  black  hair  partly  hid  and 
lengthened  the  sallow  face,  and  everything  about  hi)n  was  grave, 
rude,  austere.  He  was  not  born  to  a  bad  hand,  although,  like 
Lamartine,  Byron,  and  many  other  great  men,  he  could  never 
loarn  to  spell ;  and  after  the  18th  P)rumaire,  the  laws  of  orthog- 
raphy incommoded  him  quite  as  little  as  any  others.  But  no 
matter  how  bad  his  writing  was,  "  La  plume  entre  ses  mains," 
as  Lamartine  wrote,  "  nous  valut  une  epee." 

In  a  recent  publication,  "  L'Histoire  de  Napoleon  I.  d'apr^s 
son  Ecriture,"  the  Abb  Jean-Hippolyte  Michon,  a  graphologist, 
as  he  calls  himself,  makes  an  analysis  of  the  Emperor's  writing 
and  character  ;  and  a  clever  and  interesting  book  it  is,  due  allow- 
ance being  made  for  the  eccentricities  and  occasional  wildness  of 

VOL.  1.  — 28 


4.'U  MKMolKS   ol"    .\A1'(>M;<)N    15(».\A1'AK  IK.  1800 

tlie  specialist  iiiitl  i-xporl,  wliidi  in  tlicinselves  ain  often  anm.sinj,'. 
The  Abbe  maintains  that  it  was  tlie  ])assionate  vuheiuence  of 
liis  naturt'  and  his  inipenctmblc  dissiniiilation  that  broke  out  in 
tlie  furiiMu;  illcj^ibility  of  his  writinj,'  and  con(|n»'n'd  the  earlier 
habits  of  liis  pen,  whicli  still  sonielinies  reappcanvl  in  the  Kn;,'- 
lish  exercises  which  he  wrote  at  St.  Helena  with  Las  Casas. 
One  of  the  most  remarkable  facts  is  that  the  chanjic  for  the  bad 
took  j)lace  i-ipidly  when  the  Corsican  Captain  Bonaparte  of  1792, 
"  who  distinguished  himself  so  much  at  the  siege  of  Toulon," 
became  the  Krench  General  Bonaparte.  Carlyle  brought  his 
"  French  Kevolution  "  to  a  close  with  the  "  wliilf  of  grapeshot  " 
on  the  stei)s  of  St.  Roch  on  the  13th  Vend^miaire  (5th  October, 
17'Jo)  ;  and  it  is,  curiously  enough,  from  General  lionaparte's 
skilfidly  garbled  draft  report  (jf  that  day,  when  he  really  entered 
on  the  scene,  that  M.  !Michon  first  has  occasion  to  demonstrate 
the  complete  graphic  change.  Thenceforward  his  writing  al- 
tered but  little.  Comparing  the  manuscript  of  the  "  Memorial 
de  Sainte  H61ene"  with  this  draft  report,  it  is  evident  at  a 
glance  that  tho  General  antl  the  fallen  Emperor  are  one.  But  the 
j)rimitive  man,  Bonaparte,  has  disappeared  in  both.  Frankness 
has  vanished;  letters  become  confused,  lopped,  strangely  scamped, 
often  replaced  by  formless  scratches  which  are  utterly  illegilile. 
The  pen,  says  the  Abbe,  seems  to  swallow  the  words,  which 
have  to  be  divined.  It  is  a  hidden  liaiid.  This  was  a  natural 
result,  says  this  biographer,  in  an  arch-conspirator  against  every- 
thing, who  had  above  all  to  rely  upon  profound  dissimulation 
and  absolute  impenetrability.  Men  who  can  hidd  their  tongues 
show  this  peculiarity  in  their  writing;  for  the  writer  is  the 
slave  of  the  thinker.  M.  Michon  has  seen  many  mysterious 
hands  ;  but  the  true  Sphinx  appears  in  Xapoleon's  alone,  from 
the  day  when  his  comprehensive  glance  showed  him  the  mastery 
of  Europe  and  he  began  to  combine  those  plans  which  aston- 
ished the  world.  Fine  *'  gladiolate  "  strokes,  which  sometimes 
terminate  almost  every  word,  indicate  that  marked  finesse  which, 
allied  to  his  powers  of  concealment,  made  the  complete  diplo- 
matist who  sJjows  himself  in  the  tortuous,  horribly  serpentine, 
almost  spiral  lines  of  his  writing,  which  Talleyrand,  the  king  of 


1800.  CHARACTER   IX  IIANDWRITIXG.  435 

negotiators,  never  surpassed.  These  accusing  undulations  betray 
his  Italian  nature,  and  recall  the  sinuous  gliding  of  a  snake 
through  the  grass,  or  trace  darkly  the  underground,  luoleish, 
diph)iuatic  ways.  Sometimes  they  are  so  sudden  as  to  resemble 
the  doublings  of  a  hare. 

Napoleon's  passicniate  nature,  to  which  his  microscopic  his- 
torian attributes  many  of  his  gigantic  mistakes,  always  acted  on 
first  impressions  when  it  broke  through  the  habitual  firm  calm 
to  which  he  ever  tried  to  school  himself.  It  is  true  it  gave  him 
tenfold  force ;  but  had  his  marvellous  head  always  governed,  he 
would  have  taken  the  logical  course  of  the  situation  and  become 
the  Washington  of  France.  This  might}'  struggle  of  the  head 
with  the  heart  shaped  the  whole  of  his  fateful  history,  and  is 
shown  to  this  student  of  his  writing  by  the  constant  mixture  of 
upright  with  sloping  letters.  In  intimate  connection  with  this 
sign  is  the  extreme  variability  of  the  height  of  the  letters,  which 
indicates  great  mobility  of  impressions.  "This  soul  of  lire  was 
volatile  as  a  flame."  The  faculty  of  thought  was  in  continual 
fermentation.  The  imagination  soars  with  the  long  stroke 
of  a  d. 

But  the  volcanic  portion  of  his  character  would  have  been 
controlled  had  it  not  been  for  a  partial  organic  lesion  of  the  brain, 
which  is  the  true  key  to  the  great  dissonance  of  his  acts.  He 
him.self  said  (l)ut  it  was  at  St.  Helena),  "he  goes  mad  who  sleeps 
in  a  bed  of  kings;"  and  it  was  this  cerebral  aberration  which, 
combining  with  his  headstrong  passion,  led  him  constantly 
to  declare  war  within  twenty-four  hours  against  the  first  comer; 
to  divorce  a  wife  he  loved  ;  to  propose  a  kingdom  of  Hayti  to 
Louis  XVIII.;  or  to  take  a  million  of  men  into  the  steppes  of 
Russia.  Cliateaubiiand  said  of  the  Napoleonic  ideas,  "  systenie 
d'un  fou  ou  d'un  enfant ;  "  but  the  mental  derangement  was  made 
plainer  to  the  Abbe  by  the  apparently  unconscious  leaps  and 
bounds  of  the  imperial  ]ien,  and  especially  by  the  strange  abnor- 
mal form  and  excessive  development  nf  the  letter/)  in  Napoleon's 
writing.  The  historian  maintains  that  the  writing  of  all  the 
partiall}'  deranged  which  he  has  examined  exhibits  some  similar 
terrible  sign,  which  he  calls  "la  petite  bete."     This  "  sign  "  gen- 


436  MK.MolKS   OF    NAI'OI.KON    15()NA1'AKTK.  1800. 

ftnilly  consifeits  of  a  iitTvoiis,  disordcrrd,  unusual  stinko,  which 
falls  fiitiill}'  and  spoiitant'onsly  rmm  the  ]>cii.  I'ascal,  wliose 
iiun<;i)uitiiin  was  so  out  of  >^onr  tliat  he  always  saw  an  ahyss 
yawnini,'  at  his  sidf,  antl  whose  writinj^  in  his  later  years  Napo- 
leon's most  rt'senihh's,  used  an  extravagant  ami  acriising  g. 

The  clearheadedness  and  precision  of  the  (Ii-neral,  whose 
wliole  art  of  war  culminated  in  heing  the  8tron<,'ost  at  a  particu- 
lar ]>oint,*  is  shown  by  his  often  usinji  a  fresh  ]iaraf,'raph  for  a 
fresh  idea,  and  in  the  profusion  of  space  and  li.^lit  between  the 
lines,  the  words,  and  often  between  the  letters  of  his  earlier 
hamlwritinp:.  Hut  the  intuition,  the  eagle  eye  which  enabled 
him  always  to  seize  this  point  of  concentration,  is  manifested  by 
the  frequent  sej)aration  of  the  letters  in  his  words.  Like  Maza- 
rin,  too,  he  runs  several  words  together :  a  mark  of  the  deduc- 
tive logician,  of  the  positive,  ]»ractical  man  who  tends  rapidly 
and  directly  towar<ls  the  realisation  of  his  aims.  His  strong 
will,  his  masterful  and  des])otic  nature,  are  denoted  by  the  for- 
cible manner  in  wliich  he  crosses  his  t  high  up.  Wonderful 
tenacity  is  shown  by  the  "harpoons,"  or  horizontal  pot-hooks, 
which  terminate  the  last  stroke  of  many  words  :  they  are,  as  it 

^  Almost  all  ppiiernls  wish  to  lie  strnnc;  upon  rme.  ami  that  the  docisive, 
point.  WluTP  gKod  and  bad  generals  usually  differ  is  in  selecting  that 
point.  Thus  at  the  beginning  of  the  1800  campaign  both  Mclas  and 
Napoleon  wished  to  be  strong  on  the  decisive  point,  but  Mclas  believed  that 
point  to  be  in  front  of  him.  while  Xajioleon  jdaced  that  point  Itehind  Mclas, 
cutting  him  off  from  his  ba.se.  At  .Marengo,  Napoleon  nearly  ruined  him- 
.self  by  being  doul)tful  wliere  the  ilccisive  point  was,  and  so  .sending  off 
Desaix  ;  while  Meias  wisely  ruslied  at  him.  Tutting  the  decisive  point  at 
Marengo,  and.  with  most  generals,  Mclas  would  have  won.  Desaix'  sense 
in  returning  before  ordered  saved  the  day.  Many  instances  could  be  given  ; 
but  this  is  a  common  mistake,  as  if  'ih //  general  wished  to  be  weak.  Welling- 
ton was  not  certain  about  the  decisive  point  at  Waterloo,  and  .«o  kept  part 
of  his  force  useless  at  Hal,  while  no  man  wished  more  to  l)e  stron-r  on  one, 
and  tliat  the  decisive,  point.  Generals  often  make  themselves  weak  every- 
where by  posting  troops  everywhere,  in  onler  tiiat  they  may  concentrate  in 
time  to  be  strong  on  any  point ;  but  tliis  is  an  error  of  ralruUitioti,  not  of 
intention.  The  true  selection  of  the  decisive  point  is  the  mark  of  a  good 
general;  and  if  Napoleon  hail  a  specialty,  it  was  rather  a  tendency  to  risk 
much  and  grasp  at  everything,  than  any  special  wish  to  be  strong  on  one 
point.     See  llamley,  p.  143,  for  an  example. 


1800.  CHARACTER   IN   HANDWRITING.  437 

were,  tlie  claws  of  the  eagle.  A  profusion  of  club-like  strokes 
shows  iiulouiitable  resolution  and  obstinacy,  which  may  be  seen 
to  have  been  intractable  by  the  implacable  hardness  and  angular 
rigidity  of  the  whole  writing.  The  dash  of  meanness  which  was 
always  present  in  the  man  who  gave  a  name  to  "  caporal "  tobacco 
is  shown  in  the  little  crooks  which  sometimes  commence  or  ter- 
minate the  letter  m,  and  in  his  signature,  which  was  not  royal 
like  that  of  Louis  XIV.  Until  he  became  Emperor  he  always 
wrote  his  name  Buona-  or  BonaParle,  or  abbreviated  it  BP. 
Afterwards  he  wrote  NaPoleon  or  NP. 

Tlie  numerous  facsimiles  of  signatures,  monograms,  and  speci- 
mens of  writing  attach  a  special  value  to  M.  Michon's  book,  and 
they  are  accompanied  not  alone  by  his  own  views  but  by  those  of 
the  German  "  graphologist  "  Henze.  One,  from  the  "  Memorial," 
looks,  the  Abbe  says,  as  if  the  hand  felt  the  grip  of  Hudson 
Lowe;  and  there  is  much  that  is  melanclioly  in  another,  —  the 
profoundly  discouraged,  utterly  beaten,  misspelt,  and  indecipher- 
able rough  scrawl  of  his  submission  to  the  Prince  Regent,  written 
in  the  island  of  Aix  on  the  14th  of  July,  1815.  The  next  day 
he  surrendered  himself  at  Eochefort  to  Captain  Maitland  of  the 
Bellerophon.-' 

1  A  facsimile  of  the  abdication  of  Bonaparte  in  1814  will  be  found 
in  the  third  volume  of  tliis  work,  and,  like  the  note  of  liis  submis.siou 
mentioned  above,  betrays  manifest  traces  of  the  disagreeable  nature  of 
the  task. 

We  may,  at  the  risk  of  irrelevance  perhaps,  quote  a  contrary  instance 
in  the  case  of  one  of  Bona])arte's  bioora])liers :  Mr.  Huskin  Mas  on  one 
occa.siou  showing  to  a  friend  the  original  manuscripts  of  several  of  Scott's 
novels.  "I  think,"  lie  .said,  taking  tb^wn  one  of  tliem,  "that  the  most 
precious  of  all  is  tliis.  It  is  '  Woodstock.'  Scott  was  writing  this  book 
wlien  the  news  of  his  ruin  came  upon  him.  Do  you  see  tlie  Ix-antiful 
handwriting  ^  Now  look,  as  I  turn  towards  the  end.  Is  tiie  writing  one 
jot  less  beautiful  ?  Or  are  there  more  erasures  than  before  ?  That  shows 
how  a  man  can,  and  should  bear  advei'sity." 


CH  APT  Eli   XXXV. 

1800, 

It  sometimes  ha^jpens  that  an  event  wliicli  passes 
away  unnoticed  at  the  time  of  its  occurrence  acquires 
importauce  from  events  which  subsequently  ensue.  Tliis 
retlection  naturally  occurs  to  my  mind  now  that  I  am 
about  to  notice  the  correspondence  which  passed  Ijetween 
Louis  XVIII.  and  the  First  Consul.  This  is  certainly 
not  one  of  the  least  interesting  passages  in  the  life  of 
Bonaparte. 

But  I  must  first  beg  leave  to  make  an  oljservation  on 
the  "  Memorial  of  St.  Helena."  That  publication  relates 
what  Bonaparte  said  respecting  the  negotiations  between 
Louis  XVllI.  and  himself;  and  I  find  it  necessary  to 
quote  a  few  lines  on  the  subject,  in  order  to  show  how 
far  the  statements  contained  in  the  "Memorial"  differ 
from  the  autograph  letters  in  my  possession. 

At  St.  Helena  Napoleon  said  that  he  never  thought  of 
the  Princes  of  the  House  of  liourbon.  This  is  true  to  a 
certain  point.  He  did  not  think  of  llie  Princes  of  the 
House  of  Bourbon  with  the  view  of  restoring  them  to 
their  throne ;  but  it  has  been  shown,  in  .several  parts  of 
these  Memoirs,  that  he  thought  of  them  very  often,  and 
on  more  than  one  occasion  their  very  names  alarmed  him.  ^ 

1  The  "  Memorial "  state.s  tlmt  "  a  letter  was  delivered  to  the  First 
Consul  by  Lel)run,  who  received  it  from  the  Al)I)e'  <le  Montesquieu,  tho 
seeret  agent  of  tlie  Iiour!)ons  in  I'aris."  This  letter,  which  was  very 
cautiously  written,  said,  — 


1800.  LETTER   FROM   LOUIS   XVIH.  439 

The  substance  of  the  two  letters  given  in  the  "  Memorial 
of  St.  Helena  "  is  correct.  The  ideas  are  nearly  the  same 
as  those  of  the  original  letters.  But  it  is  not  surprising 
that,  after  the  lapse  of  so  long  an  interval,  Napoleons 
memory  should  somewhat  have  failed  him.  However,  it 
will  not,  I  presume,  be  deemed  unimportant  if  I  present  to 
the  reader  literal  copies  of  this  correspondence,  together 
with  the  explanation  of  some  curious  circumstances  con- 
nected with  it. 

The  following  is  Louis  XYIII.'s  letter :  — 

February  20,  1800. 

Sir,  —  Whatever  maybe  tlieir  apparent  conduct,  men  like  you 
never  inspire  alarm.  You  liave  accepted  an  eminent  station, 
and  I  thank  you  for  having  done  so.  You  know  better  than 
any  one  liow  much  strength  and  power  are  requisite  to  secure  the 
liappiness  of  a  great  uation.  Save  France  from  her  own  vio- 
lence, and  you  will  fulfil  the  first  wish  of  my  heart.  Restore 
lier  King  to  her,  and  future  generations  will  bless  your  memory. 
You  will  always  be  too  necessary  to  the  State  for  me  ever  to  be 
able  to  discliarge,  by  important  appointments,  the  debt  of  my 
family  and  myself. 

(Signed)  Louis. 

The  First  Consul  was  much  agitated  on  the  reception 
of  this  letter.     Tliough  he  every  day  declared  his  deter- 

"  You  are  long  delaying  tlie  restoration  of  my  throne.  It  is  to  be 
feared  you  are  .suffering  favourable  moments  to  escape.  You  cannot 
secure  tlie  haj)])iness  of  France  without  me,  and  I  can  do  notliing  for 
France  without  you.  Hasten,  tlieu,  to  name  the  officers  which  you 
would  choose  for  your  friends." 

'I'iic  answer,  Napoleon  said,  was  a.s  follows  :  — 

"  I  have  received  your  royal  highness'  letter.  I  have  always  taken  a 
lively  interest  in  yf)ur  misfortunes,  and  tliose  of  your  family.  You  must 
not  thiniv  of  appearing  in  France;  you  could  only  return  here  by  tram- 
pling over  a  liuiidred  thousand  dead  bodies.  I  shall  always  be  happy 
to  do  anything  that  can  alleviate  your  fate  and  help  to  banish  tlie 
recollection  of  your  misfortunes."  —  Dourrienne. 


440  MK.MOIKS   OF    XATOLKON    BOXAPAUTE.  1800. 

miiialidii  to  li;i\i'  iiniliiun  to  do  wiih  tlio  Tritices,  yet  he 
hesitatt'tl  wlu'tluT  or  no  he  should  reply  to  this  overture. 
The  numerous  atl'airs  which  then  occupied  this  mind 
favoured  this  lu'sitation.  Josephine  and  Hortense  con- 
jured him  to  liold  out  hope  to  the  King,  as  by  so  doing 
he  would  in  no  way  pledge  himself,  and  would  gain  time 
to  ascertain  whether  he  could  not  ultimately  play  a  far 
greater  part  than  that  of  Monk.  Their  entreaties  hecame 
so  urgent  that  he  said  to  me,  "  These  devils  of  women 
are  mad !  The  Faubourg  St.  Germain  has  turned  their 
heads  !  They  make  the  Faubourg  the  guardian  angel  of 
the  IJoyalists ;  but  I  care  not :  I  will  have  nothing  to  do 
witli  them." 

Madame  Bonaparte  said  she  was  anxious  he  should 
adopt  the  step  she  projiosed,  in  order  to  banish  from  his 
mind  all  thought  of  making  himself  King.  This  idea 
always  gave  rise  to  a  painful  foreboding  which  she  could 
never  overcome.  ^ 

In  the  First  Consul's  numerous  conversations  with  me 
he  discussed  with  admirable  sagacity  Louis  XVlII.'s 
proposition  arid  its  con.sequences.  "  The  partisans  of  the 
Bourbons,"  said  he,  "  are  deceived  if  they  suppose  I  am 
the  man  to  i)lay  Monk's  part."  Here  the  matter  rested, 
and  the  Kings  letter  remained  on  the  table.  In  the  in- 
terim Louis  XVIII.  wrote  a  second  letter,  without  any 
date.     It  was  as  follows :  — 

You  must  liavo  lon.u  since  been  convinced,  General,  that  you 
possess  my  esteem.     If  you  doubt  my  gratitude,  fix  your  reward 

1  A  strniiij  iinprcssinn  of  the  fato  tlmt  awaited  hor  had  been  made  on 
her  mind  (hirins^  Boiiaparte'.s  .ahscnce  in  Ej^ypt.  She,  like  many  other 
ladies  of  I'aris,  went  at  that  time  to  consult  a  celebrated  fortune-teller,  a 
Madame  Villeneuve,  who  lived  in  the  Kue  de  Lancrv.  This  woman  had 
revealed  her  destiny  as  follows:  "You  are,"  said  she,  "  tlic  wife  of  a 
great  (Jeiieral,  who  will  become  still  greater.  He  will  cross  the  seas  wliich 
separate  him  from  you,  and  you  will  occupy  the  first  statiou  iu  Frauce^ 
but  it  will  be  only  for  a  short  time."  —  Boimienne. 


JSOO.  BONAPARTE'S  ANSWER.  441 

and  mark  out  the  fortune  of  your  friends.  As  to  my  princi- 
ples, I  am  a  Frenchman,  merciful  by  character,  and  also  by  the 
dictates  of  reason. 

No,  the  victor  of  Lodi,  Castiglione,  and  Areola,  the  conqueror 
of  Italy  and  Egypt,  cannot  prefer  vain  celebrity  to  real  glory. 
But  you  are  losing  precious  time.  We  may  insure  the  glory  of 
France.  I  say  we,  because  I  require  the  aid  of  Bonaparte,  and 
he  can  do  nothing  without  me. 

General,  Europe  observes  you.  Glory  awaits  you,  and  I  am 
impatient  to  restore  peace  to  my  people.    (Signed)         Louis. 

This  dignified  letter  the  First  Consul  suffered  to  remain 
unanswered  for  several  weeks  ;  at  length  he  proposed  to 
dictate  an  answer  to  me.  I  observed,  that  as  the  Kind's 
letters  were  autographs,  it  would  be  more  proper  that  he 
should  write  himself.  He  then  wrote  with  his  own  hand 
the  following :  — 

Sir,  —  I  have  received  your  letter,  and  I  thank  you  for  the 
compliments  you  address  to  me. 

You  must  not  seek  to  return  to  France.  To  do  so  you  must 
trample  over  a  hundred  thousand  dead  bodies. 

Sacrifice  your  interest  to  the  repose  and  happiness  of  France, 
and  history  will  render  you  justice. 

lam  not  insensible  to  the  mist\)rtunes  of  your  family.  I  shall 
learn  with  pleasure,  and  sliall  willingly  contribute  to  insure,  the 
tranquillity  of  your  retirement.  (Signed)  Bonaparte. 

He  showed  me  this  letter,  saying,  "What  do  you 
think  of  it?  is  it  not  good?"  He  was  never  offended 
when  I  pointed  out  to  him  an  error  of  grammar  or  style, 
and  I  therefore  replied,  "  As  to  the  substance,  if  such  be 
your  resolution,  I  have  nothing  to  say  against  it ;  but," 
added  I,  "I  must  make  one  observation  on  the  style. 
You  cannot  say  that  i/ou  shall  learn  lolth  pleasure  to  insure, 
etc."  On  reading  the  passage  over  again  he  thought  he 
had  pledged  himself  too  far  in  saying  that  he  would  will- 


442  MEMOIRS   OF   NATOLEOX   liONAPAKTE.  1800. 

iiKjlj/  contHhutc,  etc.  He  therefore  scored  out  the  last 
sentence,  and  interlined,"  I  shall  contribute  with  pleasure 
to  the  happiness  and  tranqtiillity  of  your  retirement." 

Tiie  answer  tluis  scored  and  interlined  could  not  be 
sent  otr,  and  it  lav  on  tlie  table  with  IJonaparte's  simia- 
ture  attixed  to  it. 

Some  time  after  he  wrote  another  answer,  the  three 
first  ])aragraphs  of  which  were  exactly  like  that  Hrst 
quoted ;  but  for  the  last  para<j;rapli  he  substituted  the 
following :  "  I  am  not  insensible  to  the  misfortunes  of 
your  family  ;  and  I  shall  learn  with  pleasure  that  you  are 
surrounded  with  all  that  can  contribute  to  the  tranquil- 
lity of  your  retirement."  By  this  means  he  did  not  pledge 
himself  in  any  way,  not  even  in  words,  for  he  himself 
made  no  otJer  of  contributing  to  the  tranquillity  of  the 
retirement.  Every  day  which  augmented  his  power 
and  consolidated  his  position  diminislied,  he  thought,  the 
chances  of  the  Bourbons ;  and  seven  months  were  suffered 
to  intervene  between  the  date  of  the  King's  first  letter 
and  the  answer  of  the  First  Consul,  wliich  was  written 
on  the  2d  Venddmiaire,  year  IX.  (24th  September,  1800), 
just  when  the  Congress  of  Lun^ville  was  on  the  point  of 
opening. 

Some  days  after  the  receipt  of  Louis  XVIII.'s  letter  we 
were  walking  in  the  gardens  of  ]\Ialmaison  ;  he  was  in  good 
humour,  for  everything  was  going  on  to  his  mind.  "  Has 
my  wife  been  saying  anything  more  to  you  about  the  Bour- 
bons ? "  said  he.  —  "  No,  General."  —  "  But  when  you  con- 
verse with  her,  you  concur  a  little  in  her  opinions.  Tell 
me  why  you  wish  the  Bourbons  Ijack  ?  You  have  no 
interest  in  tlieir  return,  nothing  to  expect  from  them. 
Your  family  rank  is  not  high  enough  to  enable  you  to  ob- 
tain any  great  post.  You  would  be  nothing  under  them. 
Through  the  patronage  of  M.  de  Chambonas  you  got  the 
appointment  of  Secretary  of  Legation  at  Stuttgart ;    but 


1800.  THE   BOURBONS   NOT  TO   BE   TRUSTED.  443 

had  it  not  been  for  the  change  you  would  have  remained 
all  your  life  in  that  or  .some  inferior  post.  Did  you  ever 
know  men  rise  by  their  own  merit  under  kings  ?  Every- 
thing depends  on  birth,  connection,  fortune,  and  intrigue. 
Judge  things  more  accurately  ;  reflect  more  maturely  on 
the  future." —  "  General,"  replied  I,  "I  am  quite  of  your 
opinion  on  one  point.  I  never  received  gift,  place,  or 
favour  from  the  Bourbons  ;  and  I  have  not  the  vanity  to 
believe  that  I  should  ever  have  attained  any  important 
appointment.  But  you  must  not  forget  that  my  nomina- 
tion a.s  Secretary  of  Legation  at  Stuttgart  preceded  the 
overthrow  of  the  throne  only  by  a  few  days  ;  and  I  cannot 
infer,  from  what  took  place  under  circumstances  unfor- 
tunately too  certain,  what  might  have  happened  in  the 
reverse  case.  Besides,  I  am  not  actuated  l)y  personal  feel- 
ings ;  I  consider  not  my  own  interests,  but  tho.se  of  France. 
I  wish  you  to  hold  the  reins  of  government  as  long  as  you 
live  ;  but  you  have  no  children,  and  it  is  tolerably  certain 
that  you  will  have  none  by  Josephine.  What  will  become 
of  us  when  you  are  gone  ?  You  talk  of  the  future  ;  but 
what  will  be  the  future  fate  of  France  ?   I  have  often  heard 

you  say  that  your  brothers  are  not "  —  "  You  are 

right,"  said  he,  abruptly  interrupting  me.  "  If  I  do  not 
live  thirty  years  to  complete  my  work,  you  will  have  a 
long  series  of  civil  wars  after  my  death.  My  brothers 
will  not  suit  France  ;  you  know  what  they  are.  A  violent 
conflict  will  therefore  arise  among  the  most  distinguished 
generals,  each  of  whom  will  think  himself  entitled  to  suc- 
ceed me."  —  "  "Well,  General,  why  not  take  means  to  obviate 
the  mi.schief  you  foresee  ?" —  "Do  you  imagine  I  do  not 
think  of  it  ?  But  look  at  the  difficulties  that  stand  in  my 
way.  How  are  so  many  acquired  rights  and  material 
results  to  be  secured  against  the  efforts  of  a  family  re- 
stored to  power,  and  returning  with  80,000  emigrants 
and  the  influence  of  fanaticism  ?     What  would  become 


444  MKMOinS  OF   NAPOLKOX   BONAPAUli:.  1800. 

of  those  Avlu)  voted  fnr  tlie  death  of  the  King,  —  the  men 
who  acted  a  conspicuous  part  in  the  Kevohition,  —  the 
national  domains,  and  a  multitude  of  things  that  have  been 
done  ilurinjf  twelve  years?  Can  you  see  how  far  reaction 
would  extend?" — "General,  need  I  rendnd  you  that 
Louis,  in  his  letter,  guarantees  the  contraiy  of  all  you  ap- 
prehend ?  I  know  what  will  be  your  answer  ;  but  are  you 
not  able  to  impose  whatever  conditions  you  may  think  fit  ? 
Grant  what  is  asked  of  you  only  at  that  price.  Take  time 
or  four  years  ;  in  that  time  you  may  insure  the  happi- 
ness of  France  by  institutions  conformable  to  her  wants. 
Custom  and  habit  would  give  them  a  jiower  which  it 
would  not  be  easy  to  destroy  ;  and  even  supposing  such  a 
design  were  entertained,  it  could  not  be  accomplished.  I 
have  heard  you  say  it  is  wished  you  should  act  the  part  of 
Monk ;  but  you  well  know  tlie  difference  between  a  gen- 
eral o])posing  the  usurper  of  a  crown,  and  one  whom  vic- 
tory and  peace  have  raised  above  the  ruins  of  a  subverted 
throne,  and  who  restores  it  voluntarily  to  those  who  have 
long  occupied  it.  You  are  well  aware  what  you  call  ide- 
ology will  not  again  be  revived  ;  and "  —  "I  know 

what  you  are  going  to  say;  but  it  all  amounts  to  nothing. 
Depend  upon  it,  the  Bourbons  will  think  they  have  recon- 
quered their  inheritance,  and  will  dispose  of  it  as  they 
please.  The  most  sacred  pledges,  the  most  positive  prom- 
ises, will  be  violated.  None  but  fools  will  trust  them. 
My  resolution  is  formed ;  therefore  let  us  say  no  more 
on  the  subject.  But  I  know  how  these  women  torment 
you.  Let  them  mind  their  knitting,  and  leave  me  to  do 
what  I  think  right." 

Every  one  knows  the  adage,  "Si  vis  pacem  para  bellum." 
Had  Bonaparte  been  a  Latin  scholar,  he  would  probably 
have  reversed  it  and  said,  "  Si  vis  bellum  para  pacem." 
While  seeking  to  establish  pacific  relations  with  the 
powers  of  Europe,  the    First   Consul  was   preparing   to 


1800.  A   BATTLE  FOUGHT   WITH   PINS.  445 

strike  a  great  blow  in  Italy.  As  long  as  Genoa  held  out, 
and  Massdna  continued  there,  Bonaparte  did  not  despair 
of  meeting  the  Austrians  in  those  fields  which  not  four 
years  before  had  been  the  scenes  of  his  success:  He  re- 
solved to  assemble  an  army  of  reserve  at  Dijon.  Where 
tliere  was  previously  nothing  he  created  everything.  At 
that  period  of  his  life  the  fertility  of  his  imagination  and 
the  vigour  of  his  genius  must  have  commanded  the 
admiration  of  even  his  bitterest  enemies.  I  was  aston- 
ished at  the  details  into  which  he  entered.  While  every 
moment  was  engrossed  by  the  most  important  occupations, 
he  sent  24,000  francs  to  the  hospital  of  Mont  St.  Bernard. 
When  he  saw  that  his  army  of  reserve  was  formmg,  and 
everything  was  going  on  to  his  liking,  he  said  to  me,  "  I 
hope  to  fall  on  the  rear  of  Melas  before  he  is  aware  I  am 
in  Italy  .  .  .  that  is  to  say,  provided  Genoa  holds  out. 
But  Massexa  is  defending  it." 

On  the  17th  of  j\Iarch,  in  a  moment  of  gaiety  and  good 
humour,  he  desired  me  to  unroll  Chauchard's  great  map 
of  Italy.  He  lay  down  upon  it,  and  desired  me  to  do 
likewise.  He  then  stuck  into  it  pins,  the  heads  of  which 
were  tipped  with  wax,  some  red  and  some  l)lack.  I 
silently  observed  him,  and  awaited  with  no  little  cuiiosity 
the  result  of  this  plan  of  campaign.  When  he  had  sta- 
tioned the  enemy's  corps,  and  drawn  up  the  pins  with  red 
heads  on  the  points  where  he  hoped  to  liring  his  own 
troops,  he  said  to  me,  "  Where  do  you  think  I  shall  beat 
Melas  ? "  —  "  How  the  devil  should  I  know  ?  "  —  "  Why, 
look  here,  you  fool  I  Melas  is  at  Alessandria  with  his 
headquarters.  There  he  will  remain  until  Genoa  sur- 
renders. He  has  in  Alessandria  his  magazines,  his  hos- 
pitals, his  artillery,  and  his  reserves.  Crossing  the  Alps 
here  "  (pointing  to  the  Great  Mont  St.  Bernard), "  I  shall  fall 
upon  Melas,  cut  off  liis  communications  with  Austria,  and 
meet  him  here  in  the  plains  of  Scrivia  "  (placing  a  red  pin 


446  MKMOIKS   OK    NAPOLEON    BoNAl'AKTE.  1800. 

at  San  (.liuliano'.  I'liuliiiL;  lIkil  1  luokeil  on  this  manoeu- 
vre of  pins  as  mere  pastime,  lie  addressed  to  me  some  of 
liis  usual  cnmpliuients,  such  as  fool,  ninny,  etc.,  and  tlien 
proceeded  to  denidustrate  liis  plans  more  clearly  on  the 
map.  At  the  expiration  of  a  (juarter  of  an  hour  we  rose ; 
I  folded  up  the  map,  and  thought  no  more  of  the  matter. 

Four  mtintiis  after  this,  when  I  was  at  San  Giuliano 
with  Bonaparte's  portfolio  and  despatches,  which  I  had 
saved  from  the  rout  which  had  taken  place  during  the 
day,  and  when  that  very  evening  I  was  writing  at  Torre 
di  Galifolo  the  bulletin  of  the  l)attle  to  Xa])oleon's  dicta- 
tion, I  frankly  avowed  my  admiration  of  his  military  plans. 
He  himself  smiled  at  the  accuracy  of  his  own  foresight. 

The  First  Consul  was  not  satisfied  with  General  Ber- 
thier  as  War  ^linister,  and  he  superseded  him  by  Carnot,^ 
who  had  given  great  proofs  of  firmness  and  integrity,  but 
who,  nevertheless,  was  no  favourite  of  Bonaparte,  on  ac- 
count of  his  decided  republican  principles.  Berliner  was 
too  slow  in  carrying  out  the  measures  ordered,  and  too 
lenient  in  the  payment  of  past  charges  and  in  new  con- 
tracts. Carnot's  appointment  took  place  on  the  2d  of 
April,  1800 ;  and  to  console  Berthier,  wlio,  he  knew,  v/as 
more  at  home  in  the  camp  than  in  the  office,  he  dictated 
to  me  the  following  letter  for  him :  — 

Paui*,  2(1  April,  1800. 
Citizex-Gexeral, — The  military  talents  nf  wliich   you  liave 
given  so  many  proofs,  and  tlie  coiifiileiice  of  the  Government, 

1  There  were  special  reasons  for  the  aitpointnient  of  Carnot.  Berthier 
was  reiiuired  with  his  master  in  Italy,  while  Carnot,  who  had  so  long 
ruled  the  armies  of  the  HepuVdic,  was  hetter  fitted  to  influence  Moreau,  at 
this  time  advancing  into  Germany.  Carnot  probahly  fulfilled  the  main 
oitject  of  his  ap])uintmeut  when  he  was  sent  to  .Moreau,  and  succeeded  in 
getting  that  general,  with  natural  reluctance,  to  damage  his  own  cam- 
paign Ity  detaching  a  large  body  of  troops  into  Italy.  lierthier  was  re- 
appointed to  the  .Ministry  on  the  8th  of  October,  1800,  —  a  very  speedy 
return  if  he  had  really  been  disgraced. 


ISOO.  DEPARTURE   FROM   PARIS.  447 

call  you  to  the  coiumand  of  an  army.  During  the  winter  you 
have  reorganised  the  War  Department,  and  you  liave  provided, 
as  far  as  circumstances  would  permit,  for  the  wants  of  our 
armies.  During  the  spring  and  summer  it  must  he  your  task 
to  lead  our  troops  to  victor}^,  which  is  the  effectual  means  of 
ohtaining  peace  and  consolitlating  the  Eepuhlic. 

Bon.aparte  laughed  heartily  while  he  dictated  this 
epistle,  especially  when  he  uttered  the  word  which  I  have 
marked  in  italics.  Berthier  set  out  for  Dijon,  where  he 
commenced  the  formation  of  the  army  of  reserve. 

The  Consular  Constitution  did  not  empower  the  First 
Consul  to  command  an  army  out  of  the  territory  of 
France.  Bonaparte  therefore  wished  to  keep  secret  his 
long-projected  [>lan  of  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
army  of  Italy,  which  he  then  for  the  first  time  called  the 
grand  army.  I  observed  that  by  his  choice  of  Berthier 
nobody  could  be  deceived,  because  it  must  be  evident  that 
he  would  have  made  another  selection  had  he  not  in- 
tended to  command  in  person.  He  laughed  at  my 
observation. 

Our  departure  from  Paris  was  fixed  for  the  6th  of  ]\Iav, 
or,  according  to  the  repulilican  calendar,  the  16th  Flordal. 
Bonaparte  had  made  all  his  arrangements  and  issued  all 
his  orders ;  but  still  he  did  not  wish  it  to  be  known  that 
he  was  going  to  take  the  command  of  the  army.  On  the 
eve  of  our  departure,  being  in  conference  with  the  two 
other  Consuls  and  the  Ministers,  he  said  to  Lucien,  "Pre- 
pare, to-morrow  morning,  a  circular  to  the  prefects,  and 
you,  Fouch^,  will  publish  it  in  the  journals.  Say  I  am 
gone  to  Dijon  to  inspect  the  army  of  reserve.  You  may 
add  that  I  shall  perhaps  go  as  far  as  Geneva ;  but  you 
must  affirm  positively  that  T  shall  not  be  absent  longer 
than  a  fortnight.  You,  Cambacer^s,  will  preside  to-mor- 
row at  the  Council  of  State.     In  my  absence  you  are  the 


448  MKM<UKS    (IK    NATOLKOX    HoNAl'AUTK.  1800. 

Head  of  tlic  Oiivi'ininent.  State  that  my  absence  \vill  be 
but  of  sliort  duration,  but  specify  notliin^.  E.\]»ress  my 
approbation  of  the  Council  of  State;  it  has  already  ren- 
dered great  services,  and  I  shall  be  happy  to  see  it  con- 
tinue in  the  course  it  has  hillierto  ])ursued.  Oh  !  I  had 
nearly  forgotten, — you  will  at  the  same  time  announce 
that  I  hav-^e  appointed  Joseph  a  Councillor  of  State. 
Should  anything  happen,  I  shall  be  back  again  like  a 
thundcrliolt.  I  recommend  to  you  all  the  great  interests 
of  France,  and  I  trust  that  I  shall  shortly  be  talkcil  of  in 
Vienna  and  in  London." 

We  set  out  at  two  in  the  morning,  taking  the  Burgundy 
road,  which  we  had  already  so  often  travelled  under  very 
different  circumstances. 

On  the  journey  Bonaparte  conversed  al)out  the  war- 
riors of  antiquity,  especially  Alexander,  Cwsar,  Scipio,  and 
Hannibal.  I  asked  him  which  he  preferred,  Alexander 
or  Csesar.  "  I  jilace  Alexander  in  the  first  rank,"  said  he, 
"  yet  I  admire  Ciesar's  fine  campaign  in  Africa.  But  the 
ground  of  my  preference  for  tlie  King  of  Macedonia  is  the 
plan,  and  above  all  the  execution,  of  his  campaign  in  Asia. 
Only  those  who  are  utterly  ignorant  of  war  can  blame 
Alexander  for  having  .spent  seven  months  at  the  siege  of 
Tyre.  For  my  part,  I  would  have  stayed  there  seven 
years  had  it  been  necessary.  This  is  a  great  subject  of 
di.spute  ;  but  I  look  upon  the  siege  of  Tyre,  the  conquest 
of  Egypt,  and  the  journey  to  the  Oasis  of  Aramon  as  a 
decided  proof  of  the  genius  of  that  great  captain.  His 
object  was  to  give  the  King  of  Persia  (of  whose  force  he 
had  only  beaten  a  feeble  advance-guard  at  the  Granicus 
and  Issus)  time  to  reassemble  his  troops,  so  tliat  he  miglit 
overthrow  at  a  blow  the  colossus  which  he  had  as  yet 
only  shaken.  By  pursuing  Darius  into  his  states  Alex- 
ander would  have  separated  himself  from  his  reinforce- 
ments, and  would  have  met  only  scattered  parties  of  troops 


1800.  CiESAR   AND   ALEXANDER.  449 

who  would  have  drawn  him  into  deserts  where  his  army 
would  have  been  sacrificed.  By  persevering  in  the  taking 
of  Tyre  he  secured  his  communications  with  Greece,  the 
country  he  loved  as  dearly  as  I  love  France,  and  in  whose 
glory  he  placed  his  own.  By  taking  possession  of  the 
rich  province  of  Egypt,  he  forced  Darius  to  come  to  defend 
or  deliver  it,  and  in  so  doing  to  march  half-way  to  meet 
him.  By  representing  himself  as  the  son  of  Jupiter,  he 
worked  upon  the  ardent  feelings  of  the  Orientals  in  a 
way  that  powerfully  seconded  his  designs.  Though  he 
died  at  thirty-three,  what  a  name  he  has  left  behind 
him  ! " 

Though  an  utter  stranger  to  the  noble  profession  of 
arms,  yet  I  could  admire  Bonaparte's  clever  military  plans 
and  his  shrewd  remarks  on  the  great  captains  of  ancient 
and  modern  times.  I  could  not  refrain  from  saying, 
"  General,  you  often  reproach  me  for  being  no  flatterer, 
but  now  I  tell  you  plainly  I  admire  you."  And  certainly 
I  really  spoke  the  true  sentiments  of  my  mind. 


EXD    OF   VOL,   I. 


VOL.  I.  —  29 


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